Part 18

“_El qual regocijo hacian desta manera. Tomaban yeguas en pelo, quanto mas corredoras y ligeras podian haber, y puestos ellos encima desnudos sin alguna ropa, ataban en las quixadas barbicachos de rama, torcidos y majados a manera de freno, con que salian del puesto dos a dos a la par corriendo lo mas que sus yeguas podian, para llegar a cierta senal de pizarras enhiestas o de maderos hincados y levantados en fin de la carrera. Venidos al medio trecho de su corrida saltaban de las yeguas en tierra, no las parando ni deteniendo: y asi trabados por el barbicacho, corrian tambien ellos á pie, sin las dexar, puesto que mas furia llevasen: porque si las dexaban ó se desprendian dellas, y no sustentaban el freno continuamente, hasta ser pasada la carrera, perdian la reputation y las apuestas, quedando tan amenguados y vencidos, quanto quedaria triunfante quien primero llegase con su yegua para tomar la presa que tenian en el fin de la carrera sobre las pizarras o maderos hincados. Quando saltaban de sus yeguas, dicen que les iban hablando porque no se detuviesen, voceandoles y diciendoles a menudo palabras animosos y dulces: llamabanles pies hermosas, generosas en el correr, casta real, hembras preciosas, acrecentadoras de sus honras, y mas otras razones muchas con que las tenian vezadas, a no se parar ni perder el impetu comenzado: de manera que los tropeles en este punto, los pundonores y regocijos de correr, y de no mostrar floxedad era cosa mucho de notar, asi por la parte de los hombres, como por parte de las yeguas. A los Griegos Argonautas les parecio juego tan varonil que muchas veces lo probaron tambien ellos a revuelta de los Espanoles, como quiera que jamas pudieron tener aquella vigilancia ni ligereza, ni reciura que tenian estos otros para durar con sus yeguas. Y dado que las tales yeguas corriesen harto furiosas, y les ensenasen muchos dias antes a seguir estas parejas, quanto mejor entendian a la verdad, ni las de los unos, ni las de los otros corrian tanto despues que saltaban dellas, como quando los traian encima: y asi las palabras que los Griegos en aquella sazon puestos a pie hablaban eran tambien al mesmo proposito conformes a las de los Andaluces Españoles en su lengua, provincial, nombrandolas Calopes, Calopes, Calopes a la contina, que fue palabra Griega, compuesta de dos vocablos: uno Calos, que significa cosa hermosa, ligera y agraciada: otro Pus, que quiere decir pie, como que las llamasen pies agraciados, o pies desenvueltos y ligeros: y por abreviar mas el vocablo, para que sus yeguas lo pudiesen mas presto sentir, acortabanlo con una letra menos en el medio, y en lugar de nombrarlas Calopes, les deciam Calpes, que significa lo mesmo Calopes: la qual palabra me parece dura todavia hasta nuestro siglo presente, donde pocas letras mudadas, por decir Calopes o Calpes, lo pronunciamos Galopes, quando los caballos y yeguas, o qualesquier otros animales, no corren a todo poder sino trote largo seguido. Vino desto que las mesmas fiestas y manera del juego se nombraron Calpes: dado que para conmigo bastara saber la victoria deste juego consistir en ligereza de pies, y por eso solo deberse llamar Calopes a Calpe, sin anadir lo que hablaban a las yeguas, pues aquello primero comprehende bastantemente la razon deste vocablo. Pero si todavia fue cierto que les decian aquellas palabras quando corrian sus parejas, ninguna cosa daña dexarlas aquí puestas._”—Coronica General de Espana, c. 38.

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_Famine and Pestilence had wasted them._—I. p. 3.

In the reign of Egica, Witiza’s father,—_plaga inguinalis immisericorditer illabitur_. (Isid. Pacensis.) And for two years before the Moorish invasion,—_habia habido continua hambre y pestilencia en Espana, con que se habian debilitado mucho los cuerpos, sin lo que el ocio las habia enflaquecido_.—Morales, 12. 69. 5.

St. Isidore, in his History of the Goths, distinctly describes the Northern Lights among the signs that announced the wars of Attila. “_Multa eodem tempore cœli et terræ signa præcesserunt, quorum prodigiis tam crudele bellum significaretur. Nam, assiduis terræ motibus factis, a parte Orientis Luna fuscata est, a solis occasu stella cometes apparuit, atque ingenti magnitudine aliquandiu fulsit._ Ab aquilonis plaga cœlum rubens, sicut ignis aut sanguis, effectus est, permistis perigneum ruborem lineis clarioribus in speciem hastarum rutilantium deformatis. _Nec mirum, ut in tam ingenti cæsorum strage, divinitus tam multa signorum demonstraretur ostensio._”—España Sagrada, t. vi. 491.

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_And worst of enemies, their Sins were arm’d Against them._—I. p. 3.

The following description of the state of the Christian world when the Saracens began their conquests, is taken from a singular manuscript, “wherein the history of the Cruisades and of all the Mahommedan emperors from A. D. 558, to A. D. 1588, is gathered out of the Chronikes of William Archbishop of Tyreus, the protoscribe of Palestine, of Basilius Jhohannes Heraldus, and sundry others, and reduced into a poem epike by Robert Barret, 1610.” The author was an old soldier, whose language is a compound of Josuah Sylvester and King Cambyses, with a strong relish of Ancient Pistol.

Now in this sin-flood age not only in East Did the impious imps the faithful persecute, But like affliction them pursued in West, And in all parts the good trod under foot; For Faith in some was cold, from others fled, And fear of God dislodged out human hearts; Astrea flown to skies, and in her stead Iniquity enthronized; in all parts Violence had vogue, and on sathanized earth Fraud, Mischief, Murder martialled the camp; Sweet Virtue fled the field: Hope, out of breath; And Vice, all-stainer, every soul did stamp; So that it seem’d World drew to’s evening tide, Nought else expecting but Christ’s second coming; For Charity was cold on every side, And Truth and Trust were gone from earth a-mumming. All things confused ran, so that it seemed The World return would to his chaos old; Princes the path of justice not esteemed, Headlong with prince ran people young and old. All sainct confederations infringed, And for light cause would prince with prince enquarrel; Countries bestreamed with blood, with fire besinged, All set to each, all murders sorts unbarrelled. No wight his own could own; ’twas current coin Each man to strip, provided he were rich. The church sacriledged, choir made cot for swine, And zealous ministers were made to scritche. Robbing was made fair purchase, murder manhood, And none secure by land ne sea could pass; The humble heartless, ireful hearts ran wood, Esteemed most who mischief most could dress All lubrick lusts shamelese without comptroll Ran full career; each would a rider be; And Heaven’s friend, all sainct Continency, Was banished quite: Lasciviousness did roll, Frugality, healthful Sobriety No place could find; all parts enquartered were With Bacchus-brutes and Satyres-luxury. All lawless games bore sway, with blasphemes roare, ’Twixt Clerk and Laick difference was none, Disguized all, phantastick out of norme; But as the Prophet says, as Priests do run, So run the people, peevish in disform. The Bishops graded once, dumb dogs become, Their heads sin vyncting, flocks abandon soon; Princes applauders, person-acceptors, The good’s debarrers and the bad’s abetters; Fleshly all, all filthy simonized, Preferring profit ’fore the Eternal’s praise. The church enschismed, court all atheized, The commons kankred, all all in distrayes; The plotting politician’s pate admired, Their skill consisting in preventions scull, Pathicks preferred, Cyprin ware desired, Ocean of mischiefs flowing moon-tide full: So that it seem’d that all flesh desperately Like wolf-scared sheep were plunged headlong down In pit of hell: puddled all pestfully The court, church, commons, province, city, town; All haggards; none reclaimed once could be, Ne by the word, the word ’bused by organs bad, Ne yet by signs that spotted chrystal sky, Ne other prodigies, presages sad, Neither gust shakings of this settled globe; Neither sharpe pencil of war, famine, pest, Could once one ray engrave in steeled breast, Or Christians cause their sin-jagged robe disrobe.

Thus stood the sad state of that sin-stain’d time, And Christians of this our all-zeal cold time, Let us now par’llel that time with our time, Our parallel’d time will parallel that time, Then triple-sainct, thou just geometer true, Our time not parallel by thy justice line, But with thy mercy’s paralleling brow, Reform our crimeful Angles by grace thine.

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_Eight summer days, from morn till latest eve, The fatal fight endured._—I. p. 3.

_Ocho veces la lampara febea Salio alumbrando el mundo, y ocho veces La negra sombra de la noche fea De la luna alteró las blancas teces; Y tantos dias la mortal pelea, El sol y las estrellas por jueces, En España duro, sin durar ella Mas en su libertad, que en fenecella._

Balbuena, El Bernardo, t. ii. 275.

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_Roderick’s royal car._—I. p. 3.

“Roderike, the first day after the battayle, observing the auncient guise of his countrey, came into the fielde apparailled in a gowne of beaten golde, having also on his head a crown of gold, and golden shoes, and all his other apparaile set with rich pearles and precious stones, ryding in a horse-litter of ivorie, drawne by two goodly horses; which order the Goths used alwayes in battailes for this consideration, that the souldiours, well knowing their king could not escape away by flight from them, shuld be assured that there was none other way but either to die togither in that place, or else to winne the victorie; for it had bene a thing most shamefull and reproachful to forsake their prince and anoynted soveraigne. Which custome and maner many free confederate cities of Italie folowing, trimmed and adorned for the warres a certain chayre of estate, called _Carocio_, wherein were set the penons and ensigns of all the confederates; this chayre, in battaile, was drawn by many oxen, wherby the whole hoast was given to understand that they could not with any honesty flie, by reason of the slow pace and unweldinesse of those heavie beasts.”—_A Notable Historie of the Saracens, drawen out of Augustine Curio, and sundry other good Authours. By Thomas Newton, 1575._

_En ruedas de marfil, envuelto en sedas, De oro la frente orlada, y mas dispuesto Al triunfo y al festin que a la pelea, El sucesor indigno de Alarico Llevo tras si la maldicion eterna. Ah! yo la vi: la lid por siete dias Duro, mas no fue lid, fue una sangrienta Carniceria: huyeron los cobardes Los traidores vendieron sus banderas, Los fuertes, los leales perecieron._—QUINTANA.

The author of the chivalrous Chronicle of King Don Rodrigo gives a singular description of this car, upon the authority of his pretended original Eleastras; for he, “seeing that calamities went on increasing, and that the destruction of the Goths was at hand, thought that if things were to end as they had begun, it would be a marvel if there should be in Spain any king or lord of the lineage of the Goths after the death of King Don Rodrigo; and therefore it imported much that he should leave behind him a remembrance of the customs of the Gothic kings, and of the manner in which they were wont to enter into battle and how they went to war. And he says, that the king used to go in a car made after a strange fashion. The wheels of this car were made of the bones of elephants, and the axle-tree was of fine silver, and the perch was of fine gold. It was drawn by two horses, who were of great size and gentle; and upon the car there was pitched a tent, so large that it covered the whole car, and it was of fine cloth of gold, upon which were wrought all the great feats in arms which had been achieved until that time; and the pillar of the tent was of gold, and many stones of great value were set in it, which sent forth such splendour, that by night there was no need of any other light therein. And the car and the horses bore the same adornments as the king, and these were full of pearls the largest which could be found. And in the middle of the car there was a seat placed against the pillar of the tent; and this seat was of great price, insomuch that the value of it cannot be summed up, so many and so great were the stones which were set in it; and it was wrought so subtly, and of such rare workmanship, that they who saw it marvelled thereat. And upon this seat the king was seated, being lifted up so high that all in the host, little or great, might behold him. And in this manner it was appointed that the king should go to war. And round about the car there were to go a thousand knights, who had all been knighted by the hand of the king, all armed; and in the day of battle they were to be on foot round about the car; and all plighted homage to the king not to depart from it in any manner whatsoever, and that they would rather receive their death there, than go from their place beside the car. And the king had his crown upon his head. And in this guise all the kings of the Goths, who had been lords of Spain, were to go to battle; and this custom they had all observed till the King Don Rodrigo; but he, because of the great grief which he had in his heart, would never ascend the car, neither did he go in it into the battle.”—Part i. c. 215.

_Entrò Rodrigo en la batalla fiera, Armado en blanco de un arnes dorado, El yelmo coronado de una esfera Que en luzes vence al circulo estrellado: En unas ricas andas, ô litera Que al hijo de Climene despeñado Engañaran mejor que el carro de oro De ygual peligro, y de mayor tesoro._

_La purpura real las armas cubre, El grave rostro en magestad le baña, El ceptro por quien era le descubre Rodrigo ultimo Godo Rey de Espana: Mas de la suerte que en lluvioso Otubre Lo verde que le veste ya compaña, Desnuda al olmo blanco, rompe y quita Vulturno ayrado que al invierno incita._

_Caen las hojas sobre el agua clara Que le bañava el pie, y el ornamento Del tronco imita nuestra edad que para En su primero humilde fundamento: Desierta queda la frondosa vara, Sigue la rama, en remolino, al viento, Que la aparta del arbol, que saltea Su blanca, verde, y palida librea._

_Assi Rodrigo el miserable dia Ultimo de esta guerra desdichada, Quedo en el campo, donde ya tenia La magestad del ombro derribada: Alli la rota purpura yazia Teñida en sangre, y en sudor vañada, Alli el verde laurel, y el ceptro de oro, Siendo el arbol su cuerpo, el viento el Moro._

LOPE DE VEGA. Jerusalen Conquistada, l. vi. f. 136.

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_That helm Whose horns, amid the thickest of the fray Eminent, had mark’d his presence._—I. p. 3.

Morales describes this horned helmet from a coin. “_Tiene de la una parte su rostro, harto diferente de los que en las otras Monedas de estas Reyes parecen. Tiene manera de estar armado, y salenle por cima de la celada unas puntas como cuernos pequeños y derechos por ambos lados, que lo hacen estraño y espantable._” Florez has given this coin in his _Medallas de Espana_, from the only one which was known to be in existence, and which was then in the collection of the Infante D. Gabriel. It was struck at Egitania, the present Idana, and, like all the coins of the Visigoth kings, is of the rudest kind. The lines which Morales describes are sufficiently apparent, and if they are not intended for horns, it is impossible to guess what else they may have been meant to represent.

“These Gothic coins,” says P. D. Jeronymo Contador de Argote, “have a thousand barbarisms, as well in their letters as in other circumstances. They mingle Greek characters with Latin ones; and in what regards the relief or figure, nothing can be more dissimilar than the representation to the thing which it is intended to represent. I will relate what happened to me with one, however much D. Egidio de Albornos de Macedo may reprehend me for it in his _Parecer Anathomico_. Valerio Pinto de Sa, an honourable citizen of Braga, of whom, in various parts of these Memoirs, I have made well-deserved mention, and of whose friendship I have been proud ever since I have been in that city, gave me, some six or seven years ago, a gold coin of King Leovigildo, who was the first of the Gothic kings of Spain that coined money, for till then both Goths and Sueves used the Roman. I examined it leisurely, and what I clearly saw was a cross on the one side upon some steps, and some ill-shaped letters around it; and on the reverse something, I knew not what: It seemed to me like a tree, or a stake which shot out some branches: Round about were some letters, more distinct; I could not, however, ascertain what they signified. It happened about that time that I had the honour of a visit from the most illustrious Sr. D. Francisco de Almeida, then a most worthy Academician of the Royal Academy, and at present a most deserving and eminent Principal of the Holy Patriarchal Church. He saw this coin, and he also was puzzled by the side which represented what I called a tree. He asked me to lend it him, that he might examine it more at leisure. He took it away, and after some days returned it, saying, that he had examined it with a microscope, and that what I had taken for a stake was without question the portrait of King Leovigildo. I confess that I was not yet entirely satisfied: however, I showed it afterwards to divers persons, all of whom said they knew not what the said figure could be; but when I desired them to see if it could be this portrait, they all agreed that it was. This undeceived me, and by looking at the coin in every possible light, at last I came to see it also, and acknowledge the truth with the rest. And afterwards I found in the Dialogues of Antonio Agostinho, treating of these Gothic coins, that there are some of such rude workmanship, that where a face should be represented, some represent a pitcher, and others an urn.”—_Memorias de Braga_, t. iii. p. lix.

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_He bade the river bear the name of Joy._—I. p. 3.

Guadalete had been thus interpreted to Florez. (Espana Sagrada, t. 9. p 53.) Earlier writers had asserted (but without proof), that the Ancients called it Lethe, and the Moors added to these names their word for river. Lope de Vega alludes to this opinion:

_Siempre lamentable Guadalete Que llevo tanta sangre al mar de España, Si por olvido se llamava el Lete Trueque este nombre la vitoria estraña, Y llamase memoria deste dia En que España perdio la que tenia._

_Que por donde à la mar entrava apenas Diferenciando el agua, ya se via Con roxo humor de las sangrientas venas Por donde le cortava y dividia: Gran tiempo conservaron sus arenas (Y pienso que ha llegado a la edad mia) Reliquias del estrago y piedras echas Armas, hierros de lanza y de flechas._

Jerusalen Conquistada, l. vi. ff. 136.

The date of the battle is given with grandiloquous circumstantiality by Miguel de Barrios.

_Salio la tercer alva del tonante Noviembre, con vestido nebuloso, sobre el alado bruto que al brillante carro, saca del pielago espumoso; y en el frio Escorpion casa rotante del fiero Marte, el Astro luminoso al son que compasso sus plantas sueltas dio setecientas y catorze bueltas._

Coro de las Musas, p. 100.

He states the chronology of Pelayo’s accession in the same taste.

_Era el pontificado del Segundo Gregorio; Emperador Leon Tercero del docto Griego; y del Persiano inmundo, Zuleyman Miramamolin guerrero; y de Daphne el amante rubicundo surcava el mar del fulgido Carnero sietecientas y diez y ocho vezes, dexando el puerto de los aureos Pesces._

Coro de las Musas p. 102.

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_The arrows pass’d him by to right and left._—I. p. 3.

The French jesuits relate of one of their converts in Canada a Huron, by name Jean Armand Andeouarahen, that once _estant en guerre eschauffé au combat, il s’enfonça si avant dans les darts et les flêches des ennemis, qu’il fut abandonné des siens dans le plus fort de la meslée. Ce fut alors qu’il se recommenda plus particulièrement à Dieu: il sentit pour lors un secours si présent, que du depuis, appuyé sur cette mesme confiance, il est toûjours le premier et le plus avant dans les périls, et jamais ne pâlit, pour quelque danger qu’il envisage. Je voyois, disoit-il, comme une gresle de flêches venir fondre sur moy; je n’avois point d’autre bouclier pour les arrester, que la croyance seule que Dieu disposant de ma vie, il en feroit selon sa volonté._ Chose étrange! les flêches s’écartoient à mes deux costez, ainsi, disoit-il, que fait l’eau lors qu’elle rencontre la pointe d’un vaisseau qui va contre marée.—_Relation de la N. France_, 1642, p. 129.

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_He found himself on Ana’s banks, Fast by the Caulian schools._—I. p. 6.

The site of this monastery, which was one of the most flourishing seminaries of that age, is believed to have been two leagues from Merida, upon the Guadiana, where the Ermida, or Chapel of Cubillana, stands at present, or was standing a few years ago. The legend, from which I have taken such circumstances as might easily have happened, and as suited my plan, was invented by a race of men who, in the talent of invention, have left all poets and romancers far behind them. Florez refers to Brito for it, and excuses himself from relating it, because it is not necessary to his[8] subject;—in reality he neither believed the story, nor chose to express his objections to it. His disbelief was probably founded upon the suspicious character of Brito, who was not at that time so decidedly condemned by his countrymen as he is at present. I give the legend from this veracious Cistercian. Most of his other fabrications have been exploded, but this has given rise to a popular and fashionable idolatry, which still maintains its ground.