Part 3
Ere the daughter of Brunswick is cold in her grave, And her ashes still float to their home o'er the tide; Lo! George the triumphant speeds over the wave To the long-cherish'd isle, which he lov'd like his--bride.
True, the great of her bright and brief era are gone,-- The rainbow-like epoch, where freedom would pause For the few little years out of centuries won, Which betray'd not, or crush'd not, or wept not her cause.
True, the chains of the Catholic clank o'er his rags; The castle still stands, and the senate's no more; And the famine, which dwelt on her freedomless crags, Is extending its steps to her desolate shore.
To her desolate shore,--where the emigrant stands For a moment to gaze, ere he flies from his hearth; Tears fall on his chain, though it drops from his hands, For the dungeon he quits is--the place of his birth!
But he comes! the Messiah of royalty comes! Like a goodly leviathan roll'd from his waves; Then receive him, as best such an advent becomes, With a legion of cooks and an army of slaves!
He comes, in the promise and bloom of three-score, To perform in the pageant the sovereign's part; And long live the shamrock which shadows him o'er,-- Could the green on his _hat_ be transferred to his _heart_.
Could that long-withered spot but be verdant again, And a new spring of noble affections arise, Then might freedom forgive thee this dance in thy chain, And the shout of thy slavery which saddens the skies.
Is it madness or meanness which clings to thee now? Were he God,--as he is but the commonest clay, With scarce fewer wrinkles than sins on his brow,-- Such servile devotion might shame him away.
Age roar in his train, let thine orators lash Their fanciful spirits to pamper his pride; Not thus did thy GRATTAN indignantly flash His soul o'er the freedom improved and denied.
Ever glorious Grattan! the best of the good! So simple in heart, so sublime in the rest, With all that Demosthenes wanted endued, And his rival, or victor, in all he possess'd.
When TULLY arose, in the zenith of Rome, Tho' unequalled preceded, the task was begun; But GRATTAN sprung up like a god from the tomb! Of ages, the first, last, the saviour, the one.
With the skill of an Orpheus to soften the brute, With the fire of Prometheus to kindle mankind, Even Tyranny, listening, sat melted, or mute, And Corruption shrunk, scorch'd, from the glance of his mind.
But back to my theme; back to despots and slaves! Feasts furnished by Famine, rejoicings by Pain; True Freedom but welcomes, while Slavery still raves, When a week's Saternalia has loosened her chain.
Let the poor squalid splendour thy wreck can afford (As the bankrupt's profusion his ruin would hide) Gild over the palace. Lo, Erin, thy lord! Kiss his foot with thy blessing for blessings denied.
Or if freedom, past hope, be extorted at last; If the idol of brass find his feet are of clay; Must what terror, or policy, wring forth be class'd With what monarchs ne'er give but as wolves yield their prey?
Each brute hath its nature,--a king's is to reign; To reign!--in that word see, ye ages, comprised The cause of the curses all annals contain, From Cæsar the dreaded to George the despised!
Wear, Fingal, thy trappings! O'Connell proclaim His accomplishments!--His!!!--and thy country convince Half an age's contempt was an error of fame, And that "_Hal is the rascaliest, sweetest young prince!_"
Will thy yard of blue ribbon, poor Fingal, recall The fetters from millions of Catholic limbs? Or will it not bind thee the fastest of all The slaves, who now hail their betrayer with hymns?
Aye, build him a dwelling; let each give his mite, Till, like Babel, the new royal dome has arisen; Let thy beggars and helots their pittance unite, And a palace bestow for a poor-house and prison.
Spread, spread for Vitellius the royal repast, Till the gluttonous despot is stuff'd to the gorge, And the roar of his drunkards proclaim him at last The FOURTH of the fools and oppressors,--called GEORGE!
Let the tables be loaded with feasts till they groan,-- Till they groan like thy people through ages of woe; Let the wine flow around the old Bachanal's throne, Like the blood which has flow'd, and which yet has to flow.
But let not his name be thine idol alone; On his right hand, behold a SEJANUS appears! Thine own CASTLEREAGH!--let him still be thine own! A wretch never nam'd but with curses and jeers!
Till now, when the isle, which should blush at his birth, Deep, deep as the gore which he shed on her soil, Seems proud of the reptile which crawl'd from her earth, And for _murder_ repays him with _shouts and a smile_!
Without one single ray of her genius, without The fancy, the manhood, the fire of her race, The miscreant, who well might plunge Erin in doubt If she ever gave birth to a being so base.
If she did, let her long-boasted proverb be hush'd, Which proclaims that from Erin no reptile can spring; See, the cold-blooded serpent, with venom full flush'd, Still warming its folds in the breast of a king!
Shout, drink, feast, and flatter! Oh, Erin, how low Wert thou sunk by misfortune and tyranny, till Thy welcome of tyrants hath plunged thee below The depth of thy deep to a deeper gulph still.
My voice, though but humble, was rais'd for thy right; My vote, as a freeman's, still voted thee free; This hand, tho' but feeble, would arm in thy fight, And this heart, tho' outworn, had a throb still for thee!
Yes, I love thee and thine, tho' thou art not my land; I have known noble hearts and great souls in thy sons, And I wept with the world o'er the patriot band Who are gone,--but I weep them no longer as once.
For happy are they now reposing afar, Thy GRATTAN, thy CURRAN, thy SHERIDAN,--all Who for years were the chiefs in the eloquent war, And redeem'd, if they have not retarded, thy fall.
Yes, happy are they in their cold English graves; Their shades cannot start to thy shouts of to-day, Nor the steps of enslavers and chain-kissing slaves Be stamp'd in the turf o'er their fetterless clay.
Till now I had envied thy sons and thy shore; Tho' their virtues were hunted, their liberties fled, There was something so warm and sublime in the core Of an Irishman's heart, that I envy their dead!
Or if aught in my bosom can quench for an hour My contempt for a nation so _servile_, tho' sore, Which, tho' trod like the worm, will not turn upon power, 'Tis the GLORY OF GRATTAN, the GENIUS OF MOORE!
[31:A] _Avater_ is the Hindoo expression for a divinity assuming the human form, and residing on earth.
Speedily after the queen's death, Lord Sidmouth retired from office, and was succeeded by Mr. Robert Peel. Several other changes also took place in the ministry.
There was only _one_ occurrence that could have been more gratifying to the people of England than the secession of Lord Sidmouth from office, and that was--his being rendered amenable to the laws for his share in the frequent outrages of the constitution, and his almost numberless violations of the liberties of the subject. We had hoped that he would have remained in office until he had received his FULL REWARD, in the return of the days of ministerial responsibility, in spite of bills of indemnity and venal majorities. But, for the honour of justice, we hope yet to see the day when he shall be subject to an honest tribunal for his political misdeeds. His name will ever awaken the liveliest indignation in the bosoms of Englishmen; not, indeed, that his _talents_ made him formidable against the liberties of his country, but because he so readily lent himself to the dangerous views of his _superiors_. Personally, he was of no importance. The son of a provincial medicine-vender, he had neither rank nor birth to command respect. The tool of Mr. Pitt in early life, Mr. Addington had cunning enough to stipulate for a peerage just at the time he was found unfit for a minister. The failure of his attempt to abridge the liberties of the dissenters covered him with disgrace. Such a design should have been entrusted to abler hands; but it was not his lordship's fault that the dissenters escaped religious persecution. His next exploit, however, proved more successful; he declared eternal hatred of reform and reformers in 1816. The seizure, the imprisonments, the tortures, and the outrages, occasioned by the employment of his _moral friend_ Oliver have, in the language of Pope, occasioned him to be
"Damned to everlasting fame!"
The liberation of his victims, after long confinements, ruined in circumstances, wounded in mind, and some of them destined to premature death, through their unwholesome confinement, complete the picture of this nobleman's LEGISLATION! To prevent an investigation into such cruel acts, a bill of indemnity screened his lordship, his agents, and minions, from the tribunals of that day; but if _earthly_ justice should never be vindicated, there is a tribunal before which he must one day meet his victims! The part which Lord Sidmouth had in the _reward of the Manchester massacre_ is well known, and will not be likely to add to the quiet of his repose. This lamentable portion of his history involves the double charge of misadvising his prince, and patronising a violation of the laws, in the most wanton and cruel manner! No man, indeed, has been more instrumental in the ruin of his country, and he may probably live to reap some of the bitter fruits himself!
During this year, the _affable_ king made his pompous entrance into Hanover, where he threw gold and silver amongst the crowd, with as much confidence as if it had been his own!! If he had allowed some of this said "gold and silver" to have remained in the pockets of its real owners, it would have redounded much more to his credit.
In one single week this year, eleven persons were hung for forging Bank of England notes. Such a sanguinary penal code of laws as our's would really disgrace a nation of savages! Even our common laws, which ought to be intelligible to the meanest understanding, are an unfathomable abyss, and frequently exceed the utmost penetration of even the "gentlemen of the long robe." Indeed, our laws appear designed to perplex rather than to elucidate, to breed contentions rather than to prevent them. The principal MERIT of the English jurisprudence seems to consist in its _intricacy_, and the learned professors of it may almost be said _to live upon the vitals of their clients_. It not unfrequently happens that, for trivial omissions upon some useless observance of forms, the victim is incarcerated in a prison, and, after enduring all the horrors of these dens of thieves, expires in want, disease, and apparent infamy!
The year
1822
was one of great interest and importance, both abroad and at home; but to the latter we shall chiefly confine ourselves.
On the 18th of January, a cabinet council was held, at which Lord Sidmouth was present, notwithstanding his previous resignation of the seals of office. From this, it is evident that, though out of OFFICE in reality, this _noble_ lord was in place _specially_.
Ireland, at this time, presented a sad appearance; outrages of every kind were of daily occurrence, and famine, with its appalling front, stared the lower classes in the face. Much blood was shed, and yet no efficient means were taken to subdue the cause of these fatal insurrections. The King of England, though he had professed so much _love_ for his dear Irish subjects in his late _eloquent_ speech, screened himself, under his assumed popularity, from blame on such serious charges, while his incompetent and mean advisers, believing their persons safe under the protection of their PUISSANT PRINCE, gave themselves no trouble about so _insignificant_ a matter. Disgrace and infamy, however, will ever be attached to their names for so flagrant a dereliction of duty to the Irish people!
In April, Thomas Denman, esq., the late queen's solicitor-general, was elected to serve the office of common-sergeant for the city of London; and, on the 27th of May, he commenced his career with trying the unnamed servant of a bookseller for selling an irreligious and seditious book. Mr. Denman sentenced him to eighteen months' imprisonment in the House of Correction and, at the end of that time, to find sureties for five years, himself in one hundred pounds, and two others in forty pounds each!
In narrating this circumstance, we cannot forbear expressing our detestation of all prosecutions in matters of RELIGION. They neither redound to the honour of Christianity, nor effect the slightest benefit to morality. Every one has an undoubted right to entertain what religious opinions may best accord with the dictates of that all-powerful monitor--CONSCIENCE; and all endeavours to _force_ different opinions are only so many attempts to make men _hypocrites_. "But," say our religious prosecutors, "the Bible must not be attacked, or the true religion will fall into contempt." As an answer to this argument, we say, that if the said true religion will not bear the test of examination and argument, the sooner it falls into contempt the better! The glorious truths of the New Testament, however, are sufficiently manifest, and do not require the puny and adventitious advocacy of Cant. The strong arm of the law is not requisite to uphold Christianity, for it possesses within its own pure doctrines sufficient to recommend it to the admiration and gratitude of mankind. When these doctrines are attacked, let Christians endeavour, by fair and mild reasoning, to support their beneficence and purity, and they will be sure to make converts. But, if they once attempt to FORCE CONVICTION, their defeat is inevitable! It is, therefore, contrary to common sense, as well as being unjust and deplorable, that a man should be punished for disbelieving any particular sentiment. What proof did Mr. Denman[40:A] give of the mild and forgiving doctrines of Christianity in his severe sentence against this man? Was it from motives of Christian charity that he traduced him before a public tribunal? Were the proceedings of the court at all calculated to impress the man's mind with the true spirit of Christianity? The contrary might well be said. For neither was the accusation distinguished by that moderation which ought to be observed even against the worst of criminals, nor was it very humane to imprison him eighteen months, and afterwards keep the arm of justice suspended by binding him in sureties for five years not to so offend again. It will be but fair to ask, whether, if the _religious_ welfare of this man had been deemed by his prosecutors worthy of the slightest consideration, they would not have proceeded directly contrary to what they did? But, as Dr. Watts has justly observed, when speaking of religious prosecutors, "They are too apt to denounce damnation upon their neighbours without either justice or mercy; and, while pronouncing sentences of divine wrath against supposed heretics, they _add their own human fire and indignation_!" Such prosecutions, therefore, only tend to excite the contempt of those very persons who are expected to be made better by them. With respect to the other count of the foregoing indictment, "that the publication was calculated to bring the king and his ministers into contempt," we think such an attempt of the publisher was totally unnecessary; for both the king and his ministers were then in the full zenith of their _fame_, and had the sincere prayers of the greater part of the community for their speedy deliverance from--this world!
[40:A] Mr. Denman has since been created "Sir Thomas," and, at the period of our writing this, holds the office of attorney-general. On the 21st of May, 1832, Lord Stormont brought forward a motion in the House of Commons relative to a general crusade against the press, for what his lordship pleased to term "infamous, obscene, and scandalous libels." It must ever be gratifying to patriots when public men openly confess their errors; and we are, therefore, most happy to record the following extract from Sir Thomas Denman's speech, delivered on the above occasion, relative to the prosecution upon which we have so freely commented:
"In May, 1822, he (Sir Thomas Denman) first sat as common-sergeant, and was called upon to try a case of most atrocious libel in 'The Republican:' it contained a summing up of all the blasphemies which had ever been promulgated in that paper, and direct incitements to insurrection. The prosecution was instituted by a constitutional association, which thought the attorney-general was negligent of his duty; but he believed that that association obtained but little credit for thus undertaking his functions. There were two aldermen upon the bench, one of whom thought that two years' imprisonment was the least that could be awarded as a punishment, while the other thought that one year would be sufficient. The middle course was pursued, and the man was sentenced to _eighteen_ months' imprisonment. Though this was the _mildest_ punishment which had been awarded on any case of a similar description at that time, yet he (the attorney-general) had been held up to odium as a cruel judge. THE PUBLIC, IT WAS CLEAR, HAD REAPED NO BENEFIT WHATEVER, and he (the attorney-general) had experienced some pain during the whole of the eighteen months that that man was in prison; for he felt a strong disinclination to proceed against any man who was fairly stating his opinions. The young man was twenty-one years of age, and what he was doing was certainly mischievous; _but when his imprisonment expired, he could assure the House that it was to himself a great comfort_. The liberty of the press was established in this country, and that alone was enough to induce people to publish those opinions; and that liberty would make him extremely cautious of prosecuting merely for opinion. During periods of public excitement, the classes from which juries were taken gave no encouragement to prosecutions, and if only one juryman stood out upon a case, the prosecution was obliged to be dropped. He, therefore, except some very atrocious circumstances should occur, did not think it expedient to proceed. In striking special juries, it was impossible to go into the heart of society, and act as spies in families to ascertain the sentiments of jurymen. _It was necessary to submit to a great deal, lest by legal proceedings bad should be made worse._ PROSECUTIONS AGAINST THE PRESS WERE BETTER LEFT ALONE."
The last sentence of this speech contains advice which we hope to see _practised_ by all future attorney-generals. In the case of Sir Thomas Denman, however, it is only adopted through _necessity_; for he freely confesses his wish to prosecute, if he could only insure the verdict of a jury! It is, indeed, a gratifying truth, that attorney-generals cannot controul the decisions of juries; and it is well for the people of England that they cannot. Were it otherwise, the press would soon become worse than useless, and every independent writer speedily be consigned to a prison. We cannot, consequently, join Sir Thomas Denman in his lamentation; and we regret that a gentleman of such lofty pretensions to liberality and patriotism should have tarnished his fame by thus exposing himself to the censure of his countrymen. While upon this subject, we would give a word of advice to Lord Stormont. His lordship has been described as a young man of considerable natural abilities, which have been highly improved by a liberal education. How, then, can he be so blind to the spirit of the present age as to suppose himself capable of restoring the very worst part of Toryism,--that of undermining the glorious LIBERTY OF THE PRESS? His noble father (who was educated in the Pitt school of politics) may have impressed him with an idea of its practicability; but the people are now changed, the age is changed, and we warn him not to expose himself to the disgust of the English people, by making futile attempts to destroy the grand palladium of national liberty. As well, indeed, might he essay to execute Herod's commands to slay the innocents, as to restore, by such means, the absolute power which the Tories so unfortunately exercised during the last two reigns!
In the early part of this month, an elegant service of plate was presented to Alderman Wood, as an acknowledgement for his _disinterested_ services in the cause of the late queen; while, strange to say, the large service of plate subscribed for the queen by the country, at only one shilling each, never reached its destination! The funds for this purpose were entrusted to the care of Messrs. Wood, Hume, and others; the amount collected was more than three thousand pounds during the first few months of the subscription, which regularly increased till the queen's death. The cause of the opening of this subscription was owing to the fact of her majesty being refused all suitable conveniences for the dinner table, as she could only have a dinner served upon blue-and-white earthenware! To this fact, the noblemen and gentlemen who dined at her majesty's table can fully attest. We are inclined to think, however, that the alderman's services to the queen have been a little overrated. That Mr. Wood was her majesty's best and most disinterested friend, thousands were led to believe; but that he was not so, we shall endeavour to PROVE.
When a subscription was proposed for a service of plate for her majesty, a Scotch lady forwarded one hundred guineas towards it. Alderman Wood had the chief management of this subscription, as of almost every thing else that related to the queen. The alderman employed one Pearson to collect the money. This Pearson was the fellow that cut such a figure in the Manchester massacre; and, therefore, he was thought, we suppose, a _very capable person_ for such an undertaking. After collecting a considerable sum of money, Pearson was about taking his leave of this country for America; but, intimation having been given of his perfidy, he was stopped.