Part 1

PUBLICATIONS OF THE ROOSEVELT MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION

II. ROOSEVELT IN THE KANSAS CITY STAR

COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS

ROOSEVELT MEMORIAL ASSOCIATION INC.

R. J. CUDDIHY ARTHUR W. PAGE MARK SULLIVAN E. A. VAN VALKENBURG

ROOSEVELT

IN THE KANSAS CITY STAR

WAR-TIME EDITORIALS

BY

THEODORE ROOSEVELT

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

RALPH STOUT _Managing Editor of The Star_

BOSTON AND NEW YORK

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

The Riverside Press Cambridge

1921

COPYRIGHT, 1917, 1918, AND 1919, BY THE KANSAS CITY STAR

COPYRIGHT, 1921, BY RALPH STOUT

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION, BY RALPH STOUT xiii

DR. FITZSIMONS’S DEATH, SEPTEMBER 17, 1917 1

BLOOD, IRON, AND GOLD, SEPTEMBER 23, 1917 2

THE GHOST DANCE OF THE SHADOW HUNS, OCTOBER 1, 1917 5

SAM WELLER AND MR. SNODGRASS, OCTOBER 2, 1917 8

BROOMSTICK PREPAREDNESS, OCTOBER 4, 1917 10

THE BONDHOLDERS AND THE PEOPLE, OCTOBER 7, 1917 12

FACTORIES OF GOOD CITIZENSHIP, OCTOBER 10, 1917 13

PILLAR-OF-SALT CITIZENSHIP, OCTOBER 12, 1917 16

BROOMSTICK APOLOGISTS, OCTOBER 14, 1917 18

THE LIBERTY LOAN AND THE PRO-GERMANS, OCTOBER 16, 1917 20

A DIFFICULT QUESTION TO ANSWER, OCTOBER 18, 1917 23

NOW HELP THE LIBERTY LOAN, OCTOBER 20, 1917 25

A SQUARE DEAL FOR THE TRAINING CAMPS, OCTOBER 21, 1917 26

THE PASSING OF THE CRIPPLE, OCTOBER 23, 1917 28

THE PEACE OF COMPLETE VICTORY, OCTOBER 23, 1917 30

FIGHTING WORK FOR THE MAN OF FIGHTING AGE, OCTOBER 25, 1917 32

WISE WOMEN AND FOOLISH WOMEN, OCTOBER 27, 1917 34

WHY CRY OVER SPILT MILK? OCTOBER 28, 1917 36

SAVE THE FOODSTUFF, OCTOBER 30, 1917 38

ON THE FIRING LINE, OCTOBER 31, 1917 40

NINE TENTHS OF WISDOM IS BEING WISE IN TIME, NOVEMBER 1, 1917 42

WE ARE IN THIS WAR TO THE FINISH, NOVEMBER 2, 1917 43

SINISTER ALLIES, NOVEMBER 3, 1917 45

THE NEW YORK MAYORALTY ELECTION, NOVEMBER 8, 1917 47

GERMAN HATRED OF AMERICA, NOVEMBER 13, 1917 49

START THE SYSTEM OF UNIVERSAL MILITARY TRAINING AT ONCE, NOVEMBER 17, 1917 52

A FIFTY-FIFTY WAR ATTITUDE, NOVEMBER 20, 1917 54

THE GERMANIZED SOCIALISTS AND PEACE, NOVEMBER 26, 1917 56

MOBILIZE OUR MAN POWER, DECEMBER 1, 1917 58

THE LANSDOWNE LETTER, DECEMBER 2, 1917 60

THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE, DECEMBER 5, 1917 62

FOUR BITES OF A CHERRY, DECEMBER 7, 1917 64

THE RED CROSS CHRISTMAS MEMBERSHIP DRIVE, DECEMBER 12, 1917 66

BEING BRAYED IN A MORTAR, DECEMBER 18, 1917 68

RENDERING A GREAT PUBLIC SERVICE, DECEMBER 20, 1917 71

A BETRAYAL OF DEMOCRACY, DECEMBER 21, 1917 73

BROOMSTICK PREPAREDNESS--A STUDY IN CAUSE AND EFFECT, DECEMBER 27, 1917 76

OUR DUTY FOR THE NEW YEAR, JANUARY 1, 1918 78

TELL THE TRUTH AND SPEED UP THE WAR, JANUARY 4, 1918 80

THE COST OF UNPREPAREDNESS, JANUARY 6, 1918 82

COÖPERATION AND CONTROL, JANUARY 8, 1918 85

THE ARTEMUS WARD THEORY OF WAR, JANUARY 17, 1918 87

THE FRUITS OF WATCHFUL WAITING, JANUARY 18, 1918 89

TELL THE TRUTH, JANUARY 21, 1918 92

JUSTIFICATION OF CONSTRUCTIVE CRITICISM, JANUARY 28, 1918 93

SECRETARY BAKER’S GENERAL DENIAL, FEBRUARY 2, 1918 96

LET GEORGE SPEED UP THE WAR, FEBRUARY 3, 1918 98

LET UNCLE SAM GET INTO THE GAME, FEBRUARY 5, 1918 101

CONSERVATION IS IMPORTANT AND PRODUCTION IS MORE IMPORTANT, FEBRUARY 15, 1918 103

THE PEOPLE’S WAR, FEBRUARY 26, 1918 105

THE FRUITS OF FIFTY-FIFTY LOYALTY, MARCH 2, 1918 109

QUIT TALKING PEACE, MARCH 5, 1918 111

THE WORST ENEMIES OF CERTAIN LOYAL AMERICANS, MARCH 10, 1918 113

GIRD UP OUR LOINS, MARCH 16, 1918 115

BOLSHEVIKI AT HOME AND ABROAD, MARCH 19, 1918 117

THE FRUITS OF OUR DELAY, MARCH 26, 1918 120

HOW THE HUN EARNS HIS TITLE, MARCH 31, 1918 122

THANK HEAVEN! APRIL 2, 1918 128

CITIZENS OR SUBJECTS? APRIL 6, 1918 129

WOMEN AND THE WAR, APRIL 12, 1918 133

TO MY FELLOW AMERICANS OF GERMAN BLOOD, APRIL 16, 1918 135

AN EXTRAORDINARY ACHIEVEMENT IN HUMAN UPBUILDING, APRIL 17, 1918 138

FREEDOM STANDS WITH HER BACK TO THE WALL, APRIL 20, 1918 140

A SQUARE DEAL FOR ALL AMERICANS, APRIL 27, 1918 142

THE GERMAN HORROR, MAY 2, 1918 145

SEDITION, A FREE PRESS, AND PERSONAL RULE, MAY 7, 1918 147

THE DANGERS OF A PREMATURE PEACE, MAY 12, 1918 150

THE WAR SAVINGS CAMPAIGN, MAY 27, 1918 155

ANTI-BOLSHEVISM, JUNE 5, 1918 158

GENERAL WOOD, JUNE 15, 1918 160

HELP RUSSIA NOW, JUNE 20, 1918 162

AN AMERICAN FOURTH OF JULY, JUNE 23, 1918 166

HOW NOT TO ADJOURN POLITICS, JUNE 25, 1918 167

HATS OFF TO THE INTERNATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION, JUNE 27, 1918 170

THE PERFORMANCE OF A GREAT PUBLIC DUTY, JULY 3, 1918 172

REPEAL THE CHARTER OF THE GERMAN-AMERICAN ALLIANCE, JULY 11, 1918 174

EVERY MAN HAS A RIGHT TO ONE COUNTRY, JULY 15, 1918 177

MURDER, TREASON, AND PARLOR ANARCHY, JULY 18, 1918 180

BACK UP THE FIGHTING MEN AT THE FRONT, JULY 26, 1918 183

THE AMERICANS WHOM WE MOST DELIGHT TO HONOR, AUGUST 1, 1918 186

SOUND NATIONALISM AND SOUND INTERNATIONALISM, AUGUST 4, 1918 188

THE MAN WHO PAYS AND THE MAN WHO PROFITS, AUGUST 9, 1918 196

OUR DEBT TO THE BRITISH EMPIRE, AUGUST 16, 1918 200

THE CANDIDACY OF HENRY FORD, AUGUST 20, 1918 202

SPEED UP THE WORK FOR THE ARMY AND GIVE ALL WHO ENTER IT FAIR PLAY, AUGUST 23, 1918 206

SENATOR LODGE’S NOBLE SPEECH, SEPTEMBER 1, 1918 209

APPLIED PATRIOTISM, SEPTEMBER 8, 1918 211

GOOD LUCK TO THE ANTI-BOLSHEVISTS OF KANSAS, SEPTEMBER 12, 1918 213

THE FOURTH LIBERTY LOAN, SEPTEMBER 17, 1918 216

FAIR PLAY AND NO POLITICS, SEPTEMBER 20, 1918 218

SPIES AND SLACKERS, SEPTEMBER 24, 1918 221

QUIT PLAYING FAVORITES, SEPTEMBER 30, 1918 224

WAR AIMS AND PEACE PROPOSALS, OCTOBER 12, 1918 226

PERMANENT PREPAREDNESS AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS, OCTOBER 15, 1918 229

HIGH-SOUNDING PHRASES OF MUDDY MEANING, OCTOBER 17, 1918 231

AN AMERICAN PEACE _versus_ A RUBBER-STAMP PEACE, OCTOBER 22, 1918 236

UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER, OCTOBER 26, 1918 239

WHAT ARE THE FOURTEEN POINTS? OCTOBER 30, 1918 241

FURTHER CONSIDERATION OF THE FOURTEEN POINTS, OCTOBER 30, 1918 243

FOURTEEN SCRAPS OF PAPER, OCTOBER 31, 1918 248

THE TURKS SURRENDER UNCONDITIONALLY, NOVEMBER 3, 1918 251

PEACE, NOVEMBER 12, 1918 253

SACRIFICE ON COLD ALTARS, NOVEMBER 13, 1918 255

THE RED FLAG AND THE HUN PEACE DRIVE, NOVEMBER 14, 1918 258

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS, NOVEMBER 17, 1918 261

AN AMERICAN CONGRESS, NOVEMBER 18, 1918 265

THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS AND THE ENSLAVEMENT OF MANKIND, NOVEMBER 22, 1918 269

PRESIDENT WILSON AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE, NOVEMBER 26, 1918 272

THE LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE, DECEMBER 2, 1918 277

THE MEN WHOSE LOT HAS BEEN HARDEST, DECEMBER 8, 1918 281

THE BRITISH NAVY, THE FRENCH ARMY, AND AMERICAN COMMON SENSE, DECEMBER 17, 1918 283

LET US HAVE STRAIGHTFORWARD SPEAKING, DECEMBER 24, 1918 287

A SQUARE DEAL FOR THE MEN AT THE FRONT, DECEMBER 25, 1918 289

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS, JANUARY 13, 1919 292

ILLUSTRATIONS

THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND W. R. NELSON

From a snapshot _Photogravure Frontispiece_

FACSIMILE OF A NOTE FROM ROOSEVELT TO W. R. NELSON xxii

FACSIMILE OF A PAGE OF THE MANUSCRIPT OF ONE OF ROOSEVELT’S EDITORIALS 2

INTRODUCTION

I

The request, repeated and urgent, has come from many sources that the editorial articles, contributed by Colonel Theodore Roosevelt to The Kansas City Star during our country’s participation in the World War, be preserved for the future. It is in response to this request that this volume is published.

Newspaper publication is ephemeral. Newspaper files are short-lived. Anybody who has examined a newspaper of thirty years ago knows how flimsy it is, how it breaks and disintegrates to the touch. It lacks the enduring quality of the newspaper of sixty or seventy-five years ago when other elements entered into the composition of news-print paper. Newspaper publication is the thought of to-day; to-morrow, it is gone save for the impression left on the mind of the reader. That the recollection of Colonel Roosevelt’s articles may have something to appeal to aside from crumbling newspaper files is the aim of this book. And so these expressions on the events in a crisis in our national history--from the mind of a man whose intense love of country was the admiration of all who knew him, expressions which at the time of their publication stirred many to greater sacrifice for country, some to anger, even to rage--are here presented in enduring form.

Colonel Roosevelt’s contributions to The Star were his most frequent expressions on the war; they were the outpouring of a great soul deeply stirred by the country’s situation. There were more than one hundred articles from his pen. They covered the vital time of our part in the war from October, 1917, until his death January 6, 1919.

The reason he chose The Star as his medium of reaching the people, in a period when a large section of the American people sought and was guided by what he said, was that Colonel Roosevelt and The Star had known and understood each other for a long, long time. Their acquaintance dated back to the period of his service in the New York legislature. The Star saw behind his conduct then the qualities and the spirit which it was continually seeking to place at a premium in offices of public trust.

Later, in 1889, when President Harrison appointed him a civil service commissioner, The Star said:

The appointment of Theodore Roosevelt as one of the civil service commissioners is a hopeful sign that President Harrison desires to give civil service reform a fair representation in the government. Mr. Roosevelt is an accomplished gentleman, with sincere aspirations for reformed methods of administration, as shown by his career in the New York legislature when Grover Cleveland was governor. Mr. Roosevelt is too independent ever to serve as a party henchman, and his voice and influence will always be in favor of what he believes to be the most efficient and business-like administration of affairs.

Colonel Roosevelt and the founder and editor of The Star, the late William R. Nelson, had met, but they did not really know each other until after the war with Spain. In his canvass for the vice-presidency in 1900 Colonel Roosevelt was entertained at the Nelson home, Oak Hall, Kansas City. From this visit dated better acquaintance. They had much in common and were alike in many characteristics: frank, outspoken, impulsive, and passionately devoted to the same ideals of private life and public service.

I recall a story of an impulsive act of Colonel Roosevelt back in his ranchman days. A man of shady reputation had been appointed Indian Agent with the Sioux on a Dakota reservation. He put into effect many sharp practices with the Indians which would line his pockets with money. Roosevelt’s ranch was not far away and ranch affairs took him to the agency. One day he went to the agency and sought the agent.

“You are Mr. ----?” the ranchman asked.

“Yes,” was the reply.

“I have heard what you have been doing with the Indians. You are a thief! Good-day!”

The story, as told, was that the agent, aghast at the boldness of his visitor, turned and walked away.

The late Curtis Guild, Jr., of Boston, and Senator Beveridge, of Indiana, were with Colonel Roosevelt on the Oak Hall visit. They found delight in the paintings and books in Mr. Nelson’s home and Colonel Roosevelt gave proof of his wide range of knowledge by his instant recognition of the work of painters of long-established reputation. In his inspection of the library he asked to see what Mr. Nelson had on the Greek dramatists. “I always ask for them in a man’s library,” he remarked.

During this visit I was a listener at an argument between the two men on partisanship. Mr. Nelson had in his early days affiliated with the Democratic Party. In 1876 he was Mr. Tilden’s personal manager in Indiana. But with the party’s treatment of Tilden Mr. Nelson lost partisan zeal, and never after could he be considered a party man. He founded The Star in 1880 as an independent newspaper; it has remained an independent newspaper.

Colonel Roosevelt’s argument was, that to accomplish anything in public affairs a man or a newspaper had to belong to a party organization. He probably had in mind his experience in the Blaine campaign of 1884. His conclusion was that the American people were wedded to the two-party system and that one who aspired to do anything for the country could achieve only by working through a party organization.

Mr. Nelson granted what he said was true as to an individual, but not as to a newspaper of the right sort. It was perhaps true as to a newspaper which had as one of its aims the securing of political honor for its owner, but the newspaper sincerely devoted to the public interest could wield greater power by retaining its independence and in the end could accomplish more substantial achievements, a statement verified by his own conduct of The Star. Colonel Roosevelt saw the force of Mr. Nelson’s contention, but stuck to his point that, with an individual, accomplishment outside of party ranks was impossible.

It is interesting to look back over the growth of the mutual understanding and the fondness of the two men for each other dating from that visit in 1900. After leaving Kansas City, Colonel Roosevelt sent back a letter expressing his delight at the day spent at Oak Hall, closing with “How I do wish I could spend the week in your library instead of upon this infernal campaigning trip!”

When the assassin’s bullet struck down President McKinley, Mr. Nelson sent a telegram to Colonel Roosevelt expressing his horror at the deed and pledging the whole-hearted support of his newspaper in aiding him to carry the great burden which had been placed on his shoulders.

Mr. Nelson had no wish to be a distributor of federal patronage; he was concerned in higher things. When Colonel Roosevelt turned to him for advice on political matters, he was reluctant to give it, feeling his own lack of real knowledge of the politics of Kansas and Missouri and of the men who sought appointments. Late in 1901 Colonel Roosevelt, asking about conditions in Missouri, wrote, referring to St. Louis men, “I think they have been rather after the offices and not after success.... I should like to have some office-holder in Missouri to whom I could tie.”

Mr. Nelson asked the political writers of The Star to write their estimate of the men seeking office and leadership, and these were sent to the President with his endorsement. The President repeatedly followed the ideas of these letters, and it is a pleasure to record that in no instance was there subsequently cause for regret for any selection based on the letters.

In 1908 the President’s appointment of the Farm Life Commission received Mr. Nelson’s commendation, for he had long recognized the need of making farm life more attractive; indeed, he would have financed experiments along this line had he been younger. At the same time Mr. Nelson spoke approvingly of the President’s recent comment on the courts, adding, “Courts need such criticism the worst kind. They steadily undermine confidence in law and legal justice.”

“I am sick at heart,” the President replied, “over the way in which the courts have been prostituting justice in the last few years. The greatest trouble will follow if they do not alter their present attitude. I suppose I shall ‘pay’ myself in some way for what I have said about the courts, but I have got to take the risk.”

In 1909, in the closing days of the Roosevelt Administration the President issued an executive order looking to a quick settlement of a long-pending controversy over the channel of the Kaw River at Kansas City. It was unexpected; indeed, few in Kansas City knew that the President was considering the subject. The order cut straight to the heart of the controversy in true Roosevelt fashion. The same day Mr. Nelson sent this telegram to the President:

It is quite worth while to have a real President of the United States.

The next day this reply came from the President:

It is even better worth while to have a real editor of just the right kind of paper.

II

The Star supported Taft in the campaign of 1908 because it had faith that he would carry out the Roosevelt policies. Events early in the Taft Administration weakened that faith; the Winona speech withered it. Mr. Nelson had had no correspondence with Colonel Roosevelt while he was hunting in Africa. Two letters came from the ex-President, one March 12, 1910, from the White Nile saying he expected to return in June; another from Porto Maurizio, a month later, saying, “I know you will understand how delicate my position is,” and asking for an early conference with Mr. Nelson on his return to this country. Mr. Nelson’s final, open break with President Taft was “more in sorrow than in anger”; there was never bitterness of feeling, solely regret at a mistake in believing Mr. Taft stood for principles which events early in his administration showed convincingly he did not stand for.

Writing to Colonel Roosevelt, in 1910, after his return from Africa, Mr. Nelson referred to the Winona speech and the Ballinger case, concluding: “I have wondered whether sooner or later there would not have to be a new party of the Square Deal.”

The succeeding two years there were frequent conferences and interchange of letters between Colonel Roosevelt and Mr. Nelson. The latter had absolute confidence and abiding faith in Roosevelt. Late in 1910 the Colonel’s enemies were seeking to torment him from many angles. Mr. Nelson wrote him:

It has occurred to me that the opposition will constantly be prodding you and lying about you with the evident purpose of getting you angry and so putting you to a disadvantage. That is the only hope on earth they have of stopping you.

Your comment on Wm. Barnes was fine. It recalled to me an incident connected with Governor Tilden, who was the wisest politician I ever knew. As a young man I was his manager in Indiana. After the defeat of Lucius Robinson, whom he was backing for Governor of New York, I went East at his invitation to confer with him. He asked me to see Kelly, Clarkson, Potter, Dorsheimer, and Sam Cox, and some of the other men who had been fighting him, to get their views. “What shall I tell them about your position if they ask me?” I said. “Oh, tell them,” he said, “that I am very amiable.” In my adventures since that time I have often had occasion to remember that as sound advice. Amiability is a great weapon at times.

But my point is that you never need to defend yourself at all. The people will take care of your defense. Besides, it is always a bad policy, in my opinion, to get to talking about the past. You are a Progressive. Your nose is to the front. The past doesn’t interest you. So I hope you will ignore the critics, no matter how exasperating they may be. And if you can’t ignore them, laugh at them!

To this the Colonel replied:

I guess you are right; but it does make me flame with indignation when men who pretend to be especially the custodians of morals, and who sit in judgment from an Olympian height of virtue on the deeds of other men, themselves offend in a way that puts them on a level with the most corrupt scoundrel in a city government....

But this does not alter the fact that, as you say, my business is to pay no heed to the slanders of the past, but to keep my face steadily turned toward the future. Here in New York the outlook is rather dark. There are a great multitude of men, some of them nominally respectable, but timid or misled, who do certainly, although rather feebly, object to the domination of Barnes and his fellow bosses; but who do sincerely, but rather feebly, prefer clean politics to corrupt politics; but who, nevertheless, dread any interference with what they regard as the rights of big business, any assault on what I regard as an improperly arranged tariff, any effort to work for the betterment of social conditions in the spirit of Abraham Lincoln; who regard all assaults and efforts of this nature as being worse than the rule of small bosses and the petty corruption of local politicians.

III

As the presidential campaign of 1912 developed, there were frequent exchanges of views. In May Colonel Roosevelt wrote that he was confident of victory in the Republican Convention in spite of all that was being done against him by the men in control of the party. Only those who were in the thick of the Republican Convention in Chicago in June realize how the fighting blood of the men on the progressive side, from the leader down, was aroused. Mr. Nelson was at Chicago during the Republican Convention. Colonel Roosevelt sought his advice throughout. The course which was ultimately followed had Mr. Nelson’s full approval. In a telegram to Colonel Roosevelt after the break from the Republican Party, Mr. Nelson said: “I am with you tooth and nail, to the limit and to the finish.”

Following those vivid days and nights of the Republican Convention--a period no active participant can ever erase from his memory--came the Orchestra Hall meeting, the first definite step to organize the Progressive Party, the National Progressive Party Convention in August, and then the memorable three-party campaign.