CHAPTER XII.

Arrival at Quettah.--Storming of the Fortress of Khelat.--Suicide of a Trooper belonging to the Horse Artillery.--Departure from Quettah.--The Bholun Pass.--Dadur.--Bagh.--Breaking out of the Cholera.--Death of Doctor Forbes.--Shikarpoor.--Death of Captain Ogle.--Sukkur-Bukkur.--Death of Lieutenant Janvrin.--Wedding Ceremonies of the Natives.--Breaking up of the Bombay Column.--Departure of Brigadier Scott.--Boar Hunt.--Larkhana.--Sehwan.--Kurrachee.--Feast of the Mohurrum.--Embarkation and Arrival at Bombay.

We reached Quettah on the 29th of October, and the army separated into two divisions there, one to proceed by the fortress of Khelat, to punish the Khan for the treacherous trick which he had played us on our way up, and the other to return homeward through the Bholun Pass. The force destined for military operations against Khelat consisted of her Majesty's 2nd or Queen's Royals, her Majesty's 17th regiment of Foot, the 35th Bengal Native Infantry, one company of Foot Artillery, one troop of Horse Artillery, with the Poona Irregular Horse, the whole under the command of Major-General Sir Thomas Wiltshire. As my detachment was not included in this expedition, owing to the fatigued condition of the horses, and the difficulty of procuring forage on the route, I can only describe the storming of Khelat from the reports of those who were present at it.

The fortress of Khelat was very little inferior to Ghuznee in point of strength, being defended by strong breastworks and mounted with large cannon. The garrison consisted of from twelve to fourteen hundred men, and there was abundance of provisions and ammunition in the place. After reconnoitring its position Sir Thomas Wiltshire resolved on carrying it by storm, and the affair was a short but brilliant one. A battery was erected on one of the neighbouring heights, and a well directed fire soon brought the gates down. The stormers then rushed up the causeway under cover of our guns; but before they had reached the gateway, a heavy fire from the loopholes of the fortress killed from twenty to thirty of our troops, amongst whom was Lieutenant Gravatt, who was gallantly leading them on. A desperate hand to hand fight then ensued, the enemy resisting in dense masses, and disputing every inch of ground; but our men carried all before them, at the point of the bayonet, and drove the enemy into the interior of the fortress, where they were headed by the Khan himself. The old Chieftain fought with desperation and though frequently offered quarter, indignantly refused to accept it. He and the followers by whom he was surrounded were all bayonetted on the spot, and in about four hours the whole of the fortress was in the possession of our troops. In the immediate vicinity of the place where the Khan was killed, a shocking spectacle presented itself. His favorite women, about twelve or fourteen in number, lay heaped together in a pool of blood, their throats having been cut by order of the Khan, to prevent their falling into our hands. A large quantity of treasure, consisting of specie and jewels, was found in the citadel, and had the Cavalry been present more would have fallen into the hands of our troops, as the enemy were observed despatching it to the hills, on camels, through one of the back gates, during the heat of the assault. Amongst the various effects which were captured on this occasion were several boxes of arms and accoutrements, which had been plundered from us on our way to Cabul, and a telescope and some books, which had belonged to one of our officers. Cattle and grain were also found in great abundance, and proved of no small service to the division, on its route homeward, through the Gundava pass. The fortress was completely dismantled before the departure of the troops, and the Chiefs and other prisoners liberated on promising allegiance to the Shah.

Amongst the residents whom we found at Quettah on our arrival was a Bombay Parsee, who had ventured up to that place with supplies, consisting of tea, sugar, hams, brandy, beer, wines, and other necessaries. To the soldier as well as the officer these articles were a welcome treat, and having plenty of money to purchase them we soon exhausted the stores of the enterprising trader who had reason to congratulate himself on the successful issue of his trip.

The morning previous to our departure a suicide occurred under circumstances which gave rise to the suspicion that the wretched perpetrator of it intended to have preluded it by the crime of murder. A trooper belonging to the Horse Artillery was placed under arrest for some trifling neglect of duty, and as soon as he was liberated he took a loaded pistol and went directly to the tent of the adjutant of his corps who had fortunately quitted it a few minutes before. The disappointed trooper returned to his lines and immediately blew his own brains out.

We left Quettah on the 1st of November, about nine o'clock at night, taking with us the sick who had been left behind on our way to Cabul, and who were now sufficiently restored to proceed homeward. In consequence of the scarcity of water on the route we were obliged to make a forced march of eight and twenty miles, and reached the entrance to the Bholun Pass at six o'clock the next morning. We entertained a lively recollection of the reception we had met with on our former passage through this defile, and now felt some misgivings that we should not be allowed to retrace our steps without a repetition of the favours which were then so liberally showered upon us. To our great gratification and contentment, however, the Belochees offered us no sort of obstruction, and could they have facilitated our progress through their country, would, I have little doubt, been well inclined to do so. We occasionally caught glimpses of them watching our movements at a respectful distance, but they never ventured within musket shot during the whole of our passage. We lost two or three men from sickness before we cleared the defile, and found it almost impossible to inter them from the stony nature of the strata with which the whole of this district is covered.

Quitting the Bholun we proceeded to Dadur, and thence to Bagh, through a jungle abounding with every sort of game, but more particularly deer and wild boar. The troops made their way with considerable difficulty through the intricacies of this entangled route, the pioneers being in constant requisition to clear a passage for them.

On the 24th of November we arrived at Bagh, a village situated at the Cabul side of the desert, elsewhere described. The place consists of a few miserable huts, surrounded by fields of joharra, and containing only one tank of stagnant water. Doctor Forbes, of the 1st Light Cavalry, an officer universally esteemed for his benevolence, hearing that the Natives were dying in numbers of the cholera, immediately hastened to the village to tender his services. He was seized by the epidemic and returned to his quarters in a dying state. The unfortunate gentleman expired in a few hours afterwards, and was interred the same day. Five or six of the European troops were attacked in like manner, and were immediately hurried to the hospital tents, where two of them died, but the others struggled successfully against the disease. Brigadier Scott, taking alarm at these unequivocal evidences of malaria, gave orders that we should proceed across the desert without a moment's delay, and we accordingly struck our tents at four o'clock the same day, carrying our sick along with us. On reaching the extremity of the desert we found the 1st regiment of Bombay Grenadiers, with a large convoy of provisions and stores for the use of the army. These supplies should have reached us at the other side of the Bholun, but the escort had been attacked by the cholera on the route, and were obliged to remain stationary until the disease had abated. We found them nearly all convalescent and about to continue their route. We took from them a stock of provisions, and pursued our march.

We arrived at Shikarpoor with a great number of sick who had fallen ill of the epidemic on the way, and it was resolved that we should remain here a few days. Shikarpoor is a large well built town, and contains two fine mosques, several roofed bazaars, and two or three large manufactories. The British Resident has a fine house here, the gardens of which are tastefully laid out in the European style. Notwithstanding the clean looking appearance of the town it is far from being healthy, and from ten to twelve of our troops were daily carried off by the cholera during our stay. Amongst the number was Captain Ogle of the 4th Light Dragoons, who fell a victim to his humanity in visiting the sick of his troop. This lamented gentleman was only in his thirtieth year, and was a great favourite with his corps. He was unfortunately a married man, and had been looking forward with feelings of eager anticipation to his reunion with his family. Being of a buoyant and joyous temperament, his loss was felt severely in the circle of his brother officers; his ready jest and imperturbable good humour rendering him the life and soul of the mess table. Captain Ogle looked upon the private soldier as something more than a mere automaton placed at his disposal, and whilst he had always a due regard for the discipline of the service, he exercised the power entrusted to him with humanity and judgment, the act in which he lost his life being but the last of a countless series of generous and disinterested offices which he was in the habit of performing for those under his command. Few men have left behind them a memory so associated with every thing that is valuable and estimable in social and military life.

Leaving Shikarpoor, on the 27th of November, we arrived on the following day at Sukkur Bukkur, a town situated on the banks of the Indus, and having its citadel on a rock in the centre of the river. The cholera rapidly disappeared here; but we sustained another loss in the person of Lieutenant Janvrin, the acting Quarter-Master of our detachment, who was carried off by the small-pox. On the opposite bank of the river lies Roree, a village remarkable only for its manufactures, which consist principally of silks. Several of us having obtained leave to visit the place, we were strolling through the bazaar, when we observed preparations for a wedding in progress. Taking up a position which enabled us to see what was passing, without obtruding on the parties concerned, we waited patiently until the ceremonies commenced. At the expiration of about a quarter of an hour the bridegroom made his appearance in front of the house which contained his betrothed, and both in person and attire he was all that a native belle could have desired. He was a fine, muscular looking fellow of about seven or eight and twenty, with handsome features and bold and jaunty air. He was dressed in a loose robe, of spotless white, and without any ornaments or weapons whatsoever. Proceeding directly to the door of the house which contained his Dulcinea he knocked at it three times with the knuckles of his right hand and once with his left. He then threw himself prostrate on a mat which had been made for the purpose, by the lady's own hands, and there waited her coming forth. The door presently opened, and a number of musicians immediately struck up a wild and discordant air. A timid and pretty looking maiden, about fourteen years of age, showily dressed in different coloured silks, and ornamented with a nose ring and bangles of pure gold, at length stepped forth, followed by her relatives and friends, who formed themselves into a circle around her. The bridegroom starting to his feet made a formal claim to the hand of his affianced and presented her with a garland of flowers, which she gracefully threw across her shoulders, in token that she accepted him, and then suffered him to embrace her. Lifting her in his arms he placed her on the back of a donkey, and they went in procession to pay visits of ceremony through the town, the bride distributing sweetmeats to the crowd, as she passed along. The bridegroom showered his favours about in the form of some red powder, which he flung in the faces of all near him, and especially in those of the Europeans, of whom there were a good many present. He half blinded some of us, and conferred as dark a hue as his own upon others--freaks that appeared to give infinite delight and amusement to the natives, but which were not taken in quite as good part by some testy fellows amongst us. Having arrived at the house of the bridegroom's father, the old gentleman graciously descended, and taking the bride in his arms, bore her into his dwelling. The bridegroom remained a few minutes after them, and flinging some cowries to the musicians and crowd, he made a salaam and darted in after his _inamorata_.

We remained at Sukkur about six weeks, in consequence of an order forwarded after us by Sir William Mc Naghten, under the apprehension that our services would be again wanted at Cabul. The Indus being navigable up to the town, we had plentiful supplies of provisions and other necessaries at moderate prices, and felt tolerably satisfied with our quarters. As to the probability of our having to return to Cabul, the Cavalry felt at ease regarding the rumours which prevailed, for they well knew that the condition of their horses put such a thing completely out of the question. An order at length arrived that the various brigades of the Bombay column should be broken up, and that the troops composing them should return to their respective quarters. Brigadier General Scott, and his aides de camp, accordingly left us by one of the first boats which sailed down the Indus for Bombay, and we remained under the command of the officers of our respective regiments.

We passed our time hunting in the jungles, in the vicinity of the camp, or in fishing in the river, both of which proved prolific sources of amusement. I went out several times to chase the wild boar, and on one of these occasions the sport nearly proved fatal to me. Proceeding with two of my comrades, and a native for guide, through a dense and almost impenetrable part of the jungle, we suddenly roused a huge boar, which turned fiercely upon us, and made directly at the nearest of its pursuers, which, as chance would have it, happened to be me. He had me down on the earth in a twinkling, and would have made short work of me had not a well-directed shot from one of my companions struck him right between the eyes, and tumbled him lifeless on the ground. The man to whom I owed my safety exhibited admirable coolness, and self-possession, for the slightest deviation in his aim would have sent the bullet through me instead of the object for which it was intended. It was with the greatest difficulty we contrived to drag our prize into camp, for he weighed no less than from twenty-five to thirty stone, and supplied the troop with pork chops until we were tired of them.

The importance of Sukkur as a military position cannot be exaggerated. It forms the key to Scinde, and the Indus being navigable up to the fortress, its supplies do not depend on season or circumstance. These advantages have not been overlooked, for it has since been retained in the possession of our troops, and will always serve as a _point d'appui_ in any future operations we may undertake at that side of the Indus.

After passing nearly six weeks at Sukkur, we took the route to Larkhana along the right bank of the Indus. The road lay, as before, through a jungle, and the occasional glimpses which we caught of the river through the clearances gave a picturesque effect to the scenery. We arrived at Larkhana on the 19th of January, and remained there only one day. Proceeding thence to Sehwan we reached the latter place in about four days, and found a gun boat belonging to the Hon. Company lying at moorings in the river. We left Sehwan on the following day, and taking a farewell of the River Indus we proceeded towards the coast through a wild and deserted district, in which we found neither villages nor inhabitants.

Within one day's march of Kurrachee we found a number of tombs richly sculptured and covered with inscriptions from the Koran, which were said to contain the remains of some of the native princes. There being abundance of excellent water here, and Kurrachee having the reputation of not being extremely healthy, it was determined that we should remained encamped here until the Khelat division formed a junction with us. It was not till the end of February, however, that the Khelat forces made their appearance, having kept us waiting about five weeks, and on the day after their arrival we marched into Kurrachee where we found her Majesty's 40th regiment.

Kurrachee is situated on the Coast of Belochistan, and its natural advantages entitle it to the rank of a first rate sea-port town. It possesses a fine harbour, in which a seventy-four gun ship may ride in safety, and which is protected by the batteries of the town, and the guns of a fortress occupying an island about midway between the mainland and the promontory which forms the harbour. On our arrival at Scinde, instructions had been forwarded to Commodore Pepper, by the Commander-in-Chief, to invest the place, and we accordingly found it in possession of our troops on our return.

The town is large but irregularly built, and is surrounded by walls and bastions, on which we saw some pieces of cannon, but they were of small calibre, and of the worst possible construction. To the north of the town we observed a superb banyan tree, which extended its foliage to such a distance, that it formed a pavilion capable of containing a small stone mosque for the accommodation of a number of Faquirs or priests. Of the many curious specimens of this class that I have met with in Asia, I have seen none so utterly degraded and isolated from every thing like humanity. Their bodies were thickly coated over with ashes and red paint, and their hair clotted with filthy moisture. They were surrounded by every sort of abomination, and howled and whined like a set of wild beasts. That they had not reduced themselves to this savage state merely from fanaticism we had abundant opportunities of discovering, for we saw the inhabitants of Kurrachee daily pouring into the temple with rich presents and offerings, and propitiating their good will by sacrifices of their most precious and valuable effects. To the left of the Mosque lies a tank, or reservoir, about fifty feet long by thirty broad, in which we saw a number of live alligators, which are carefully fed by the priests, and held in the greatest possible veneration and awe by the deluded votaries who repair there.

The feast of the Mohurrum had commenced a few hours before our arrival, but we were in time to witness the greater part of it. A short description of these singular rites may not be uninteresting to the reader. A hole being dug in the ground to the depth of about six or eight feet, fire is placed in it, and the devotees dance round it, with the most extravagant exclamations and gestures, some dashing square pieces of iron or brass together, to add to the effect. According as one set of dancers becomes fatigued they are replaced by another, and thus the ceremonies are kept up without intermission from sunset to daybreak. When the moon is at its full they march in procession to the water's side, preceded by their Taboots, a sort of fantastical temple, constructed of bamboo and gilt paper. I have seen one of these temples, at Poona, of such large dimensions that it required an elephant to draw it, and cost no less a sum than a thousand rupees. On reaching the water's side the taboots are thrown in and allowed to float away with the tide. This concludes the ceremonies and the wearied performers are glad to return to their homes.

On returning towards the lines, from the Mohurrum, we saw a miserable looking wretch squatted at the side of the road, who appeared to be in deep affliction, for he was weeping bitterly and lamenting his hard fate. I addressed him and inquired into the cause of his grief. He told me that he had been induced to become a convert to Christianity by one of the missionaries, and had been thrust out of the pale of social intercourse from the moment the fact became known. He deplored his having yielded to the arguments of the missionary, since they had debarred him from participating in the religious ceremony which had just terminated, its pomp and circumstance having evidently made a deeper impression on his imagination than his conviction. We gave him some relief and passed on, when our attention was again directed to him by one of our companions, who had lingered behind. Several of the natives had surrounded the poor convert, and were spitting upon him, and loading him with the vilest reproaches. We returned to the spot and compelled them to leave him in peace.

Amongst the British whom we found on our arrival at Kurrachee was Mr. Masson, the author of an interesting work on Affghanistan, which has been lately published. This gentleman had been originally a private soldier in the Honourable Company's service, and had risen through various grades to the profitable civil employ which he at present holds. He rendered some important services to the company, for which they awarded him a pension of L100 a-year, and much to his credit he settled the whole of it on his aged mother.

After remaining at Kurrachee about ten days, the order was at length issued for the embarkation of the Cavalry, which was now limited to my own detachment. Upwards of thirty _pattemars_ were hired for the voyage, and from twelve to fourteen men, and an equal number of horses, were stowed in each. We had a quick and favourable passage, and arrived at Bombay on the 10th of March, after an absence of nearly eighteen months.

THE END.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

FROM THE DELHI GAZETTE EXTRAORDINARY, OCTOBER 1, 1842.

"The Right Hon. the Govenor-General of India having with the concurrence of the Supreme Council, directed the assemblage of a British force for service across the Indus, his Lordship deems it proper to publish the following exposition of reasons which have led to this important measure.

"It is a matter of notoriety that the treaties entered into by the British Government in the year 1832 with the Ameers of Scinde, the Nawab of Bahawulpore, and Maharaja Runjeet Singh, had for their object, by opening the navigation of the Indus, to facilitate the extension of commerce, and to gain for the British nation in Central Asia that legitimate influence which an interchange of benefits would naturally produce.

"With a view to invite the aid of the _de facto_ rulers of Afghanistan to the measures necessary for giving full effect to those treaties, Captain Burnes was deputed, towards the close of the year 1836, on a mission to Dost Mahomed Khan, chief of Cabul: the original objects of that officer's mission were purely of a commercial nature.

"Whilst Captain Burnes, however, was on his journey to Cabul, information was received by the Governor-General that the troops of Dost Mahomed Khan had made a sudden and unprovoked attack on those of our ancient ally, Maharaja Runjeet Singh. It was naturally to be apprehended that his Highness the Maharaja would not be slow to avenge this aggression, and it was to be feared that the flames of war being once kindled in the very regions into which we were endeavouring to extend our commerce, the peaceful and beneficial purposes of the British Government would be altogether frustrated. In order to avert a result so calamitous, the Governor-General resolved on authorising Captain Burnes to intimate to Dost Mahomed Khan, that if he should evince a disposition to come to just and reasonable terms with the Maharaja, his Lordship would exert his good offices with his Highness for the restoration of an amicable understanding between the two Powers. The Maharaja, with the characteristic confidence which he has uniformly placed in the faith and friendship of the British nation, at once assented to the proposition of the Governor-General, to the effect that in the mean time hostilities on his part should be suspended.

"It subsequently came to the knowledge of the Govenor-General that a Persian army was besieging Herat; that intrigues were actively prosecuted throughout Affghanistan, for the purpose of extending Persian influence and authority to the banks of, and even beyond, the Indus; and that the Court of Persia had not only commenced a course of injury and insult to the officers of Her Majesty's mission in the Persian territory, but had afforded evidence of being engaged in designs wholly at variance with the principles and objects of its alliance with Great Britain.

"After much time spent by Captain Burnes in fruitless negotiation at Cabul, it appeared that Dost Mahomed Khan, chiefly in consequence of his reliance upon Persian encouragement and assistance, persisted, as respected his misunderstanding with the Sikhs, in urging the most unreasonable pretensions, such as the Governor-General could not, consistently with justice and his regard for the friendship of Maharajah Runjeet Singh, be the channel of submitting to the consideration of his Highness; that he avowed schemes of aggrandizement and ambition injurious to the security and peace of the frontiers of India; and that he openly threatened, in furtherance of these schemes, to call in every foreign aid which he could command. Ultimately, he gave his undisguised support to the Persian designs in Affghanistan, of the unfriendly and injurious character of which, as concerned the British power in India, he was well apprised; and by his utter disregard of the views and interests of the British Government compelled Captain Burnes to leave Cabul without having effected any of the objects of his mission.

"It was now evident that no further interference could be exercised by the British Government to bring about a good understanding between the Sikh ruler and Dost Mahomed Khan; and the hostile policy of the latter chief showed too plainly that so long as Cabul remained under his government we could never hope that the tranquillity of our neighbourhood would be secured, or that the interests of our Indian empire would be preserved inviolate.

"The Governor-General deems it in this place necessary to revert to the siege of Herat and the conduct of the Persian nation. The siege of that city had now been carried on by the Persian army for many months. The attack upon it was a most unjustifiable and cruel aggression, perpetrated and continued notwithstanding the solemn and repeated remonstrances of the British Envoy at the Court of Persia, and after every just and becoming offer of accommodation had been made and rejected. The besieged have behaved with gallantry and fortitude worthy of the justice of their cause, and the Govenor-General would yet indulge the hope that their heroism may enable them to maintain a successful defence until succours shall reach them from British India. In the mean time the ulterior designs of Persia, affecting the interests of the British Government, have been by a succession of events, more and more openly manifested. The Governor-General has recently ascertained, by an official despatch from Mr. M'Neil, Her Majesty's Envoy, that his Excellency has been compelled, by the refusal of his just demands, and by a systematic course of disrespect adopted towards him by the Persian Government, to quit the court of the Schah, and to make a public declaration of the cessation of all intercourse between the two Governments. The necessity under which Great Britain is placed of regarding the present advance of the Persian arms into Affghanistan as an act of hostility towards herself, has also been officially communicated to the Schah, under the express order of Her Majesty's Government.

"The chiefs of Candahar (brothers of Dost Mahomed Khan, of Cabul) have avowed their adherence to the Persian policy, with the same full knowledge of its opposition to the rights and interests of the British nation in India, and to have been openly assisting in the operations against Herat.

"In the crisis of affairs consequent upon the retirement of our Envoy from Cabul, the Governor-General felt the importance of taking immediate measures for arresting the rapid progress of foreign intrigue and aggression towards our own territories.

"His attention was naturally drawn, at this conjuncture, to the position and claims of Schah Sooja-ool-Moolk, a monarch who, when in power, had cordially acceded to the measures of united resistance to external enmity which were, at that time judged necessary by the British Government, and who, on his empire being usurped by its present rulers, had found an honourable asylum in the British dominions.

"It had clearly been ascertained, from the information furnished by the various officers who have visited Afghanistan, that the Barukzye chiefs, from their disunion and unpopularity, were ill-fitted, under any circumstances, to be useful allies to the British Government, and to aid us in our just and necessary measures of national defence. Yet so long as they refrained from proceedings injurious to our interests and security, the British Government acknowledged and respected their authority. But a different policy appeared to be now more than justified by the conduct of those chiefs, and to be indispensable to our own safety. The welfare of our possessions in the East requires that we should have on our western frontier an ally who is interested in resisting aggression and establishing tranquillity, in the place of chiefs ranging themselves in subservience to a hostile Power, and seeking to promote schemes of conquest and aggrandisement.

"After a serious and mature deliberation, the Governor-General was satisfied that pressing necessity, as well as every consideration of policy and justice, warranted us in espousing the cause of Schah Sooja-ool-Moolk, whose popularity throughout Affghanistan had been proved to his Lordship by the strong and unanimous testimony of the best authorities. Having arrived at this determination, The Governor-General was further of opinion that it was just and proper, no less from the position of Maharaja Runjeet Singh, than from his undeviating friendship towards the British Government, that his Highness should have the offer of becoming a party to the contemplated operations. Mr. Macnaghten was accordingly deputed in June last to the Court of his Highness, and the result of his mission has been the conclusion of a tripartite treaty by the British Government, the Maharaja, and Schah Sooja-ool-Moolk, whereby his Highness is guaranteed in his present possessions, and has bound himself to co-operate for the restoration of the Schah to the throne of his ancestors. The friends and enemies of any one of the contracting parties have been declared to be the friends and enemies of all. Various points have been adjusted which had been the subject of discussion between the British Government and his Highness the Maharaja, the identity of whose interests with those of the hon. Company has now been made apparent to all the surrounding States. A guaranteed independence will, upon favourable conditions, be tendered to the Ameers of Scinde; and the integrity of Herat, in the possession of its present ruler, will be fully respected; whilst, by the measures completed or in progress it may reasonably be hoped that the general freedom and security of commerce will be promoted; that the name and just influence of the British Government will gain their proper footing among the nations of central Asia; that tranquillity will be established upon the most important frontier in India, and that a lasting barrier will be raised against hostile intrigue and encroachment.

"His Majesty Schah Sooja-ool-Moolk will enter Affghanistan surrounded by his own troops, and will be supported against foreign interference and factious opposition by a British army. The Governor-General confidently hopes that the Schah will be speedily replaced on his throne by his own subjects and adherents; and when once he shall be secured in power, and the independence and integrity of Affghanistan established, the British army will be withdrawn.

"The Governor-General has been led to these measures by the duty which is imposed upon him of providing for the security of the British Crown; but he rejoices that in the discharge of his duty he will be enabled to assist in restoring the union and prosperity of the Affghan people. Throughout the approaching operations British influence will be sedulously employed to further every measure of general benefit, to reconcile differences, to secure oblivion of injuries, and to put an end to the distractions by which, for so many years, the welfare and happiness of the Affghans have been impaired.

"Even to the chiefs whose hostile proceedings have given just cause of offence to the British Government, it will seek to secure liberal and honourable treatment, on their tendering early submission, and ceasing from opposition to that course of measures which may be judged the most suitable for the general advantage of their country.

"By order of the Right Hon. the Governor-General of India,

"W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

"Secretary to the Government of India, "with the Governor-General.

* * * * *

"NOTIFICATION

"With reference to the preceding declaration, the following appointments are made;--

"Mr. W. H. Macnaghten, secretary to Government, will assume the functions of Envoy and Minister, on the part of the Government of India, at the Court of Schah Sooja-ool-Moolk; Mr. Macnaghten will be assisted by the following officers:--

"Captain Alexander Burnes, of the Bombay establishment, who will be employed under Mr. Macnaghten's direction, as Envoy to the chief of Khelat, or other states.

"Lieutenant E. D'Arcy Todd, of the Bengal Artillery, to be political assistant and military secretary to the Envoy and Minister.

"Lieutenant Eldred Pottinger, of the Bombay Artillery; Lieutenant R. Leech, of the Bombay Engineers; Mr. P. B. Lord, of the Bombay Medical Establishment, to be political assistants to ditto ditto.

"Lieutenant E. R. Conolly, of the 6th Regiment Bengal Cavalry, to command the escort of the Envoy and Minister, and to be military assistant to ditto ditto.

"Mr. G. J. Berwick, of the Bengal Medical Establishment, to be surgeon to ditto ditto.

"W. H. MACNAGHTEN,

"Secretary to the Governor of India, with the Governor-General."

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

The following modifications have been made to the text.

Contents, CHAPTER III: 'Candahah' replaced with Candahar.

Contents, CHAPTER IV: 'Khelet' replaced with Khelat.

Contents, CHAPTER VIII: Comma after 'Commandant of Ghuznee' replaced with a period.

Contents, CHAPTER XII: 'Cott' replaced with Scott.

Page 1: Missing emdashes added to the chapter description.

Page 3: 'Soojah-Ool-Moolk' replaced with Sooja-ool-Moolk.

Page 25: Period removed from between 'Lieutenant' and 'Nixon'.

Page 36: 'Schwan' replaced with Sehwan.

Page 37: 'und' replaced with and.

Page 52: 'Candahah' replaced with Candahar.

Page 58: 'couutrymen' replaced with countrymen.

Page 104: 'Khelat-i-Giljie' replaced with Khelat-i-Ghiljie.

Page 104: 'precints' replaced with precincts.

Page 110: 'and and' replaced with and.

Page 128: 'immedialely' replaced with immediately.

Page 130: Comma after 'Commandant of Ghuznee' replaced with period.

Page 133: 'melee' replaced with melee.

Page 141: Missing hyphen added in Commander-in-Chief.

Page 142: 'then' replaced with than.

Page 146: 'circumstanee' replaced with circumstance.

Page 148: Missing hyphen added in Commander-in-Chief.

Page 149: 'pretented' replaced with pretended.

Page 184: 'strong hold' replaced with strong-hold.

Page 185: Comma inserted after 'however'.

Page 188: 'Ccott' replaced with Scott.

Page 195: 'epedemic replaced with epidemic.

Page 215: 'EXTRAORINARY' replaced with EXTRAORDINARY.

Page 216: 'Nawah' replaced with Nawab.

Page 219: 'inteference' replaced with interference.