Richard III: His Life & Character, Reviewed in the Light of Recent Research

CHAPTER VI

Chapter 3418,493 wordsPublic domain

MR. GAIRDNER'S RICHARD III

It will be interesting, in conclusion, to examine the critical treatment of these questions by the latest historian who has written on the subject.[1] Mr. Gairdner argues in favour of the Tudor portrait of the last Plantagenet King, but only to a limited extent.

The thick and thin believers in the Tudor caricature, such as Hume and Lingard, aroused doubts in many minds. Mr. Gairdner is the most formidable enemy to the memory of the gallant young King that has yet appeared, because he is, beyond comparison, the best informed author that has ever treated of this part of history, has conscientiously striven to be fair and impartial, and has stated both sides of the question, while retaining a belief in Richard's worst crimes. His predecessors, who have taken his view, simply adopted all the statements of Tudor writers as facts, and have depicted a cool, calculating, scheming, cruel, and most revolting villain without a redeeming feature. They thus portrayed at least a possible monster. But Mr. Gairdner, while striving to be fair and just, still clings to what he calls 'tradition,' {282} that is to the Tudor stories of crimes, told many years after the time. The two things are incompatible, so that he produces a monster which would be impossible anywhere. His Richard III. is a prince, headlong and reckless as to consequences, but of rare gifts and with many redeeming qualities. He was wise and able, brave, generous, religious, fascinating, and yet had committed two very cowardly assassinations before he was nineteen, murdered his defenceless nephews, and gratuitously slandered his mother. Such a monster is an impossibility in real life. Even Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde are nothing to it.

Let us see how Mr. Gairdner arrived at his two-sided monster. He explains his method in his preface. He demurs to the view of the late Mr. Buckle that commonly received opinions should be doubted until they are found to stand the test of argument.[2] He lays it down that no attempt to set aside traditional views can be successful until the history of the particular epoch has been re-written, and the new version exhibits a moral harmony with the facts of subsequent times and of times preceding.[3]

'Tradition,' Mr. Gairdner tells us, is an interpreter and nothing more, and seldom supplies anything material in the way of facts.[4] Yet he adds that the attempt to discard it is like an attempt to learn a language without a master, and he thinks that a sceptical spirit is a most fatal one in history. It is difficult to follow him when he announces that, in spite of this view of tradition, his plan is to place the chief reliance on contemporary information, and that this treatment of history should be adhered to.[5]

{283}

'Tradition,' in Richard's case, means the embellishments of later chroniclers writing long after the events, in the interests of another dynasty. Unfortunately Mr. Gairdner does not always adhere to contemporary evidence, but prefers 'tradition.'

In the case of Richard III. Mr. Gairdner thinks that it is not clearly shown that the story would be more intelligible without 'tradition,' and that the said 'tradition' is not well accounted for.

Let us endeavour to test these two propositions by the light of Mr. Gairdner's own admissions.

His Richard stood high in general estimation when Duke of Gloucester.[6] As King the people showed him marks of loyalty.[7] In the north undoubtedly, and perhaps with the common people generally, he was highly popular, and there was every evidence of devoted loyalty and personal popularity at the time of Buckingham's rising.[8] He was an able ruler,[9] he had the confidence even of his enemies in his justice and integrity,[10] he was generous not only to the widows and children of fallen enemies, but even to the wives of rebels in open revolt,[11] his generous acts were done graciously and in no grudging spirit,[12] there was nothing mean or paltry in his character,[13] his manners were ingratiating, and he had great influence over others.

A person so described is very unintelligible if the assassinations and infamies of 'tradition' have to be added. Richard's character is far more intelligible without them; and 'tradition' is perfectly accounted for by the necessities of the new dynasty, whose well-paid writers created it.

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Mr. Gairdner acknowledges that 'tradition' seldom supplies anything material in the way of facts. Yet he maintains that traditional views cannot be set aside unless the history of the particular epoch is re-written, and the new version exhibits a moral harmony with the facts of subsequent times and times preceding.

Of course certain passages in history would have to be re-written when they were found to be erroneous. But the truth or falsehood of a particular accusation cannot be affected by facts of subsequent times or times preceding. Its truth or falsehood is not established by moral harmony with something else, but by contemporary evidence.

My detailed remarks on Mr. Gairdner's views respecting Richard's alleged crimes are intended to show that his conclusions are mistaken when they deviate from his own plan of placing the chief reliance on contemporary evidence; and that a sceptical spirit, in the special case of Richard, is absolutely necessary if the truth is to be reached.

Mr. Gairdner assumes that Richard murdered his nephews, and, on the strength of his guilt in committing that crime, he argues that the criminal was capable of anything during his former life, and on this ground believes in some of the other alleged crimes. The earlier accusers appear to argue in the reverse way. They accumulated every accusation they could think of, with reference to Richard's former life, in order to make the main crime more probable.

Though Mr. Gairdner's sense of justice obliges him to make so many admissions that the revolting monster of earlier histories almost disappears in his hands, yet in some respects he goes backwards. For he still {285} clings to the assassinations of young Edward and of Henry VI., two horrible stories invented by later chroniclers. Surely the sound arguments of Sharon Turner and others ought to have been allowed finally to expunge these revolting fables from our history.

However, in Mr. Gairdner's book the venomous hunchback, born with teeth, entirely disappears. He gives us, in his place, a prince 'whose bodily deformity, though perceptible, was probably not conspicuous.' In his latest version, he abandons the assassination in the King's tent by his chief nobles. He thinks that Richard is unduly blamed about the murder of Henry VI. because it was probably sanctioned by others. He pronounces Richard to be guiltless of the death of Clarence. He admits that Anne was not married to young Edward, and that there is some reason to believe that she regarded Richard with favour. He gives no countenance to the insinuation that Anne was poisoned by her husband. He is inclined to credit the pre-contract of Edward IV. with Lady Eleanor Butler, and admits the strength of the evidence for its truth. He considers it remarkable that a man (Lord Rivers) who suffered by the Protector's order could appeal to him to be supervisor of his will. This would certainly be very remarkable if Gloucester and Rivers had been accomplices in two cowardly murders. Such monsters do not usually place confidence in each other. But the simple truth is not remarkable. Rivers felt that he had failed and must pay the penalty, but he placed full and deserved confidence in Richard's honour and integrity, as well as in his generosity.

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Mr. Gairdner has thus removed much of the Tudor garbage from the picture of King Richard, but he will not sweep off the rest. His researches show him that the accusations of the Tudor writers are irreconcilable with the results of modern investigations. But his preconceived convictions, although much shaken, are not yet swept away. The inevitable result is that the life and character of Richard become a puzzle to him. Generous, kind, and patriotic acts continue to be recorded of the young King throughout his life, which are certainly not the acts of an habitual assassin. Those who are forced to acknowledge the facts, and yet cling to a belief in the fictions, find themselves in a tight place. This is Mr. Gairdner's position. He will not give up all the Tudor fables, and clings to such shreds of them as it seems to him possible to retain. Yet his own researches force him to abandon much and to apologize for the rest. The man's acts cannot be made to harmonize with the Tudor calumnies. The consequent contradictions necessitate the explanation that 'Richard was not yet even a hardened criminal' (p. 46); while some of the events which cannot be disputed are 'certainly remarkable' (p. 91), and others 'almost inconceivable' (p. 214).

Mr. Gairdner cannot quite give up the fable of the murder of young Edward at Tewkesbury. He admits that it was not countenanced by any contemporary writer, that it was first told by Fabyan many years after the event, and that the final embellishment, according to which young Gloucester was a participator in the crime, was a tradition of later times. Yet in his history, he preferred the tradition of later times to the story of Fabyan, although he thought the latter had every appearance of probability, and he preferred both to the {287} unanimous testimony of contemporaries.[14] There is no reason for this topsy-turvy criticism, except that what Mr. Gairdner calls a 'tradition' accuses Richard, while Fabyan and the contemporaries do not.

His arguments in favour of the murder given in his 'Life of Richard III.' were that Richard may very probably have been a murderer at nineteen, if any one of his other alleged murders be admitted; and that he was capable of a cowardly assassination because he condemned prisoners to death in his judicial capacity. On these grounds alone he urged that the accusation is not to be rejected. He did not maintain that it is true, but that it cannot safely be pronounced apocryphal. He also admitted that Richard ought not to bear the whole responsibility, as he was only an accessory. This is very different from the downright condemnation of Hume and Lingard.[15] The fable is evidently doomed. But there can be no sharing of responsibility. If Richard stabbed his young cousin he was a cowardly ruffian, whether other ruffians did the same or not. If he did not, no words can be strong enough to express the infamy of his Italian slanderer.

Mr. Gairdner has since shifted his ground,[16] and, adopting Warkworth's version, has admitted that {288} young Edward was slain in the field, calling for succour to the Duke of Clarence; but he cannot bring himself to acquit Richard altogether, and suggests that he was the slayer, because no meaner person would have taken the responsibility of slaying so valuable a prisoner. As if these fine-drawn distinctions were made in the heat of a desperate _melee_. But even so, the two boys being about the same age and weight, it was a fair fight. There was no crime. Yet Mr. Gairdner still calls it a 'murder'! Of course there is no authority or ground whatever for bringing Richard in at all, if Warkworth's version is adopted. Verily the fiction is dying hard!

There is no reason for considering the Duke of Gloucester to have been capable of assassinating his cousin because it was his duty to sit in judgment on prisoners as Lord Constable. The trial of rebels before a court consisting of the Earl Marshal and the Lord Constable was perfectly legal and constitutional. Speaking of trial by jury, Chief Justice Fortescue laid it down that in England 'some cases might be proved before two only, such as facts occurring on the high seas, and proceedings before the Earl Marshal and the Lord Constable.' It was a constitutional tribunal, and, although very young, his office of Constable made it incumbent on Gloucester to sit in judgment. The Earl Marshal, being an older man, would probably take the leading part. Mr. Gairdner says that it was a summary tribunal and that all who were brought before it were beheaded. It was a constitutional tribunal, and only thirteen prisoners were condemned to death. As many as twelve of the leaders were pardoned, if not more, and all the subordinate officers and soldiers. In comparison with Lancaster {289} and Tudor proceedings under similar circumstances,[17] the tribunal at Tewkesbury was lenient.[18]

Although it does not affect Richard, a serious accusation against Edward IV. should here receive attention, namely, that his enemies who had taken refuge in Tewkesbury Abbey might, in Mr. Gairdner's words, 'have saved themselves by flight if Edward had not sworn in church upon the sacraments to pardon them. As to the executions being vindictive, I should very much like to know what other character they can possibly bear except that they were perfidious also.' They may be called vindictive if all executions for treason in a civil war are to be so called, but not, as Mr. Gairdner evidently intends, in any special sense. The sting of the accusation, however, is in the alleged perfidy.

Here is Habington's version of the accusation referred to by Mr. Gairdner. 'King Edward with his sword drawn would have entered the church and forced the fugitives thence. But a priest with the eucharist in his hand would not let him until he had granted to all a free pardon. But this pardon betrayed {290} them, for on the Monday after they were taken out of the church and all beheaded.'

There are some assertions so contrary to all reasonable probability that they cannot be accepted, after having been examined with any care. This is one. The fugitives had taken refuge in the abbey because they were too closely pursued, and escape was not possible. How could they have saved themselves by flight when Tewkesbury was occupied, and the abbey surrounded by Edward's army? We are asked to believe that the King swore on the sacrament to pardon all, and next day beheaded all. Why should he commit this wholly useless act of perjury? There was no object, nothing to gain by it. Even if he refrained from taking the fugitives out of the church, which the story has it that he did do next day, he could soon have starved them out. It is untrue that all were beheaded. The story that he took such an unnecessary oath, intending to break it next day, is too absurd for acceptance. As the result proved, the King intended to have the prisoners tried before the Earl Marshal's Court, to cause some of the condemned to undergo their sentence, and to pardon others. He may possibly have told a priest that some would be pardoned. This would soon be turned, by partisans, into all being pardoned. In point of fact many were pardoned.

In discussing the alleged murder of Henry VI., Mr. Gairdner admits that 'an after age has been a little unjust to Richard in throwing upon him the whole responsibility of acts in which others perhaps participated.' But this amounts to a surrender of the whole point at issue. Richard either stabbed Henry VI. without his brother's knowledge, as the story attributed to Sir Thomas More tells us, or he did {291} nothing. The boy of eighteen either obtained the custody of the Tower from his political enemy Lord Rivers, without the King's knowledge and consent, went to Henry's room, and stabbed the unarmed feeble invalid with a dagger, or he did not. Assuming the murder, Mr. Gairdner appears to mean by saying that others participated in it, that it was committed by Edward IV. and his Council, with the complicity of Rivers the Constable of the Tower. It is difficult to see what else he can mean. In that case the statement of the historian whom Mr. Gairdner believes to be Sir Thomas More, that Gloucester committed the murder without his brother's knowledge, is false.

Mr. Gairdner is mistaken about the household accounts. He thinks they only refer to the expenses and diet of Henry's servants. But the statement is clear and distinct that the expenses and diet for fourteen days after May 11, that is until May 24, are for Henry himself as well as his attendants. The only contemporary writer gives the same date, and Polydore Virgil, the official writer employed by Henry VII., tells us that his death was long after May 21, the day when Richard was in the Tower. Fabyan and Warkworth's informant give this date of May 21, in contradiction to the above conclusive evidence for the 24th or night of the 23rd. First they assumed the murder, and then they fixed the date of it on the only day when Gloucester was there to commit it. The household accounts expose this fabrication of dates.

Mr. Gairdner settles the difference between these authorities in a very summary fashion. 'Considering the source from which this statement comes' (for the 23rd) 'and its total disagreement with the accounts of almost all other writers in or near the time, it is {292} impossible to attach any weight to it whatever.' The answer to the last part of this sentence is that the writer in question was the only one who wrote at the time; and that Warkworth and Fabyan, who wrote afterwards, are the only authorities for the 21st. Moreover Polydore Virgil, who had access to all official records, directly contradicts Warkworth and Fabyan, giving a much later date for the death of Henry VI.

Mr. Gairdner's other reason for rejecting the evidence of the writer in Fleetwood is that his report was official, and that consequently 'it is impossible to attach any weight to his statement whatever.' But on this principle Mr. Gairdner ought to sweep away all the accusations against Richard made by Tudor writers; for they are almost all the work of official partisans engaged, some of them paid to vilify the predecessor of their employer. Official chroniclers should be held in suspicion, and their narratives call for strict scrutiny. But there ought to be discrimination. If a document is official, it is not _ipso facto_ false. There must be some evidence against it besides its official character. The writer who sent a narrative of the restoration of Edward IV. to the citizens of Bruges has not been detected in any misrepresentations. He gave a plain statement of the course of events, with no other object than to convey to the generous Flemings a knowledge of what had befallen the gallant young King whom they had befriended. He gave the 23rd as the date of the death of Henry VI. because the fact was within his own personal knowledge. This was not the case with any writer who has given a different date. According to the story the murder was committed in profound secrecy. The most virulent {293} Tudor chroniclers only mention it as a suspicion. There was no ground whatever for the accusation, or they would have stated it. This suspicion, as regards Gloucester, was never whispered until the Tudor King was in power. It is, therefore, to the last degree improbable that, assuming there was a crime, it should have been needlessly divulged to the author of the letter to Bruges with orders that he should falsify the date. If the murder was a secret, as the Tudor chroniclers affirm, and if, as two of them assert, the date of Henry's death was known, it would have been useless to falsify a date which was known, to conceal an unknown deed. The inevitable conclusion is that the date was not falsified in the letter to Bruges; and that the 23rd was the day of Henry's death. The suggested falsification would be such an act of folly as no writer, even if he wrote officially, would be at all likely to commit; for it would be uselessly raising a suspicion where none existed. If anything of the kind had been attempted, the date of Richard's presence, not of Henry's death, would have been altered. But there is really nothing to raise a suspicion of the author's good faith.

Very different are the authorities who contradict him. Warkworth's story contains a statement that the Duke of Gloucester was present in the Tower at the time of Henry's death, and then the date is given with that excessive minuteness of day and hour which is characteristic of the lie circumstantial. The whole story is dished up with a miracle or two. It is not necessary to suppose that Dr. Warkworth was himself guilty of misrepresentation. He was evidently very credulous, and he was deceived by his informer. As for Fabyan, he wrote in the days of Henry VII. and {294} was desirous of suiting his tales to the wishes of that jealous tyrant. Apart from the undesigned evidence of the household accounts, the letter to the citizens of Bruges must, on every principle of historical criticism, be accepted as a more reliable authority, on this point, than the miracle-monger Warkworth or the unscrupulous time-server Fabyan. The whole story about Henry VI. having been murdered by Gloucester is palpably a Tudor calumny invented long afterwards, and told so clumsily that it certainly did not deserve the success which has attended it.[19]

Mr. Gairdner acquits Richard of responsibility for the death of Clarence, as was inevitable. For he would not be supported even by the most unscrupulous enemy of Richard's memory if he refused to acquit him. Clearly there was no belief among his contemporaries that Richard was in any way to blame. Yet Mr. Gairdner cannot let the matter rest. He suggests that Richard's foundation of colleges at Middleham and Barnard Castle, with provision for masses for the souls of his father, brothers, and sisters, betokens remorse for the death of Clarence, because the licences to found these colleges were granted soon after his brother's death. Clarence is not specially mentioned, only brothers and sisters. This pious act might betoken regret, but it cannot be supposed to betoken remorse. The man's conscience must indeed have been morbidly sensitive if it caused remorse for that which the King and the Parliament had done, but which he had opposed. It was quite natural that {295} Richard should have provided for these masses from ordinary feelings of regret and affection for all the deceased members of his family. The idea of remorse is gratuitous and very far-fetched; for Richard had arranged for the foundation of these colleges before the death of Clarence. Mr. Gairdner further remarks that Richard gained by his brother's death, his son being created Earl of Salisbury and he himself receiving the whole of a lordship of which he previously owned half. Richard certainly would not have compassed his brother's death, even assuming him to have been the monster of 'tradition,' for the sake of an earldom for his son, seeing that the father had two earldoms already, scarcely for the other half of the Barnard Castle estate. Mr. Gairdner cannot surely think that Richard had some hand in his brother's death for the sake of such very small gains. For he has told us that there was nothing mean or paltry in Richard's character, and he acquits him of the death of Clarence. King Edward, naturally enough, gave the vacant earldoms of Warwick and Salisbury to the infant sons of his two brothers.

Mr. Gairdner has nothing to say against the young prince with regard to his marriage. We, therefore, come to our historian's treatment of the events which led to Richard's accession. Mr. Gairdner dismisses the accusations against the Duke of Gloucester, that he was carrying on intrigues with Buckingham and other members of the Council, between the date of his brother's death and that of his arrival in London.[20] He also considers the arrest and execution {296} of Lord Rivers and his companions to have been justifiable. He believes that the Woodville party intended to keep the government in their own hands by main force,[21] that the generality of the people were convinced that Rivers and Grey had entertained designs distinctly treasonable,[22] and he mentions the fact that their baggage contained large quantities of armour and implements of war. This is a proof that they contemplated the raising and arming of a large force. Mr. Gairdner even goes so far as to admit that the retribution dealt out to Rivers and his companions was 'not more severe than perhaps law itself might have authorised.' As we know from Rous that the law was invoked, these admissions amount to an exculpation of King Richard, as regards his treatment of Rivers, Vaughan, and Grey.

Mr. Gairdner's position with regard to Richard's title to the crown is curious. That title was based on the fact that Edward IV. had entered into a marriage contract with Lady Eleanor Butler before he went through the ceremony with the widow of Sir J. Grey. The Tudor King attempted to destroy all record of this event, and his official writers then put forward two other statements, which they alleged to have been made as justifications of Richard's claim to the crown. One of these was that Richard's elder brothers were illegitimate, the other that the previous marriage was with a woman named Lucy. The name of Lady Eleanor is carefully suppressed. Long afterwards the official document was discovered in which the title is based solely on the previous contract with Lady Eleanor Butler.

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Such is the case very briefly stated. Mr. Gairdner believes that the story of the pre-contract with Lady Eleanor may be true. He considers that the care taken by the Tudor writers to suppress and pervert it is evidence of its truth. He even suggests that the death of Clarence was due to the fact that he had got possession of the secret. But he fails to see that the truth of this pre-contract not only invalidates the other stories invented by the Tudor writers to conceal it, but entirely destroys their credibility. Morton's statement that it was alleged by Richard's supporters that the pre-contract was with Lucy must be false, as well as the assertion that a calumny was promulgated against the Duchess of York; if the pre-contract with Lady Eleanor is true. Surely Mr. Gairdner must see that the statement of a title made in an officially inspired sermon or speech must have been made to agree with that in the document which Henry VII. attempted to destroy. Having made away with the document, so that they could mis-state its contents, Henry's chroniclers put what inventions they pleased into the mouths of preachers and orators. But the document has since been found. Its real contents are known. Men who would deliberately make this elaborate series of false statements are utterly unworthy of credit. Yet Mr. Gairdner still clings to the belief that the odious slander about the Duchess of York was promulgated, and continues to quote Morton's story as if it were authentic and reliable history.

The sole ground put forward for still believing that the slander was uttered against the Duchess of York is that one of these authorities alleges that the people were scandalised at the sermon, and another that {298} the Duchess complained of the dishonour done her. These additions to the fable, from the same suspicious sources, can in no conceivable way strengthen its credibility.[23]

We now come to the main stronghold of Tudor calumny--the story of the smothering of the little princes in the Tower. Mr. Gairdner makes a hesitating defence. He cannot doubt that the dreadful deed was done. But he admits that the story, as told in the narrative attributed to Sir Thomas More, is full of inaccuracies and improbabilities. He contends, however, that it is not necessary for it to be true in all its details, in order to give credence to the main allegation. He also admits that the crime imputed to Richard rests upon the assertions of only a few, and that two of these mention it merely as a report. He denies that Richard was the cold scheming calculating villain of previous histories; and apparently thinks that, if this had been his character, he would not have acted in the way alleged in the story. Consequently the story could not be true. For a cold calculating villain would not have been so foolish as to leave London, and then send his orders to the Tower, without having previously ascertained that they would be obeyed. Mr. Gairdner's theory is that Richard was headstrong and reckless as to consequences, a man of violent and impatient temper. Such a man, Mr. Gairdner thinks, might act in the way described in the story; {299} if a strong motive was suddenly supplied to him. Mr. Gairdner looks round for such a motive, and thinks he has found it in the alleged contemplated rising in favour of the two young princes. But no such motive existed. The date given for the alleged murders was August 1483. The rising, even if it had been in favour of the boys and not of Buckingham, was in October. Mr. Davies has shown that the first tidings reached the king at Lincoln on October 11,[24] and Mr. Gairdner fully admits that Richard was taken completely by surprise. This proves that no motive for the crime was supplied in August, calculated to make a violent and reckless man take sudden action. If there was no motive there was no murder. Thus Mr. Gairdner's explanation fails, while the improbabilities remain as strong as ever. The difficulties disappear as soon as Richard is acquitted, and his astute successor is placed in the dock.

With reference to this horrible accusation against King Richard, Mr. Gairdner had opened his work with the dictum that 'it is vain to deny that Richard had long lost the hearts of his subjects.' But Mr. Gairdner himself has supplied some of the proofs that the King never lost the hearts of his subjects. Mr. Gairdner acknowledges that up to September 1483, 'in the north undoubtedly, and perhaps with the common people generally, Richard was highly popular' (p. 147). In November 1484, when, on the young King's return to London he was received with demonstrations of loyalty, Mr. Gairdner says that 'perhaps he had to some extent recovered the good will of the people' (p. 243). But, in the meanwhile, we are not supplied with a shadow of a {300} proof that he had ever lost it. He was the victim of the perfidy of a few traitors. There was no national movement against him in favour of Henry Tudor. Sharon Turner truly remarked that 'the nation had no share in the conflict. It was an ambush of a few perfidious and disaffected noblemen against the crown. Richard was overwhelmed by the explosion of a new mine, which he had not suspected to be forming beneath him, because it was prepared and fired by those whom gratitude, honour and conscience ought to have made faithful.' The city of York recorded the grief of the people at King Richard's death. He was popular to the end.

Mr. Gairdner fully explains the causes of Richard's popularity (p. 313). 'His taste in building was magnificent and princely. There was nothing mean or paltry in his character (p. 318). Many of his acts were dictated by charitable feelings or a sense of justice. He had in him a great deal of native religious sentiment (p. 47). He made it his endeavour, so far as it lay in his power, to prevent tyranny for the future (p. 205), and as king he really studied his country's welfare (p. 313). No wonder that such a King, who was also renowned for his valour in the field and his wisdom in council, should have been popular among his subjects! But it is wonderful that thoughtful and accomplished men, who admit all this, should cling to the vile and wretched calumnies, the discredited tatters of which still partly obscure the truth.

The work of Mr. Gairdner is of great value owing to its conscientious attempt to be judicially impartial, to the learning and research that are apparent in every page, and to the considerable number of errors it exposes, and of mistakes that are finally cleared up {301} by it. The good points in the character of King Richard III. are prominently brought forward. The excellence of his government and the generosity of his character are made so apparent, that one is surprised, in the midst of this goodly record, to come suddenly on such epithets as 'usurper,' 'tyrant,' 'inhuman King.' Mr. Gairdner's learning and critical insight have so weakened the traditional fables, a half belief in which he cannot quite shake off, that they are not likely to retain a place much longer in serious history.

[1] _History of the Life and Reign of Richard III._, by James Gairdner (1878), 1st ed. _History of the Life and Reign of Richard III._, by James Gairdner (1898), 2nd ed. _Henry the Seventh_, by James Gairdner (1889). Article in the _English Historical Review_, 1891.

[2] Preface to Gairdner's _Life of Richard III._ p. x.

[3] _Ibid._ p. x.

[4] _Ibid._ p. xii.

[5] _Ibid._ p. xii.

[6] Gairdner's _Richard III._ p. 38.

[7] _Ibid._ p. 112.

[8] _Ibid._ pp. 115, 131.

[9] _Ibid._ p. 247.

[10] _Ibid._ p. 73.

[11] _Ibid._ p. 250.

[12] _Ibid._ p. 251.

[13] _Ibid._ p. 251.

[14] Stow set a better example. He adopted the 'probable story' of Fabyan, and rejected the 'tradition of later times,' as Mr. Gairdner calls the unsupported calumny of Polydore Virgil.

[15] Dr. Lingard says that 'Clarence and Gloucester, perhaps the Knights in their retinue, despatched young Edward with their swords' (iv. p. 189). In a foot-note he sees no good reason to doubt Stow. But Stow says nothing of the kind. He merely adopts Fabyan's tale that King Edward's servants despatched the prince. He does not even mention either Clarence or Gloucester. The accusation against the knights in the retinue of those princes is Lingard's own, unsupported by any evidence whatever.

[16] _English Historical Review_, 1891 (July), p. 448.

[17] The Lancastrians gave no quarter at Wakefield, slaughtering all prisoners high and low. At the second battle ol St. Albans their cruelty was deepened by bad faith. After Bosworth, Henry Tudor ordered four executions which, in his outlawed condition, were lawless murders. The atrocious conduct of his son, in suppressing the Pilgrimage of Grace, was still more horrible. Executions went on, long after all resistance had ceased, with unrelenting cruelty.

The tribunal at Tewkesbury is unjustly arraigned by modern historians, while the barbarities of Lancastrians and Tudors are slurred over or ignored.

[18] 'I am struck with the singular leniency of Edward IV. towards his political enemies. The rolls of Parliament are full of petitions for the reversal of attainders. I do not recollect a single instance in which the petition was refused.'--Thorold Rogers, _Agriculture and Prices_, iv. p. 180.

[19] Dr. Lingard's chief reason for believing that Gloucester murdered Henry VI. is that 'writers who lived under the next dynasty attributed the black deed to Richard' (iv. p. 192). Of course they did. They were well paid to do so.

[20] P. 61. He considers it more probable that Gloucester was ignorant of what had been going on in London.

[21] P. 62.

[22] P. 66.

[23] Dr. Lingard's argument in favour of the calumny against the Duchess of York is that a man who would shed the blood of his nephews would not refuse to allow his mother to be slandered. Doubtless the Doctor would have been equally ready with the reversed argument. A man who would slander his mother would not refuse to allow his nephews to be murdered (iv. p. 232 _n_).

[24] _York Records_, p. 181 _n._

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INDEX

NDX Aberford, 26

Abergavenny, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the King, 110

Abingdon, 71; cattle fair at, 112

Acaster College, founded by Bishop Stillington, 96, 118. _See_ Stillington

Albany, Duke of, with King Richard in the progress, 130

Alcock, Bishop, 88, 91, 146; at Oxford to receive King Richard, 129; account of, 91 _n._

Alfonso V. of Portugal, 66

Alkmaar, Edward IV. landed at, 42

Alnwick, 59

Ambien Hill, 153; King Richard slain at the foot of, 157

Ambien Lees, 152, 154

Andre, Bernard, historiographer to Henry VII., 168, 171; silent about the fable of the murder of Edward of Lancaster, 191

Angers, 67, 79, 206

Anker, river, 152, 153

Anne, heiress of Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, married Edmund Earl of Stafford, 128

Anne, Nevill, companion of Richard at Middleham, 40; taken to France by her father, 66, 67; marriage with Edward of Lancaster never took place, 67; return to England, 68; her wardship claimed by Clarence. In sanctuary, 81; married to Prince Richard, 82; joined by her mother at Middleham, 82, 202; marriage settlement, 199, 200, 201; her beauty, 124; joined her husband in London, 93

Anne, Queen, her coronation, 126, 127; joined the King at Warwick, 129; at York, 130; grief on her son's death, 137; illness, 139; death and burial, 139, 140, 228; malignant slander of Polydore Virgil and Rous, 228

Anne, daughter of Edward IV., married the Earl of Surrey, 86 _n._, 271 _n._

Anne, sister of Edward IV., Duchess of Exeter, 3; birth, 6, 110

Anne de la Pole, betrothed to James III., became a nun at Sion, 139

Appledore, home of Captain Horn who fell at Towton, 32

Arbitration by King Richard, 84, 113, 160 _n._; by the Lord Mayor, 113

Armour and arms, 107, 120, 122; arrows at Towton, 32; hand-guns, 44; artillery, 49, 155 _n._

Arthur, son of Henry VII., 267

Arthur Plantagenet, son of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221 _n._

Arundel, Archbishop, 117

Arundel, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Arundel collection, letter from Elizabeth of York to the Duke of Norfolk seen by Buck in, 229

Arundell, Sir Thomas, K.B., at Richard's coronation, 147

Ashton, Sir Ralph, made Vice-Constable, 131, 132 _n._

Atherstone, Henry Tudor at, 149

Attorney-General, _see_ Kidwelly, Morgan

Audley, Lord, Battle of Blore Heath, 56; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; Lord Treasurer, 144

Audley, Edmund, Bishop of Rochester, 146

Audley, Sir Humphrey, tried and executed at Tewkesbury, 76

Ayala, Don Pedro de, Spanish Ambassador, his evidence respecting the remorse of Henry VII., 276

Ayscough, Bishop of Salisbury, 118

Babington, Sir Henry, made K.B., 147

Bacon, Lord, his character of Richard III., 134; believed the story of the murders to have been inspired by Henry VII., 169; on treatment of the Queen Dowager by Henry VII., 257 _n._

Bamborough Castle, 59

Banbury, 47

Bangor, Thomas Ednam, Bishop of, 146

Barnard Castle, 84, 161, 265, 295

Barnet, battle of, 49, 50-52; losses at, 52

Barrow, Thomas, Master of the Rolls, Commissioner for Peace with Scotland, 145

Basset pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Bath, Knights of the, at coronations of Edward IV., 35; and Richard III., 126, 147

Bath and Wells, Bishop of, at Richard's coronation, 127, 144, 146. _See_ Stillington

Baume, Sir Thomas, slain at Wakefield, 15

Bayley, 'History of the Tower,' 181, 198 _n._

Baynard's Castle, 3, 91, 92 _n._, 102, 110, 222; family of the Duke of York assembled at, 10, 11, 19, 21; Edward IV. accepted the crown at, 22

Beauchamp of Powyke, Lord, 72; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; his son in command at Gloucester, 72

Beaufort, Sir John, 70; slain at Tewkesbury, 73, 76

Beaujeu, the Lady of, Regent of France, her enmity to England, 141, 243

Beaulieu Abbey, Countess of Warwick in sanctuary at, 70, 81, 82, 201

Beaumont, Viscount, at Towton, 24, 31; flight from Towton, 33; under attainder, 109, 144

Becca Banks, 26

Bedingfield, Sir Edmund, K.B., at Richard's coronation, 147

Bemynster, Robert, Abbot of Cerne, 69

Benevolences abolished by Richard's Parliament, 134, 142 _n._

Berkeley, Lord, viii _n._

Berkeley, Sir William, of Beverston made K.B., 147; a traitor, 133

Berkeley, Sir William, of Wyldy made K.B., 147; loyal to the last, 252

Bermondsey nunnery, Queen Dowager confined in, until her death, 257

Bernall, Richard, tutor to young Edward, 84

Berners, Juliana, her 'Book of St. Albans,' 108

Berners, Lord, 34, 51

Berwick, 86

Beskwood Park, King Richard hunting at, 151

Beverley, 46

Bigot, Sir John, of Musgrave Castle, at Towton for Henry, 24

Bisham, Earl of Salisbury buried at, 34; Warwick and Montagu buried at, 51

Bishops in the fifteenth century, 118; at Richard's coronation, 126, 127, 146; at Oxford to receive Richard, 129; with him on his progress, 129; list, 146

Blore Heath, battle of, 56

Blount, Sir Walter, marched north with Edward, 23; in the pursuit of Clifford, 28; march to Towton, created Lord Mountjoy, 35, _whom see_

Blythe, 39

Bohun inheritance explained, 128, 223, 224

Boleyn, Sir Thomas, made K.B. at Richard's coronation, 147

Bolton Castle, 83, 107

Bolton Hall, Henry VI. concealed at, 59

Bootham Bar, York, 34, 58

Borough, Sir John, present to, from the royal wardrobe, 111

Bosworth, battle of, 152-157; numbers, 153; artillery at, 155 _n._

Bosworth Market, Sir W. Stanley's camp near, 153

Bourchier, Cardinal, Archbishop of Canterbury, crowned Edward IV., 35; cousin to the King, 111; crowned Richard III., 120, 143, 146, 234

Bourchier, Sir Edward, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; slain, 15; head stuck on the gate at York, 17

Bourchier, Sir Humphrey, two slain at Barnet, 51 _n._ _See_ Cromwell, Lord

Bracher, Wm., and his son, loyal servants of King Richard, put to death by Henry Tudor, 247

Brackenbury, Sir Robert, knighted, 147; joined the king at Bosworth, 151; slain, 155, 156; loyal to the last, 252; in the story of the murders, 258, 260, 261

'Bradshaws' a strategic position at Bosworth field, 152

Bramham Moor, 26

Brampton, Wm., of Burford, loyal to the last, 252

Brandon, Sir William, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; traitor, 133 _n._; Henry Tudor's standard-bearer, slain by the King, 156

Bray, Reginald, Lady Stanley's steward, 149; his skill as an architect, 149 _n._; agent to Henry Tudor, 226, 231

Brecknock Castle, 226, 227, 231

Breze, Pierre de, Lord of Varenne, devoted to Margaret of Anjou, 53, 58

Brian, Sir Thomas, Chief Justice of Common Pleas, 145

Bridget, daughter of Edward IV., a nun, 87 _n._, 271 _n._

Bristol, 71, 72

Brittany, treaty with, 139, 161; Henry Tudor in, 131, 141

Browne, Sir John, made K.B., 147

Bruges, Edward IV. and Richard at, 43; Caxton at, 113; news of Edward's success sent to the citizens, 198

Buck, Sir George, wrote the life of Richard III.--had seen the true statement of his claim to the crown, 219; heard that the pamphlet attributed to Sir Thomas More was written by Morton, 168, 179; account of, 180 _n._; saw the letter from Elizabeth of York to the Duke of Norfolk, 229

Buck, Sir John, Controller of the Household, 145; put to death by Henry Tudor, 246

Buckingham, Duchess of, 7, 55, 132

Buckingham, Duke of, 89; left London to warn Richard, 90; speech at the Guildhall, 102; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the King, 110; bearing the King's train, 127; Lord Constable, 144; his claims, 223, 224; alleged conversations with Morton, 225; object of his treason, 225; met Lady Stanley on the road, 226; trial and execution at Salisbury, 131, 132; Richard's generous treatment of his widow, 132

Burford, _see_ Cornwall

Burgundy, Charles the Bold, Duke of, helped Edward secretly, 43; marriage with Princess Margaret, 43, 113; invested with the Garter, 113; received Margaret of Anjou at St. Pol, 60; Edward's desertion of, 82; fall of, 162

Burgundy, Philip the Good, Duke of, George and Richard under protection of, 18

Burgundy, Duchess of, _see_ Margaret, Princess

Butler, Lady Eleanor, contracted in marriage to Edward IV., 93; truth of the contract, 218, 219, 222, 296; details respecting her, 219 _n._; her death, 94, 219

Butler, Sir John, at Towton, 24. _See_ Ormonde

Byron, Sir John, with Henry Tudor, 149; saved Sir Gervase Clifton at Bosworth, 156

Byron, Sir Nicholas, created K.B., 36

Cade, Jack, 122

Cadeby, Norfolk's camp at, before Bosworth, 152

Calabria, John of, 67

Calais, 7, 102; Dighton living at, 261, 274; Tyrrel seized at, 273

Cambridge, 117, 136

Campbell, Lord, on King Richard's Parliament, 134

Canterbury Pilgrimages, 119. Archbishops. _See_ Arundel, Bourchier, Kemp, Morton

Cardigan, 148

Carlisle, Bishop of, 146

Carte, 'History of England,' 180

Cary, Sir Hugh, tried and executed at Tewkesbury, 76

Castleford, 28

Castles in the fifteenth century, 106, 107

Catesby, reported the Hastings-Woodville conspiracy to Richard, 98, 211; executor to will of Lord Rivers, 99 _n._; Speaker of the House of Commons, 134; and Chancellor of the Exchequer, 144; Commissioner for the Peace with Scotland, 145; at Bosworth, 144, 155; put to death by Henry Tudor, 246; notice of, 246 _n._

Cattle fair, 112

Caxton: his own account of himself, 113; helped Edward IV. and Richard in fitting out their expedition, 113; his first essay at printing, 113; in the service of the Duchess of Burgundy, 114; came to England, books printed by him, 114, 115; his house in the Almonry, 114; book of chivalry dedicated to Richard III., 115; lament on the Earl of Worcester's death, 115, 116

Cerne Abbey, 69

Chamberlain, Sir Robert, 45

Charles VII. of France, 53

Charles VIII. of France, 141

Charlton, Sir Richard, loyal to the last, 252

Cheltenham, 73

Cheney, Sir John, with Henry Tudor, 149

Cheney, Sir William, traitor, unhorsed by the King himself at Bosworth, 156

Chevet, 13

Chichester, Bishop of, 146

Chipping Sodbury, 71, 73

Church, the, 117, 118. _See_ Convocation; Bishops

Cicely, Princess, daughter of Edward IV., married to Lord Welles, 86 _n._, 271

Cirencester, 71

Clarence, George, Duke of, born at Dublin, 3, 6; taken prisoner at Ludlow, 7, 8, 10; sent to Holland for safety, 18; married to Isabella Nevill, 41, 66; his treason, 41, 43; reconciled to his brothers, 48, 71; grasping conduct, 80; attainder, death, 202, 203; cause of his death, 95; his children, 87 _n._, 236; his attainder barred his children's succession, 101; town house at Cold Harbour, 110; Richard interceded for him, 203, 204, 294; Mr. Gairdner's views, 295

Clarendon, Sir Richard, at Bosworth for the King, 155, 157

Clarke, William, of Wenlock, loyal to the last, 252

Cleger, John, a robber who made Margaret of Anjou prisoner, 57

Cleymound, Robert, hired informer, 275

Clifford, Lord, led the Lancastrian van at Wakefield, 13, 14, 15, 24; surprised the Yorkists at Ferrybridge, 27; pursued and slain, 28; some account of him, 29

Clifton, Sir Gervase, made K.B., 147; wounded at Bosworth, fighting for the King, 156

Clifton, Sir Robert, created K.B., 36

Clothes, in the royal wardrobe, 111; Clement Paston's, 117; an Eton boy's, 117; John Paston's, 122; Mr. Payn's, 122

Cobham, Lord, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Cock beck, near the Towton battlefield, 26, 33

Cockermouth, Earl of Wiltshire arrested at, 34

Coke's mother, 120

Colchester, 120

Cold Harbour, 110

Collingbourne, a traitor, executed, 132 _n._

Comines, details of the flight of Edward IV., 42; marriage of Edward IV. and Lady Eleanor Butler, 93 _n._; death of Edward of Lancaster, 189

Companies, City, influence, dispute settled by arbitration, 112, 113

Conisborough Castle, 3

Convocation, their address to King Richard, 136

Conyers, Sir John, made a Knight of the Garter, 146; faithful to the King, 151; fell at Bosworth, 157

Corbet, Sir K., knighted after Tewkesbury, 77

Cornwall, Sir Edmund, Baron of Burford, made K.B., 147

Coronation of Richard III., 126, 127; story of a second untrue, 227, 228

Corpus Christi, fraternity in London, 112; at York, 119

Cotswold Hills, 72, 73

Court, splendour of the, 111. _See_ Wardrobe

Courtenay, Sir E., traitor, 133

Courtenay, Sir Walter, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76, 77

Courtenay, Sir William, 263 _n._

Courtenay, _see_ Exeter, Bishop of

Courtenay, _see_ Devonshire, Earl of

Courtenays, forgiven by Edward IV., 36

Courteys, Pierce, Keeper of the Wardrobe, 145

Coventry, Earl of Warwick at, 47; Edward IV. at, 78; Richard III. at, in his progress, 130

Cover, river, 83

Coverham, monks of, 83

Crakenthorpe, Sir John and Sir T., slain at Towton, 33

Croft, Richard, tutor to Edward and Edmund, 4, 5; knighted after Tewkesbury, 71, 77, 191 _n._

Cromer, 45

Cromwell, Lord, slain at Barnet, 51

Crosby, Sir J., built Crosby Place, 85

Crosby Place rented by Richard III., 85, 93, 110, 223

Croyland Chronicle on the slain at Towton, 33; there were two writers, 175, 176; independent witnesses, 175; the second credulous but honest; his accuracy as regards dates exposes Morton and Fabyan, 176; gives Richard's title to the crown correctly, 176, 219; his mistakes, 177; no countenance to the deformity fables, 186; on the Tewkesbury question, 189; on the death of Henry VI., 195, 199; his mistake about a second coronation at York, 227; retails a rumour about the death of the princes, 240

Dacre, Lord of Gillesland, 24; death at Towton, 31, 33; tomb at Saxton, 34; his brother forgiven, 36; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145; hurrying to King Richard's help, but too late, 151

Dampierre, chateau where Margaret of Anjou died, 79

Dartford, Princess Bridget a nun at, 87 _n._

Daubeny, Sir Giles, with Henry Tudor, 149; Lieutenant of the Tower, 268

Daventry, 48

Davies, Mr., _see_ York Records.

Davy, Henry, to deliver certain garments to John Goddestande, footman to Edward son of Edward IV., 237

Dobenham, Sir Gilbert, 45

De la Warre, Lord, 109, 143

Deptford, Vicar of, burnt on Tower Hill, 118

Devereux, Sir Walter, mentioned in the letter from Edward and Edmund to their father, 4; Lord Ferrers of Chartley (_whom see_) _jure uxoris_

Devonshire, Earl of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 31; flight from Towton, 33; beheaded, 34; next Earl with Margaret of Anjou, 70; at Tewkesbury, 74; slain, 76; son married Katherine, daughter of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 271 _n._; under attainder, 109, 144

Dickon's Nook, where King Richard addressed his army, 154

Digby, Captain, slain at Wakefield, 15

Digby, Simon, joined Henry Tudor, 149; a spy, 153

Dighton, John, 260; likely to be hanged, 261; false statements respecting, 263; bailiff of Ayton, 264, 266, 274; probably a priest, 267, 269; rewarded, 272; lived at Calais, 274

Dittingdale, near Towton, 28

Doncaster, 42

Dorchester, 69

Dorset, Marquis of, at Tewkesbury, 74; in command at the Tower when Edward IV. died, 88; in sanctuary, 91; in rebellion, 109, 144; guardian to the Earl of Warwick, 129; his rebellion, 131; flight, 132; advised by his mother to return, 136, 238; imprisoned by Henry VII., 270

Dublin, George, Duke of Clarence, born at, 3

Dudley, Lord, 109, 129, 143

Dudley, William, Bishop of Durham, 146

Durham, Bishop of, at Richard's coronation, 144

Dymoke, Sir Robert, the champion, knighted, 147

Dynham, Sir J., with the reserves at Towton, 23, 30, 32, 35, 109; traitor, 144; created Lord Dynham, 35

Easterling ships, 42, 43, 44

Ebrington, 77

Eccleshall castle, 56

Edgcombe, Richard, with Henry Tudor, 149

Edmund Langley, Duke of York, rebuilt Fotheringhay and founded a college there, 1, 2, 11

Edmund, Earl of Rutland, born at Rouen, 3, 6; letter to his father, 4; fled to Ireland with his father, 7; came to London, 9; and to Sandal Castle with his father, 10, 13; in the battle of Wakefield, 14; slain, 15, 16; absurd story about his death, 16 _n._; head on gate at York, 17; obsequies, 39; memorial chapel at Wakefield, 19

Ednam, J., Bishop of Bangor, 146

Edward, 2nd Duke of York, 2; his book 'The Master of Games,' 108

Edward IV., born at Rouen, 3, 6; letter to his father, 4; escaped to Calais, 7; return, victory at Northampton, 7; visits his brothers and sister in the Temple every day, 8; at Shrewsbury, 11; victory at Mortimer's Cross, proclaimed king, 18, 19, 20, 22; description of, 20; started for the north, 22; head-quarters at Pomfret, 27; conduct at surprise at Ferrybridge, 28; judicious orders to retrieve the disaster, 28; valour and presence of mind at Towton, 32; always gave quarter, 34; advance to York, 34; coronation, 35; just, placable, and forgiving, 36; kindness to Lord Hungerford's family, 36, 37; marriage ceremony with Lady Grey, 41; affection for his brother Richard, 41; flight to Holland, 42; reception, 43; expedition to recover the crown, 44; lands at Ravenspur, 45; at York, 46; march to London, 47, 48; battle of Barnet, 50; Tewkesbury campaign, 70-78; pardon to several leaders at Tewkesbury, 77; conduct after Tewkesbury, 289, 290; bribed by Louis XI. to desert the Duke of Burgundy, 82; death, 86; children, 86, 87 _n._; buried at Windsor, 86; his will, 89; contract of marriage with Lady Eleanor Butler, 93, 218, 219, 222; treasure under ecclesiastical sequestration, 227; his alleged conduct after Tewkesbury discussed, 289, 290

Edward of Lancaster, son of Henry VI., birth, 54, 55; at Greenwich, 56; present at battles, 57; with his mother, 58, 59; life at Koeur-la-Petite, 61; instruction from Chief Justice Fortescue, 62-65; proposed marriage with Anne Nevill, 67; character, 68; at battle of Tewkesbury 74; slain, 75; buried in Tewkesbury Abbey, 75; mode of his death, Croyland, 189; Andre, 189; Comines, 189; letter to Bruges, 75 _n._; Warkworth, 189; Fabyan, 189; Polydore Virgil, 190; Habington, Grafton, Hall, 190, 191 n.; Holmshed, 190; Stow, 191; silence of Morton and Rous, 191, 192; Mr. Gairdner, 188 _n._, 286, 287, 288

Edward, son of Richard III., 84; created Earl of Salisbury, 85, 295; Prince of Wales, 130; death, 136; tomb at Sheriff Hutton, 137

Edward, son of Duke of Clarence, 87 _n._; birth, 101; ward to Dorset, 129; Earl of Warwick, 125; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; declared heir to the throne, 102, 138; in King Richard's household, 125; with the king in his progress, 129; knighted at York, 130; at Sheriff Hutton, 142; member of council, 236; seized by Henry Tudor, 248, 255; cruel treatment and death, 275, 280

Edward, son of Edward IV., Earl of March and Pembroke, 86 _n._; proclaimed king, 89; came to London, 91; set aside as illegitimate, 97; preparations for his coronation, 209; intentions of King Richard respecting, 125; in King Richard's household, 125, 236; his tailor's bill, 237. _See_ Murder of the Princes

Elizabeth Woodville, Lady Grey, marriage ceremony with Edward IV., 41, 86; children, 86 _n._; in sanctuary, 91; allowed her son Richard to join his brother, 100; agreed with the king to come out of sanctuary, 136, 238; intrigues with Lady Stanley, 231; advised her son Dorset to come home and submit to the king, 238; her knowledge a cause of fear for Henry VII., 256; robbed and imprisoned by Henry VII., 257; attempted explanation by Lingard and Nicolas, 257 _n._; Mr. Gairdner, 257 _n._

Elizabeth, daughter of Edward IV., birth, 86 _n._; her dress like the queen's, 178; rumour about her marriage with Richard, 140; her letter to the Duke of Norfolk 229; evidence of Buck, views of Nicolas, Lingard, Gairdner, 229, 230 _n._; sent to Sheriff Hutton, 142; seized by Henry Tudor, 248; married to him as Henry VII., 250, 253, 254; her coronation, 258; treatment of her relations by Henry, 277; death, 277

Elizabeth, another daughter of Edward IV., 87 _n._, married to Lord Lumley, 221 _n._

Elizabeth, Duchess of Suffolk, born at Rouen, 3, 6; at Richard's coronation, 126, 127

Elizabeth, Queen, founded St. Peter's College, Westminster, 116; her English ancestry, 163

Eltham, 11, 107

Ely, Isle of, 242

Ely, Bishop of, _see_ Morton

Ely Place, Holborn, 110

Enderby, Sir William, made K.B., 147

England, face of the country in the fifteenth century, 106; condition of the people, 65, 121-123; prices, 123; progress of King Richard through, 128; products, 112

Essex, Earl of, 109, 110, 143

Esteney, John, Abbot of Westminster, 114, 146

Eton, founded by Henry VI., 116; boys at, in the fifteenth century, 117

Eure, Sir Ralph, at Towton for Henry, 24

Ewelme, 78

Exeter, 70, 132

Exeter, Bishop of, _see_ Courtenay Nevill

Exeter, Duchess of, _see_ Anne

Exeter, Duke of, marriage, 3; at Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 58; advancing against Edward, 47; at Barnet, 49

Fabyan's Chronicle, 168, 174; untrustworthy, 174, 175; silent about the deformity, 186; invented a story about the murder of Edward of Lancaster, 190; on date of Henry's death, 195, 199; gave false dates, 215; contradicts Polydore Virgil respecting Dr. Shaw's sermon, 222; silent as to calumny against the Duchess of York, 222; common fame that Richard secretly murdered his nephews, 243; 'smoky gunners,' 44

Fairfax, Sir Guy, judge of the King's Bench, 145

Fairs, 112

Fauconberg, Lord, reviewed the London citizens, 21; his service, 21, the best general on Edward's side, 23; sent in pursuit of Clifford, overtook and routed him, 28; march to Towton, 31, 32; his orders to the archers, 32; created Earl of Kent, 35

Fauconberg, bastard of, his insurrection put down by Prince Richard, 80

Feilding, Sir William, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Fenn lanes near Bosworth, 153

Ferrers of Chartley. _See_ Devereux. At Richard's coronation, 109, 143; hurried to help the king, 151; fell at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal to the last, 252

Ferrybridge, Yorkist force at, 23, 27

FitzHugh, Lord, at Towton on the Lancastrian left, 31

FitzJames, Captain, slain at Wakefield, 15

FitzRanulph, Robert, founder of Middleham, 83

FitzWalter, Lord, _jure uxoris_, Sir John Ratcliff, 23; slain at Ferrybridge, 27

Fitzwilliam, Nicholas, Recorder of London, 146

Flory, John, of France, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76

Flushing, 44

Fogge, Sir John, reconciliation with the king, 128; traitor, 133 _n._

Forest, Miles, in Henry VII.'s story of the murder of the princes, 260; said to have rotted away piecemeal, 261; really Keeper of the Wardrobe at Barnard Castle, 264; an old royal servant falsely accused, 265

Fortescue, Sir John, Chief Justice, 24, 59; conversations with Edward of Lancaster, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65; with Margaret, 67, 69; pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77; Fuller's praise of him, 119; on the condition of English labouring class, 123

Fortescues followed the Earl of Devon to Towton, 24

Fotheringhay Castle, birthplace of Richard III., 1, 3; its history, 1; description, Dukes of York resided at, 2; subsequent history, 2 _n._; funeral of the Duke of York, 39; monuments, 40 _n._

Fox, Dr. Richard, an agent of Morton, secretary to Henry Tudor, 149; made Bishop of Winchester, 149 _n._; decoyed Tyrrel into Henry's power, 273; notice of, 273 _n._

French Chancellor, assertion that the princes were murdered, 242, 243; proved to be false, 244

Fulford, Sir Baldwin, beheaded at York, 34

Fulford pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Fulfords followed the Earl of Devon to Towton, 24

Gainsborugh, 130

Gairdner, James, C.B., LL.D., reason for thinking Richard may have been a murderer at 19, 188 _n._; on the obit of Henry VI., 198 _n._; on the grant to Buckingham, 224 _n._; on the letter of Elizabeth to the Duke of Norfolk, 230 _n._; on the executions by Henry Tudor after Bosworth, 247; on the treatment of the Queen Dowager, 257; proved that the king's Attorney General was loyal to the last, 145 _n._; suggests that the death of Clarence was due to his knowledge of Edward's marriage contract, 95; his view of the government of Henry VII., 249; his view of the extent of Richard's guilt, 281, 282; his method stated in his preface, 282, 283; remarks on his views, 283, 284; his admissions, 285; on the deformity, 285; surprise that Rivers should make Richard supervisor of his will, 285; Richard's acts do not harmonise with the Tudor stories, 286; his ideas about the death of young Edward at Tewkesbury, 286-288; views respecting King Edward's treatment of prisoners after the battle, 289-290; views about the death of Henry VI., 290-294; acknowledges that Richard interceded for his brother Clarence, 294; reply to his remarks about Richard's supposed remorse, 295; has nothing to say against Richard's marriage, 295; he admits, assuming they were not tried, that the sentence of Rivers and his companions was not more severe than the law might authorise, 296; he thinks that Edward's precontract with Lady Eleanor Butler may be true, 296; yet he still believes in the slander of the Duchess of York, 297; his defence of the assertion that Richard murdered his nephews, 298-299

Galtres Forest, 34, 58

Gamble's Close, position of Lord Stanley at Bosworth, 152

Garter, Order of the, stall plate of Richard Duke of Gloucester, 38; Duke of Burgundy invested, 113; knights made by King Richard, 146

Gascoignes faithful to King Richard, 151

Gascons, trade in wine, 112

Gastons, a position on Tewkesbury battle field, 72

Gedding, Sir John, slain at Wakefield, 15

George, _see_ Clarence, Duke of Giles, Sir John, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Gladmoor, _see_ Barnet

Glastonbury, 70

Gloucester, 71, 128; King Richard at, 129; Buckingham at, 225

Gloucester, Humphrey Duke of, his treatment of Jacoba of Holland, 44

Gloucester, John of, illegitimate son of Richard III., 237 _n._; made away with by Henry VII., 255 _n._

Gloucester, Richard Duke of, _see_ Richard III.

Gloucester, Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of, marriage with the Bohun co-heiress, 128

Goddestande, 237, _see_ Davy

Golden Fleece, Edward IV. and Gruthuus companions of, 43

Goldwell, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, 146

Gower, James, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76, 77

Grantham, 39

Green, John, in the story of the murders, 260; apocryphal grants to, 264; grants to a namesake by Richard III., 264; grant to himself by Henry VII., 268, 269; his death, 271-273

Greenfield, Clement Paston's tutor, 117

Greenwich, 56

Grey, Lord, of Codnor, 109, 143

Grey, Lord, of Powys, 109, 143; Commissioner for Peace with Scotland, 145

Grey, Lord, of Wilton, 109, 143

Grey, Sir John, made K.B., 147

Grey, Sir Richard, with young Edward at Ludlow, 88; arrested, 90; beheaded, 100

Grey, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, _whom see_

Grey de Ruthyn, Lord, treachery at Northampton, 56

Grey, Lady, _see_ Elizabeth Woodville

Greystoke, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; cousin to the king, 110; hurrying to help the king, but too late, 151

Grimsby, Sir William, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Gruthuus, Louis de Bruges, Lord of, hospitality to Edward IV., 43; help in fitting out the expedition, 44

Guilds, 112

Gunners, Flemish, with hand guns, 44

Gunthorpe, John, Lord Privy Seal, 144; Commissioner for Peace with Scotland, 145

Gupshill farm near Tewkesbury battle-field, 73; Margaret awaited the result in a religious house at, 74

Habington's Life of Edward IV., on absurdity of accusing Richard of murder of Henry VI., 199; his account of Edward's proceedings after Tewkesbury, 289; with Hall and Grafton adds Dorset to the assassins at Tewkesbury, 190

Hague, the, Edward IV. at, 43

Hall, Sir David, the Duke of York's chief adviser, 10, 13, 23; sent out foraging party from Sandal, 13; battle brought on against his advice, 14; slain, 15, 21, 106

Hall's Chronicle, absurd story about the murder of Rutland, 16 _n._, 190 _n._; his statement about funeral of Henry VI., 190 n., and about Richard Croft and Edward of Lancaster, 191 _n._; the pamphlet inspired by Morton embodied in, 168; copied from earlier writers, 179, 190, 241

Halsted, Miss, biographer of Richard III., 85 _n._, 181, 186; the best work on the subject, 145 _n._, 182

Hampton, Sir Edmund, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Hanson, Captain, wounded at Wakefield, 15

Hardwycke, of Lindley, joined Henry Tudor and acted as a guide, 153

Hardynge's Chronicle, Morton's lampoon first appeared in, 168

Harfleur, Margaret of Anjou embarked at, 69; Henry Tudor embarked at, 142

Harington, James, Clerk of the Council, 145; slain at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal to the last, 252

Harington, Sir John, heard that the Morton lampoon was written by Morton, 168; or by More, 170 _n._

Harrow, J., Warden of the Mercers' Company, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 11; wounded and put to death, 15; head stuck on a gate at York, 17

Hastings, Wm., 23; knighted on the field of Towton, 36; created Lord Hastings, 36; flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; at Barnet, 49; at Tewkesbury, 71, 74, 89; his conspiracy, 97, 98; arrest and execution, 99; his son a minor, 109; Richard's generosity to his widow and family, 99; falsifications of dates respecting his death, 210-216

Haute, Sir John, 79

Haute, Sir Richard, 88; arrested, 90; beheaded, 100

Hedgley Moor, 59

Hedingham Castle, 107

Henry IV. (Bolingbroke), his usurpation and its consequences, 103, 117; marriage with the Bohun heiress, 128

Henry V. (of Monmouth), his character, war, and persecution of heretics, 103

Henry VI. (of Windsor), taken prisoner at Northampton, 7; marriage, 54; assent to the Act making the Duke of York heir apparent, 9; hunting at Greenwich, 11; re-captured by his wife, 17; at York during the battle of Towton, flight to Scotland, 34, 58; at Hexham, 59; concealed at Bolton Hall, 59; his death, 78; buried at Windsor, 139; false date for his death and insinuations by Morton, Polydore Virgil, Warkworth, Fabyan, Rous, Croyland, 193-195; his accounts reveal the truth, 197, 198, 199; Mr. Gairdner's views respecting his death, 290-4; founded Eton College, 116

Henry VII., _see_ Tudor, Henry; business of vilifying his predecessor, 171, 173; inspired the story of the murder of the princes, as Lord Bacon suspected, 169, 236, 250, 251; his conduct respecting the Act settling the crown on Richard, 218; his illegal executions after Bosworth, 246, 247 _n._; his character and government, 248, 249, 251, 253; his usurpation, 250; marriage, 254: strong motive for the crime, 254; his other victims, 255; silences the relations, 257, 270, 271; gives out the story, 258, 259; fear of detection, 267; murder of the princes, 269; rewards to Tyrrel and others, 268, 269, 270; got Tyrrel into his power by treachery, 273; cruel treatment and death of Edward, Earl of Warwick, 275; contemplating another crime on his death-bed, 277; restitution to Tyrrel's son, 277; died tormented by remorse, 278; things unexplained in his conduct, 279, 280. _See_ Murder of the princes

Henry, Captain of Bristol, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Heraldry, 110

Heralds' College, 110, 162

Hereford, 8

Hereford, Bishop of, 146

Heretics, Lancastrian law for burning, 103, 117, 118

Hexham, battle of, 59

Heydon, John, Recorder of Norwich, 119

Hill, Sir W., beheaded at York, 34

Holborn, 110

Holderness, 45

Holinshed's Chronicle, 179, 190

Holme Hill, near Tewkesbury battlefield, 72

Hook, Dr., Lives of Archbishops of Canterbury, has doubts, 181

Hopton, Walter, Treasurer of the Household, 145; knighted, 147; slain at Bosworth, 145, 252

Home, Captain of Appledore, at Towton, 23; in the pursuit of Clifford, 28; slain in the battle, 32

Howard, Lord, 89, _see_ Norfolk, Duke of

Hungates of Saxton, 30, 35

Hungerford, Lord, at Towton for Henry, 24, 31; known as Lord Molines, 25; flight, 33; continued in rebellion, 36; beheaded, 59; generosity of Edward IV. to his family, 36; his son a minor, 109, 143

Hungerford, Walter, joined Henry Tudor, 149; slew Sir R. Brackenbury, 156

Hunting, 106, 108

Huntingdon, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; bore the queen's sceptre, 127; with the king on his progress, 129

Hussey, Sir William, Lord Chief Justice, 145

Iceland, Richard's promotion of trade with, 161

Inns in London, 112

Inns of Court, 112

Insomuch, J., printer of the Book of St. Albans, 108

Iolanthe, sister of Margaret of Anjou, 67

Ireland, Duke of Clarence born at Dublin, 3; flight of the Duke of York to, 7; Earl of Kildare Lord Deputy, 145; King Richard's good government of, 161

Jackson, Robert, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76

Jacoba of Holland, 44

James III. of Scotland, 86, 139, 257 _n._

Jenney, Sir William, Judge of Common Pleas, 145; knighted, 147

Jervaux, Monks of, 83

Jesse, disbelieved most of the Tudor fables, 181

John of Gloucester, _see_ Gloucester

Judges in time of Richard III., 145

Katherine, daughter of Edward IV., married to the Earl of Devonshire, 87 _n._, 271 _n._

Kelfield, Stillington family at, 96 _n._

Kemp, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury, christened Edward of Lancaster, 55

Kempe, J., Bishop of London, 146

Kendall, John, Secretary of Slate, 145; slain at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal to the last, 252

Kent, Earl of, Lord Fauconberg created, 35

Kent, Grey, Earl of, at Richard's coronation, carried the ecclesiastical sword of justice, 109, 127, 143

Keyley, James, payment to, for King Richard's tomb, 253 _n._

Kidwelly, Morgan, Attorney-General, 145; loyal to the last, 145 _n._

Kildare, Earl of, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 145

Kirkcudbright, Margaret embarked at, 58

Laing, continuation of Henry's History, disbelief of Tudor stories, 181, 197 _n._

Lancaster, Duchy of, Duke of Gloucester, Chief Seneschal, 84; T. Metcalf, Chancellor of, 83 _n._, 145

Lancastrians, Duke of York's two elder daughters married to, 3; overpowered the Duke of York at Ludlow, 7; raise an army in Yorkshire, 9, 11, 13; atrocities after Wakefield, 16, 17. (_See_ Towton, Barnet, Tewkesbury.) Malcontents intriguing in France, 140, 141, 231, 243

Langstrother, Sir John, Prior of St. John, with Margaret, 69; at Tewkesbury, 74; tried and executed, 76

Langton, Bishop of St. David's, 146; praise of King Richard, 130

Latimer, Lady, made Richard supervisor of her will, 84, 160, 202

Law, 119

Law officers, 145

Lawless times, 120

Lawyers, 112

Legge, 'Unpopular King,' rejects most of the Tudor stories, 181

Leicester, 47, 130; King Richard at, 152; buried at, 158

Lewis, Dr., sent by Lady Stanley to the Queen Dowager, 231

Lewknor, Sir Thomas, traitor, 133 _n._

Lichfield, Bishop of, 146

Lincoln, King Richard at, when he heard of Buckingham's rebellion, 130

Lincoln, Bishop of, _see_ Russell, Dr.

Lincoln, Earl of, 109; nephew to the king, 110; at Richard's coronation bearing the orb, 127, 143; with the king on his progress, 129; false statement of Rous, 138

Lingard, Dr., believer in all Tudor stories, 182, 281; on Henry VI., 198 _n._; on the execution of Rivers, 210 _n._; on young Edward's tailor's account, 237; defence of Henry's executions after Bosworth, 247 _n._; imprisonment of the Queen Dowager, 257 _n._; alleged rewards to murderers, 264

Lisle, Viscount (Grey), 100, 109; at Richard's coronation, 126, 235; bore the rod with dove, 127, 143

Lisle, Viscount, Arthur, son of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221 _n._

Llandaff, J. Marshall, Bishop of, 146

Loan raised by King Richard, 142

London warmly supported the House of York, 10, 104; residences, 110, 112; inns, 112; city companies, 112; popularity of King Richard, 139; Recorder, 146; Bishop, 146

Londoners with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; citizens declare for Edward IV., 21; march to Towton, 22

Lorenzo the Magnificent, likeness to Richard III., 40 _n._, 124

Lorraine, Isabelle of, mother of Margaret of Anjou, 53; death of, 55

Louis XI., 58, 66; bribed the ministers of Edward IV., 82; interview with Prince Richard, 82

Louis XII., 128

Lovel, Francis, Viscount, friend of Richard, 40; bore the civil sword of justice at the coronation, 109, 127; Lord Chamberlain, 144; created a Knight of the Garter, 146; with the king at Bosworth, 151, 155; loyal to the end, 252

Lovell, Sir Thomas, Tyrrel decoyed into his power by treachery, 273

Loyal men, at Bosworth and on their way, 151, 155, 157; in Henry's Act of Attainder, 252

Lucy, Elizabeth, mother of two children of Edward IV., 87 _n._, 221 _n._; false statement of Morton, 220

Ludlow, Duke of York succeeds to, 3; Yorkist defeat at, 7; Young Edward at, 88

Lumley, Lord, 87 _n._, 221 _n._; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Lumley Castle, 107

Lymbricke, Sir Walter, wounded and taken prisoner at Wakefield, 15

Lymon, Thomas, Solicitor-General, 145; married Jane Shore, 100, 145

Lynn, 42

Magdalen College, Oxford, King Richard at, 129

Malmesbury, 71

Maltravers, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Manor houses, 121

Mantes, 54

March, Earl of (Edward IV.), 7, 8 _n._, 20, 58

March, Earl of, and Pembroke, son of Edward IV., 125. _See_ Edward

Marches, Richard Warden of the, 85

Margaret of Anjou, birth, 53; marriage, 54; birth of her son, 54, 55; strove to make her son popular, 56; adventures in the war, 57-59; living at Koeur-la-Petite, 60-67; agreement with Warwick, 66, 67; embarked for England, 68-69; at Cerne Abbey, 69, 70; at Tewkesbury, 72-77; taken prisoner to the Tower, 78; with the Duchess of Suffolk, 78; ransomed, 79; last years and death, 79; her alleged cruelties after Wakefield untrue, 17 _n._

Margaret, Princess, Duchess of Burgundy, birth, 3, 6; taken prisoner, 7; in John Paston's chambers, 7, 8; marriage, 43, 113; help to her brothers, 43-44; visit to her brothers, 111; patron of Caxton, 113, 114

Margaret, Princess, daughter of the Duke of Clarence, Countess of Salisbury, 87 _n._; killed by Henry VIII., 256

Margaret Beaufort, _see_ Stanley, Lady

Markham, Sir John, created K.B. by Edward IV., 36; his present of a book to Lord Cromwell, 51 _n._; Lord Chief Justice, 119

Markham, Sir Robert, created K.B. by Edward IV., 36

Marshall, J., Bishop of Bangor, 146

Mauleverers loyal to King Richard, 151

Mercers Company, _see_ Harrow. Caxton a Mercer, 113

Merchant Adventurers, 113

Merchant Taylors' Company, dispute with Skinners, 112

Merchants' increasing wealth, 112

Metcalfes of Nappa, Thomas made Chancellor of the Duchy, 83, 145

Methley, Lord Welles buried at, 34

Micklegate, Duke of York's head on, 17, 36

Middleham Castle, the home of Richard and Anne, 81, 82; description of, 83, 107; Richard founded a college at 85, 118, 294

Middleton, Sir Robert, 252

Miles, Lewis, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76

Milewater, servant to Edward and Edmund, 5; slain at Barnet fighting by Richard's side, 50

Milford Haven, Henry Tudor landed at, 142, 148

Milling, Dr., Bishop of Hereford, 146

Millstones from Paris, 112

Ministers of Richard III., 144-145

Miracle plays, 119

Moleyns, Bishop of Chichester, hanged by sailors, 118

Molines or Moleyns, Lord, _see_ Hungerford; lawless conduct, 120

Monasteries, 118

Montagu, Marquis; his treason, 42; at Hexham, 59; outmanoeuvred, 47; at Barnet, 49; slain, 51; grief of Richard, 51; who interceded for his children, 51, 202

More, Sir Thomas, the so-called 'History of Richard III.' attributed to, 168; its freedom from criticism due to More's reputed authorship, 170; not written by More, 170; on Morton's extraordinary memory, 208

Morley, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109; with the king on his progress, 129, 143

Mortimer inheritance, Duke of York succeeded to, 3

Mortimer, Hugh and Sir John, with the Duke of York, 10; slain at Wakefield, 15

Mortimer's Cross, victory won by the Earl of March, 18, 20

Morton, Dr., with Henry VI. at York, 24, 27; with Margaret in exile, 69; at Tewkesbury, pardoned, 77; Bishop of Ely, bribed by Louis XI., 82; intrigues against Richard, 97-99; given in charge to the Duke of Buckingham, 100; his political pamphlet called 'History of Richard III.', 168; its authorship, 169-171; account of Morton and his career, 206-207; made Archbishop of Canterbury, 25, 207; on Richard's alleged deformity, 185-186; silent respecting the death of Edward of Lancaster, 191, 192; insinuation about Henry VI., 193; confessed that Richard resisted the death of Clarence, 203; his story about Richard's assumption of the protectorship, 208-210; his version of the Hastings plot, 210-213; his falsification of dates, 213-216; his version of the execution of Rivers, 216-217; his falsification of King Richard's title, 217-221; his shameful slander of the Duchess of York, 220; unworthy of credit, 221; his false version of Richard's accession, 222-223; his account of conversations with the Duke of Buckingham, 222-227; his evidence of Richard's intentions respecting his nephews, 238; intriguing in the Isle of Ely and in France, 242

Mountjoy, Lord (_see_ Sir Walter Blount), 35; son and heir slain at Barnet, 51; to announce accession of Richard III. at Calais, 102, 109

Mowbray, inheritance, 125

Muccleston church, 56

Murder of the princes, story as given out by Henry VII., 169, 258-259; fuller story published by Grafton and Rastell, 259-261; question of their fate, 233; no danger to Richard, 235; alive during Richard's reign, 236-238; conduct of mother and sister, 238, 239; false rumours, 239, 240; contradictory dates, 225; murdered by order of Henry VII., 256; story put forward contradictory and inaccurate, 262; Tyrrel, 269; burial, bodies discovered, 270; relations silenced, 270, 271; alleged rewards to murderers, 264, 265; Henry's rewards, 272; Henry's remorse, 276, 278; Mr. Gairdner's theory, 298, 299

Musgraves faithful to King Richard, 151

Nappa Hall, seat of the Metcalfes, 83

Navy of Richard III., 135-136. _See_ Rogers, Thomas

Neale, Richard, Judge of Common Pleas, 145

Nesfield, Captain, to watch the Westminster sanctuary, 241

Nevill, George, Bishop of Exeter, persuaded Edward to take the kingly office, 22, 23; Archbishop of York, Richard and Anne sat together at his installation feast, 40; Anne's guardian, married her to Richard, 81, 82

Nevill, Lady Anne, _see_ Anne

Nevill, Lady Cecily, 3. _See_ York, Duchess of

Nevill, Lady Isabella, Duchess of Clarence, 41; children, 87 _n._

Nevill, 77

Nevill, Lord, traitor to the Duke of York, 11

Nevill, Lord, Richard wrote to, for reinforcements, 98

Nevill, Sir George, son of Lord Abergavenny, made K.B., 147. _See_ Montagu, Salisbury, Warwick, Westmoreland

Nevill, Sir John, at Towton for Henry, 24; with Lord Clifford, 27; slain, 29

Nevill, Sir Thomas, 10; slain at Wakefield, 15; head stuck on the gate at York, 17

Newark, 47

Newborough, Sir William, beheaded at Tewkesbury, 76

Newcastle, Earl of Wiltshire beheaded at, 34

Nicolas, Sir Harris, rejects some of Tudor stories, 181; denounces some of them, 228, 230

Nobility not destroyed by wars of the Roses, 37, 105; life in the country, 106, 108. _See_ Peerage

Nokes, John, 5

Norfolk, Duke of (Mowbray), 10, 11; at Towton, 32, 35; death of heiress, 125

Norfolk, Duke of (Howard), at Richard's coronation bearing the crown, 109, 127, 143; cousin to the king, 110; present to, from the royal wardrobe, 111; Earl Marshal, 144; Admiral, 144; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145; hurried to the king's help, 151, 154; his camp, 152; slain at Bosworth, 155

Norfolk coast, ships of King Edward off, 45

Northampton, Battle of, 7, 56; Richard and Buckingham at, 90

Northumberland, Earl of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; at Towton for Henry, 24; led the centre, 31, 32; slain, 33; buried at York, 34; his son restored, 36, 134; at Richard's coronation, bore the pointless sword of mercy, 127; 109, 143; Commissioner for Peace with Scotland, 145; at Bosworth but held back, 151, 154; retribution, 154 _n._; presided at the trial of Lord Rivers, 99, 217

Norwegian traders at Stourbridge fair, 112

Norwich sent troop to Edward, 71; Recorder of, _see_ Heydon

Norwich, Bishop of (Dr. Goldwell), at Richard's coronation, 144, 146

Nostell Priory, 13

Nottingham, 47, 130, 136; memorial to King Richard III. at, 158

Nottingham Castle, 47, 148; King Richard commenced his march from, 151

Nottingham, Earl of, 109, 125, 143

Official documents in Richard's favour, 179; value of evidence, 292

Ogle, Lord, in the marches during Richard's coronation, 109, 143; hurrying to join the king at Bosworth, 151

Ogle, Sir Robert, 58

Oldham, Dr., Bishop of Sodor and Man, 147

Ormonde, Earl of, 24 (_see_ Wiltshire); pardoned, 36; in Portugal, 66; pardoned at Tewkesbury, 77

Ormonde, Sir Thomas, created K.B., 147

Oxford University, 116; King Richard at, 128, 129

Oxford, John Vere Earl of, under attainder, 109, 144; at Barnet, 47, 49, 50; came with Henry Tudor, 148; at Bosworth, 154, 155; origin of the star in the arms of, 50 _n._

Parker, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Parker, Sir William, the king's standard bearer at Bosworth, 156, 157

Parliament, Act making the Duke of York heir apparent, 9; deposed Henry VI. for violating his word, 21, 22; met in spite of the _supersedeas_, 98, 100; proofs of the illegitimacy submitted, 101; petitions Richard to assume the crown, 102; great power of the Speaker, 104; Richard's Parliament met, Acts passed, 134; Acts first published in English, 134; distinction between public and private Acts first made, 134; Lord Campbell's opinion, 134. _See_ Titulus Regius

Parr, Dr., inscription over King Richard's well, 158; remarks on likeness of Richard to Lorenzo the Magnificent, 40 _n._, 124

Parr, Sir Thomas, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; grandfather of Queen Katherine Parr, 15

Parr, Sir William, slain at Wakefield, 15; head stuck on the gate at York, 17

Parr, Thomas, Richard's esquire, slain at Barnet, 50

Paston, boy at Eton, 117

Paston, Clement, at Cambridge, 117

Paston, John, 7, 120, 122, 201

Paston, Mrs., 117, 120, 122

Paston Letters, 7, 8 _n._, 23, 76 _n._, 81, 151 _n._

Payn, Mr., his luggage seized by Jack Cade, 122

Payne's Place, Margaret of Anjou took refuge at, 77

Peerage, 37, 105, 106; of Richard III., 109, 143; at his coronation, 109, 126, 127; no peer, except Stanley, joined Henry Tudor, 149

Pembroke, _see_ Tudor, Jasper, title of Edward, son of Edward IV. (_whom see_)

Pembroke Castle, Henry Tudor born at, 140

Percy, Sir Richard, 24; slain at Towton, 33, 34

Percy, Sir Robert, of Scotton, friend of Richard, 40; Controller of the Household, 145; knighted, 147; with the king at Bosworth, 151, 156

Peterborough, 1

Pickering, Sir James, with the Duke of York at Wakefield, 10; slain, 15; head stuck on a gate at York, 17

Pilgrimages, 119

Pilkington, Sir John, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77

Pilkington, Sir Thomas, loyal to King Richard, 252

Pilkingtons, faithful to King Richard, 151

Plantagenets, the Dynasty, 166; the kings of the Lancastrian branch, 103, 104; Yorkist right, 9, 104; children of the Duke of York, 6; of Edward IV., 86 _n._; of the Duke of Clarence, 87 _n._; slaughter of the last male, 275

Plumpton correspondence, 245; arbitration, 84, 160 _n._

Plumptons faithful to King Richard, 151

Plumstead churchyard, 120

Pole-on-the-Humber, Lord Rivers landed at, 46

Pole, de la, _see_ Suffolk, Duke of, Lincoln, Earl of

Pole, Anne de la, 139

Pole, Richard, married to the Princess Margaret, daughter of the Duke of Clarence, 87 _n._

Pole, Sir Edmund de la, created K.B., 147; afterwards Earl of Suffolk

Polydore Virgil, employed by Henry VII., 168; his coming to England, 171; his numerous preferments, 172; character of his history, 172; untrustworthy, 175; on the unequal shoulders, 186; on treatment of captives at Towton, 34; a slanderer, 190, 192; on date of death of Henry VI., 193, 196; his calumny about the Duchess of York, 220, 222; statement about Buckingham's claims, 223; silent about Clarence, 202; contradicts Morton about Shaw's sermon, 220; contemplated marriage with Elizabeth, 231; battle of Bosworth, 157 _n._; his story of the murder, 258

Pomfret, Lancastrian army at, 13; bodies of the Duke of York and Earl of Rutland at, 34, 39; Montagu at, 47

Pomfret Castle, a residence of the Duke of Gloucester, 84; Edward's headquarters before Towton, 25; execution of Lord Rivers at, 99

Pont-a-Mousson, birth place of Margaret of Anjou, 53, 61

Portsmouth, 69

Post first established by Richard III., 106, 159

Prices, 123

Printing, _see_ Caxton

Progress, King Richard's royal, 129-30

Pulter, Thomas, loyal to King Richard, 252

Quarter, none given by the Lancastrians at Wakefield, 16, 17; proof that it was given by Edward at Towton, 34; always given by Edward, 34; given to inferior officers and soldiers at Tewkesbury, where several leaders were also pardoned, 77

Queen, _see_ Anne Nevill

Queen, _see_ Elizabeth of York

Queen Dowager, _see_ Elizabeth Woodville

Raby, Rose of, _see_ York, Duchess of

Ramme, traitor, executed at Exeter, 132

Rapin, History of England, 180, 181

Ratcliffe, Sir John (Lord Fitzwalter), 23; at Ferrybridge, 23; slain, 27

Ratcliffe, Sir Richard, 99, 145; Knight of the Garter, 147; at Bosworth, 156, 157; loyal to the last, 252

Ratford, Capt, slain at the battle of Wakefield, 15

Ratte, John, loyal to the end, 252

Ravenspur, Edward landed at, 45

Redman, Dr., Bishop of St. Asaph, 129, 145, 146

Redmore Plain, 152, 154

Rene, King, 53; death, 79

Revell, Richard, loyal to the last, 252

Richard III. (Duke of Gloucester), son of the Duke of York, born at Fotheringhay, 3, 6; childhood with Margaret and George, 4; prisoner at war, 7; in John Paston's chambers in the Temple, 8, 10; sent to Holland for safety, 18; loss of his father and brother, 18, 19, 38; built a memorial chapel at Towton, 37; creations, Knight of the Garter, 38; stall plate at Windsor, 38; chief mourner at his father's funeral, 39; military training under Warwick, 40; early and enduring friendships, 40; companionship with Anne Nevill, 40; description of, 40, 124; loyal to Edward IV., 41; flight with Edward to Holland, 42; at Bruges, 43; fitting out ships at Veere, 44; at Ravenspur, 45; negotiation with Clarence, 47, 48; at Barnet, 50; at Tewkesbury, 74; marriage and life at Middleham, 81, 82, 84; with Edward IV. in France, upright conduct, 82; founded colleges, 85, 107, 118, 294; supervisor of wills, 84, 99; arbitrator, 84, 160 _n._; high offices of State, 84, 85; Warden of the Marches, campaign in Scotland, excellence of his administration, 85; takes Berwick, 86; Protector by Edward's will, services and popularity, 89; arrested Rivers, 89, 90; resided with his mother, 91; ignorant of his brother's matrimonial secrets, 97; stamped out the Hastings conspiracy, 98, 99; rightful heir, 101; accepts the crown, 102; town house at Crosby Place, 85, 110; coronation, 126, 127; grant to Buckingham, 126; progress, 128-130; at York, 130; suppressed Buckingham's revolt, 131-132; Parliament and administrative reforms, 134, 135; loss of his son, 137; progress and reception of Scotch ambassadors, 139; popularity in London, 139; his wife's death, 140; military talent, 149; courage and pluck, 150; formation of his army, 154; resolves on a desperate charge at Bosworth, 155; glorious death, 156; buried at Leicester, 158; memorials, 158; character, 159, 160; accusations against him, 167, 184; Tudor calumnies, 192, 199; deformity, 185-187; Mr. Gairdner and the alleged crimes of, 281-301. _See_ Edward of Lancaster, Henry VI., Anne Nevill, Hastings, Clarence, Rivers, Titulus Regius, Murder of the Princes

Richard, second son of Edward IV., 86 _n._; in sanctuary, 91; joined his brother, 100, 125. _See_ Murder of the princes.

Richmond, earldom, granted to the Duke of Gloucester, 38, 140; Henry Tudor had no right to the title, 109, 133 _n._, 144

Richmond Castle, 107

Rivers, Earl, flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; landed at Pole, 46; Constable of the Tower, 78; in charge of his nephew at Ludlow, 88; arrested, 90; tried and executed, 99, 216, 217; made Richard III. supervisor of his will, 99, 160; his literary attainments, 115; his son a minor, 109

Robsart, Sir Terry, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77

Rochester, Bishop of, Dr. Audley, at Richard's coronation, 144, 146

Rockingham Forest, 1

Rogers, Thomas, keeper of the ships, 135, 144

Rogers, Mr. Thorold, on the character of Edward IV., 37; on the Wars of the Roses, 104; opinion of churchmen, 118; disbelief in the murder of Henry VI., 198

Roos, Lord, with Henry and Margaret at York, 24, 27; beheaded at Hexham, 59

Roos, Sir Henry, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Roos, Sir William, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Rose of Raby, _see_ York, Duchess of

Roses, Wars of the, their causes, 6, 104; the nobility not annihilated, 37, 105; not a war of the people, 104

Rotherham, Archbishop, 88, 100

Roucliffe, Brian, Baron of the Exchequer, 145

Rouen, children of the Duke of York born at, 3, 6

Rous, John, an unblushing time server, 173, 174; on Richard's birth, 186; reason of his silence about Tewkesbury, 191; Henry VI., 195; Countess of Warwick, 201; trial of Rivers, 217 _n._; death of Queen Anne, 228; adoption of Warwick as heir, alleged supersession by Lincoln, 138; death of the princes, 244

Rumours of the deaths of the princes alleged to have existed, 239; Croyland Monk, 240; no evidence, 241; Morton in the Isle of Ely, 242; spread by Henry VII., 256

Russell, Dr., Bishop of Lincoln, his speech on investiture of the Duke of Burgundy with the Garter, 113; an upright prelate, 118; King Richard's Chancellor, 144; at the coronation, 144; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145

Rutland, Earl of, _see_ Edmund

Saints' days, letters always dated on, 119

St. Albans, battles of, 17, 56, 57

St. Albans, Book of, 108

St. Asaph, Bishop of, B. Redman, 129, 146; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145

St. David's, Bishop, 109. _See_ Langton

St. Denis, at York, Earl of Northumberland buried at, 34

St. Germain, Walter, loyal to the last, 252

St. John, Prior of, _see_ Langstrother

St. Leger, Sir Thomas, traitor, 131; beheaded, 132

St. Liz, Simon de, founder of Fotheringhay, 1

St. Lo, Sir John, knighted at Tewkesbury, 77

St. Martin's Day, stock killed and salted on, 121

St. Martin's le Grand sanctuary, Anne Nevill in, 81

St. Miheil, 60

St. Pol, Duke of Burgundy's Court, 43, 60

Salisbury, Buckingham beheaded at, 132

Salisbury, Bishop of, 100; traitor, 132, 146; at Richard's coronation, 144. _See_ Woodville

Salisbury, Earl of, with the Duke of York at Sandal, 10, 13; at Wakefield, 14; taken prisoner and put to death, 16, 21; head exposed at York, 17; funeral at Bisham, 34; town house at Cold Harbour, 110

Salisbury, Earl of, _see_ Edward

Salkeld, Wm., arrested the Earl of Wiltshire at Cockermouth, 34

Sanctuary at Westminster, 91, 136, 241; at St. Martin's le Grand, 81

Sandal Castle, Duke of York's inheritance, 3; the Duke arrived at, description, 11-12; ruins, 12; surrounding country, 13; Duke's Christmas at, 13, 14

Sandford, on the death of Clarence, 202, 203 _n._

Sandwich, 80

Sapcote, William, loyal to the last, 252

Sasiola, Galfridus de, _see_ Spanish Ambassador

Savage, Sir John, joined Henry Tudor at Bosworth, 149, 154

Saxton, near Towton, _see_ Towton _and_ Hungate; Lord Dacre buried at, 34, 35

Saye, Lord, flight with Edward IV., 42, 44; slain at Barnet, 51

Saye, Sir William, created K.B., 147

Sayer, William, payments to, for keep of Henry VI., 197

Scarthingwell, 27, 28

Scotland, flight of Henry VI. to, 34, 58; Richard's campaign in, 85, 86; peace with, 139, 145; Margaret of Anjou in, 9

Scotton, _see_ Percy

Scrope, of Bolton, Lord, with Edward, 23; wounded at Towton, 32; Richard's neighbour, 130, 143; at Richard's coronation, 109; executions by, 132 _n._; hurrying to the aid of the king, 151

Scrope of Masham, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Severn, 71, 72; slaughter at a ford, after Tewkesbury, 75; great flood, 131

Seymour, Sir John, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Shaunde, Philibert de, in command of Henry Tudor's troops, 142; at Bosworth, 153, 154

Shaw, Dr., sermon, misrepresented by Morton and Polydore Virgil, 220, 221; false date, 215

Sheen, 35

Sherburn, 27, 29

Sheriff Hutton, 84; chapel added to the church by Richard, 85; tomb of Edward Prince of Wales at, 137; Edward, King Richard's heir, at, 138, 142

Shore, Jane, 100; married to the Solicitor-General, 145 _n._

Shrewsbury, Earl of, a minor, 109, 143

Simnel, Lambert, 280

Skinners' Company, 112

Skipton, 84

Skipwith, Sir John, at the Duke of York's obsequies, 39

Slaughter or Slater ('Black Will'), 260, 264, 269; rewards to, 271

Sluys, 60

Smith, Wm., Bishop of Lichfield, 146

Smyth, William, 5

Sodor and Man, Bishop of, 146

Somerset, Duke of, at the battle of Wakefield, 14; and Towton, 23; made his peace, 36; beheaded at Hexham, 59

Somerset, Duke of, Edmund, Buckingham's descent from, 225; at Barnet, 49; with Margaret, 69, 70; at Tewkesbury, 73; his charge, 74, 75; beheaded, 76; title became extinct, 37

Sopwell, Prioress of, _see_ Berners, Juliana

Southampton, 54

Southwick, 54

Spanish Ambassador, 130; knighted at York, 130, _see_ Ayala Sasiola

Spofforth, 84

Sport, _see_ Hunting

Stafford, Humphrey, at Bosworth for the king, 155; loyal to the last, 252

Stafford, Sir Thomas, at Bosworth for the king, 155

Stallworthe, Reverend Simon, letter to Sir W. Stonor, with real date of execution of Hastings, 214

Stanley, Lady, mother of Henry Tudor, 140; at Richard's coronation bore the queen's train, 126, 127, 235; her intrigues, 131, 133, 226, 231; pardoned by the king, 148, 231

Stanley, Lord, 109, 111; at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; Lord Steward, 144; commissioner for peace with Scotland, 145; the only Peer who joined Henry Tudor, 149; raised forces, 149; secret interview with Henry Tudor, 149; treachery at Bosworth, 150, 152, 153; threw off the mask, 155, 159; objects of the Stanleys, 148

Stanley, Sir Ralph, wounded and taken prisoner at Wakefield, 15

Stanley, Sir Wm., captured Margaret of Anjou, 78; treachery at Bosworth, 156; retribution, 158; knew the truth about the princes, 244

Stapleton, Sir Brian, for the king at Bosworth, 155

Stapleton village, 152

Stillingfleet church, 96 _n._

Stillington, Dr., Bishop of Bath and Wells; his disclosure of Edward's first marriage, 93-97; account of, 94-96; treatment by Henry VII., 251

Stoke Golding, 152, 153, 157

Stonor, Sir William, _see_ Stallworthe

Stony Stratford, 90

Story, Ed., Bishop of Chichester, 146

Stourbridge, 112

Stourton, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143

Stow's Chronicle, 179, 185, 191

Strange, Lord, 231-232

Strickland, Miss, on Richard's marriage with Anne, 201

Strickland, Sir Thomas, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; loyal to the king, 151

Suffolk, Duchess of, _see_ Elizabeth

Suffolk, Duke and Duchess, 53, 54; received Margaret of Anjou at Ewelme, 78

Suffolk, Duke of, at Richard's coronation bearing the sceptre, 109, 143; king's brother-in-law, 110

Supersedeas, _see_ Parliament

Surrey, Earl of, son married to Anne daughter of Edward IV., 86 _n._; at Richard's coronation bearing the sword of state in the scabbard, 109, 127, 143; Knight of the Garter, 146; at Bosworth for King Richard, 151, 252

Sutton Cheney, 152; king's army formed near, 154

Tadcaster, 26, 27, 46

Talbot, Sir Gilbert, his treason, 148; at Bosworth, 154

Talbots, 148

Talboys, Sir William, at Towton for Henry, 24; beheaded at York, 34

Tattershall Castle, built of brick by Lord Bourchier, 107

Taunton, 70

Temple, John Paston's chambers in, _see_ Paston, John

Tewkesbury, 72; battle, 74-75, King Richard at, 128, 129; contemporary accounts, Warkworth, Croyland Monk, Comines, 189; Stories of Fabyan, 190; Polydore Virgil, 190; Grafton, Hall, Holinshed, Habington, 190; silence of Morton and Rous, 191, 192; Mr. Gairdner's view, 286, 287, 288; executions after the battle, 76, 77, 288; pardons, 77

Throgmorton, pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Tickhill Castle, 107

Tipton, Lord, _see_ Worcester, Earl of

Titchfield, Henry VI. and Margaret of Anjou married at, 54

'Titulus Regius,' a State Paper explaining King Richard's title to the crown, 101; became an Act of Parliament, 134, 218; attempt of Henry VII. to destroy all copies, 218, 250, 279

Townshend, Rodger, Judge of the King's Bench, 145, 146

Towton, battle of, numbers, 25, 31; distances, 25; description of the surrounding country, 26; formation of the Lancastrian line, 31; battle, 32, 33. _See_ Fauconberg, Edward IV., Horne

Tremayne, Thomas, King's Serjeant, 146

Tresham, Speaker, 104

Trollope, Sir Andrew, Lancastrian chief of the staff at Wakefield, 14, 16; at Towton, 25; his antecedents, 25; in the centre, 31, 106; slain, 33

Tudor, Edmund, created Earl of Richmond, but forfeited by attainder, 38

Tudor, Henry, 109, 125; not Earl of Richmond, 38; came across the Channel but afraid to land, 131; traitor, 133 _n._, claim to the crown, 140, 141 _n._; family and origin, 140; lands at Milford Haven, 142; interviews with the Stanleys, 149, 153; encamped at White Moors, 153; in the rear of the battle of Bosworth, 154; contrast between Richard III. and Henry VII., 160 _n._ _See_ Henry VII.

Tudor, Jasper, 70; levies in Wales, 70, 71; traitor, 133 _n._, 140; came with his nephew, 148; at Bosworth, 154; formerly Earl of Pembroke, but attainted, 133 _n._

Tudors in Wales, 10, 18; their paid writers, 168; their fables, 183, 187

Tunbridge Castle, Duchess of York and her children prisoners at, 7

Tunstall, Sir Richard, Knight of the Garter, 147

Turner, Sharon, doubted most of Tudor stories, 181

Tuxford, 39

Tweed, river near Bosworth, 152

Tynemouth, 58

Tyrrel, Sir James, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77; escorted the Countess of Warwick to Middleham, 201, 202; stories after his execution, 258, 259, 260, 261; betrayal by Bishop Fox, 273; his previous career, 268; alleged confession, 263; taken into favour by Henry, 269; his two pardons, 269, 270; murder of the princes, 269; rewards from Henry, 272; pretext for getting rid of him, 272, 273, 279; Tyrrel's son restored in blood, 277

Urswick, Dr., 231

Utrecht, Richard and George at, 18, 38

Van Borselle, Lord of Walcheren, 44

Vaudemont, Ferry de, 67

Vaughan, Sir Thomas, 88; arrested, 90; beheaded, 100

Vaux, Lady, 74

Vaux, Sir Thomas, slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Vavasour, John, King's Serjeant, 146

Vavasours, of Hazlewood, near Towton, 26

Veere, expedition of Edward IV. fitted out at, 44

Venery, works on, by the second Duke of York, 108; Juliana Berners, 108

Vere, John, _see_ Oxford, Earl of

Vignolle, Francois de, 79

Virgil, _see_ Polydore

Wake, Roger, loyal to the last, 252

Walcheren, 44

Walleys pardoned after Tewkesbury, 77

Wallingford Castle, 79, 197

Walsingham pilgrimages, 119

Warbeck, Perkin, 258, 275

Wardrobe, royal, 111; keeper of the, 145

Wardrobe, the, in Blackfriars, a royal residence in the City, 139

Warkworth, Dr., on Tewkesbury, 189; on the date of Henry's death, 175, 194, 199

Warwick, 47; King Richard at, 129

Warwick, Countess of, in France, 66, 67; at Beaulieu, 69; joined her daughter at Middleham, 82, 84, 201, 202; inheritance, 81, 82

Warwick, Earl of, _see_ Edward

Warwick, Richard Nevill Earl of, 7, 10, 22, 23, 28; gave Richard his military training, 40; his treason, 66; conspiracy with Margaret of Anjou, 41, 67; outmanoeuvred by Edward, 47, 48; at Barnet, 49, 50; slain, 51; buried at Bisham, 51; division of his estates, 80

Watkin, Walter, herald in Richard's time, loyal to the last, 252

Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, 55; received Richard at Oxford, 129, 146

Weavers, Flemish, 112

Welch, John, _alias_ Hastings, loyal to the last, 252

Welles, Lord, slain at Towton, 33; buried at Methley, 34; son forgiven, 36; traitor, 132 _n._; married Princess Cicely, 86 _n._, 271

Wenlock, Sir John, at Towton, 23, 30, 32; created Lord Wenlock, 35; joined Margaret of Anjou, 70; slain in the battle of Tewkesbury, 74, 76

Wensleydale, 82

Wentford, Sir Philip, 120

Wentworth, Sir Eustace, slain at Wakefield, 15

Westminster, John Esteney, Abbot of, 114; coronation of Edward IV., 35; coronation of Richard III., 126, 127; sanctuary, 91, 136, 241; tower built by King Richard at, 161

Westminster school, its antiquity, 116

Westmoreland, Earl of, 109, 143; cousin to the king, 110; not at Towton, a mistake of Leland followed by Hall, 29 _n._

Weymouth, 69

'White Hart' Inn, in Southwark, 112, 122

White Moors at Bosworth, 153

Whittingham, Sir R., slain at Tewkesbury, 76

Wigmore Castle, 3

Willoughby, Sir Christopher, created K.B., 147

Willoughby, Sir Robert, 149; sent to Sheriff Hutton to seize Edward and Elizabeth, 248

Wilson, John, 120

Wiltshire, Earl of, at Wakefield, 14; at Towton, 24, 31; beheaded, 34; brother restored, 36; at Richard's coronation bearing the queen's crown, 127, 143

Winchester, Bishop of, _see_ Waynflete _and_ Fox

Winchester School, 116

Windsor, St. George's Chapel, stall plate of Richard III., 38; Edward IV. at, 70; present from the wardrobe to the college, 111; Edward IV. buried at, 86; Henry VI. buried, 139; nearly finished by Richard III., 139, 161; portrait of Richard III. at, 40 _n._, 124

Wodehouse, Sir Edward, knighted after Tewkesbury, 77

Wolesley, Ralph, Baron of the Exchequer, 145

Wolferstone, Sir Roger, at Towton for Edward, 23

Woodville, Elizabeth, _see_ Elizabeth

Woodville faction, their enrichment, 41; bribed by Louis XI., 82; their designs, 88; caused the death of Clarence, 88, 95; their conspiracy defeated, 88-91, 131; marriages into noble families, 88. _See_ Rivers

Woodville, Lionel, Bishop of Salisbury, at Richard's coronation, 126, 235

Wool and cloth fair, 112

Woolley Edge, 13

Worcester, 77, 128

Worcester, Bishop of, _see_ Alcock

Worcester, Tiptoft Earl of, author and statesman, 115; Caxton's lament at his death, 115, 116

Wykeham, William of, founder of Winchester School, 116

York, flight of Henry VI. from, after Towton, 34, 58; King Edward at, 34; Prince Richard's beneficial connection with, 84; King Richard at, 130; loyalty of the citizens, 130; sent 80 men to reinforce the king at Bosworth, 151; mourned the death of Richard, 159

York, Archbishop of, _see_ Nevill, Rotherham.

York, Duchess of (_see_ Rose of Raby _and_ Nevill, Lady Cecil), 3; twelve children, 3, 6; taken prisoner at Ludlow, 7; refuge in Paston's chambers, 7; joined the Duke, 7; last parting with the Duke, 10, 11; sent her little sons to Holland, 18, 21; Richard residing with her, 91, 92; Richard's letter to his mother, 92 _n._; long widowhood and death, 93 _n._; buried at Fotheringhay, 93 _n._; slanders of Morton and Polydore Virgil, 220, 221; in the secret of her son's contract with Lady Eleanor Butler, 94; slandered by Morton and Polydore Virgil, 220, 297

York, Edmund Duke of, rebuilt Fotheringhay, 1, 2, 11

York, Edward Duke of, author of a work on sport, 108

York, Richard Duke of, his great possessions, 3; wife and children, 3, 6; letter from his sons, 4; cause of his resort to arms, 6, 104; defeat of Ludlow, 7; at Baynard's Castle with his family, 9, 10; march north, 11; at Sandal, 13; betrayed, 11; slain in the battle of Wakefield, 15; his head stuck on Micklegate Bar, 17; outrages imputed to Margaret and Clifford untrue, 17 _n._; magnificent obsequies at Fotheringhay, 39

'York Records,' edited by Mr. Davies. Evidence of loyalty to King Richard and against alleged deformity, 186; disproves second coronation at York, 177, 227, 228; Earl of Warwick a Councillor until May 1485, 138; children in the king's household, 126; the _supersedeas_ and letter to York, 100

Yorkist captains at Wakefield, 10, 15; at Towton, 23

Yorkist kings, nearly of pure English blood, 166

Yorkist princes, the leading sportsmen of England, 108

Yorkists, introduction of printing their chief glory, 113

Zouch, Lord, at Richard's coronation, 109, 143; hurried to the help of the king, 151; slain at Bosworth, 155, 157; loyal to the last, 252

Zouch, Sir W., created K.B., 147 ENDX

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Transcriber's notes:

Some chapters had varying page headers. These have been converted into sidenotes and placed where seemed most logical.

The book has several full page tables. They have been moved so as to not split paragraphs.

Page numbers are indicated with curly braces, e.g "{99}".

In the source book, the map of the Battle of Bosworth faced page 328. In this ebook, the map has been moved to page 152.