Part 15

In the fifteen years that followed, Mr. Gladstone came to be more and more generally recognized, not only as one of the ablest, but also as one of the most influential members of the House of Commons. Meanwhile his reputation was considerably advanced by the numerous literary productions which came from his pen. On the death of Lord Palmerston in 1865, he became leader of the House of Commons, retaining the Chancellorship of the Exchequer in the second administration of Earl Russell. It was at this time that Gladstone’s career as the leader of the great reformatory movement may be said to have begun.

Early in the session of 1866, he brought forward a reform bill designed to extend the franchise substantially on the line of advance that had been adopted in 1832. On the 18th of June, the measure was defeated by a majority of eleven votes, and Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues at once resigned. During the next administration, the ranks of the Liberal party, however, were divided, and therefore it was found impossible to defeat the Derby-Disraeli reform bill, which Mr. Gladstone strenuously opposed. The Conservatives, however, were unable to hold their position, and when the Ministry resigned, in December of 1868, Mr. Gladstone succeeded Disraeli as Prime-Minister.

And now began that remarkable series of legislative enactments for which Mr. Gladstone’s career will be remembered. In 1869 was passed the Irish Church Disestablishment Act; in 1870, the Irish Land Act; in the same year, the Elementary Education Act; in 1871, the Abolition of Purchase in the Army Act; in 1872, the Ballot Act; and in 1873, the Supreme Court of Judicature Act. In 1873 the country seemed disposed to call a halt. The government was defeated on the Irish University Education Bill; and, in consequence, Mr. Gladstone tendered his resignation. The Queen sent for Mr. Disraeli, but as the defeat had been occasioned by a temporary union of the Roman Catholics with the Conservatives, Mr. Disraeli saw no hope of commanding a majority, and therefore declined to attempt to form a ministry. Mr. Gladstone was recalled, and reluctantly consented to reconstruct a cabinet. He was unwilling, however, to go forward in any uncertainty, and accordingly, in January of 1874, he surprised the country by announcing an immediate dissolution of Parliament.

The result of the ensuing canvass and election was most disastrous to the Liberal party. The returns, completed in February, showed that 351 out and out Conservatives had been elected; while the Liberals, including the Home Rulers, who, in fact, declined to identify themselves with the party, numbered only 302. Mr. Gladstone, of course, resigned at once, and Mr. Disraeli, for a second time, was appointed Prime-Minister in his place.

During the next two years, Mr. Gladstone, though retaining his seat, was not often seen in the House of Commons. In January of 1875 he announced his determination to retire from the leadership of the Liberal party, and the Marquis of Hartington was accordingly chosen to act in his place. For a time he gave himself up to authorship, and published a considerable number of controversial articles on Church and State. As Disraeli’s ministry, however, became involved in the entanglement of Eastern affairs, Gladstone was more and more drawn back into something like his old parliamentary activity. In 1879 was invited to become the candidate for Mid-Lothian, and the canvass that followed was perhaps the most remarkable exhibition of energy and oratorical skill that the history of British eloquence has to show. He set out from Liverpool on November 24th, and from that date, with the exception of two days’ rest, till his return on December 9th, his journey was a long succession of enthusiastic receptions and unwearied speech-making in condemnation of the Conservative government. The addresses delivered in the course of this canvass were printed in all the leading papers of the kingdom, and were subsequently brought together in a volume. As a whole, they form what is probably the most remarkable series of political criticisms ever addressed by one man to the people of his country. The result was not only the election of Mr. Gladstone, but also, when in the following spring a general election took place, the triumphant return of the Liberal party to power. While the Conservatives had only 243 seats, the Liberals had 349, and the Home Rulers, 60 in number, were quite likely, in all general measures, to ally themselves with their old friends.

As Mr. Gladstone had for some years not been at the nominal head of the Liberal party, it was not certain what policy would be pursued. The Marquis of Hartington was the leader in the Lower House, and Earl Granville in the Upper. Either of these might have been called to the head of the ministry by constitutional usage; but the natural primacy of Mr. Gladstone was so universally acknowledged that the Queen decided to hold a consultation with the chiefs of the party. The conference resulted in recommending the Queen to entrust the forming of a cabinet to Mr. Gladstone; and accordingly the great leader entered upon the work of Prime-Minister for a second time in April, 1880. It is a proof of his extraordinary vigor that at the age of seventy-one he should choose to superadd to the duties of First Lord of the Treasury, those of Chancellor of the Exchequer, a position which he continued to hold till, in 1883, the multiplicity of his duties led him to turn it over to Mr. Childers.

His second administration will probably be remembered for the disturbances in Ireland, and the consequent Irish Land Act of 1881; the Municipal Corporation Act of 1882; the difficulties in Egypt in 1883 and 1884; and the Extension of Suffrage Act, introduced in the spring of 1884. His career as a whole may be considered as perhaps the most remarkable illustration of a system which, whatever its faults, brings the most eminent men into power, and gives them a wide field in which to exert their continuous influence and power.

WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE.

ON DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS; DELIVERED AT WEST CALDER, NOVEMBER 27, 1879.

The following speech was the third of the series delivered by Mr. Gladstone in the course of his Mid-Lothian canvass, extending from November 24th to December 9th. These assaults on the policy of Lord Beaconsfield had not a little to do with the triumph of the Liberals and the return of Gladstone to power in the following spring.

MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN:

In addressing you to-day, as in addressing like audiences assembled for a like purpose in other places of the county, I am warmed by the enthusiastic welcome which you have been pleased in every quarter and in every form to accord to me. I am, on the other hand, daunted when I recollect, first of all, what large demands I have to make on your patience; and secondly, how inadequate are my powers, and how inadequate almost any amount of time you can grant me, to set forth worthily the whole of the case which ought to be laid before you in connection with the coming election.

To-day, gentlemen, as I know that many among you are interested in the land, and as I feel that what is termed “agricultural distress” is at the present moment a topic too serious to be omitted from our consideration, I shall say some words upon the subject of that agricultural distress, and particularly, because in connection with it there have arisen in some quarters of the country proposals, which have received a countenance far beyond their deserts, to reverse or to compromise the work which it took us one whole generation to achieve, and to revert to the mischievous, obstructive, and impoverishing system of protection.[66] Gentlemen, I speak of agricultural distress as a matter now undoubtedly serious. Let none of us withhold our sympathy from the farmer, the cultivator of the soil, in the struggle he has to undergo. His struggle is a struggle of competition with the United States. But I do not fully explain the case when I say the United States. It is not with the entire United States, it is with the Western portion of these States—that portion remote from the seaboard; and I wish in the first place, gentlemen, to state to you all a fact of very great interest and importance, as it seems to me, relating to and defining the point at which the competition of the Western States of America is most severely felt. I have in my hand a letter received recently from one well known, and honorably known, in Scotland—Mr. Lyon Playfair, who has recently been a traveller in the United States, and who, as you well know, is as well qualified as any man upon earth for accurate and careful investigation.[67] The point, gentlemen, at which the competition of the Western States of America is most severely felt is in the Eastern States of America. Whatever be agricultural distress in Scotland, whatever it be, where undoubtedly it is more felt, in England, it is greater by much in the Eastern States of America. In the States of New England the soil has been to some extent exhausted by careless methods of agriculture, and these, gentlemen, are the greatest of all the enemies with which the farmer has to contend.

But the foundation of the statement I make, that the Eastern States of America are those that most feel the competition of the West, is to be found in facts,—in this fact above all, that not only they are not in America, as we are here, talking about the shortness of the annual returns, and in some places having much said on the subject of rents, and of temporary remission or of permanent reduction. That is not the state of things; they have actually got to this point, that the capital values of land, as tested by sales in the market, have undergone an enormous diminution. Now I will tell you something that actually happened, on the authority of my friend Mr. Playfair. I will tell you something that has happened in one of the New England States,—not, recollect, in a desert or a remote country,—in an old cultivated country, and near one of the towns of these States, a town that has the honorable name of Wellesley.

Mr. Playfair tells me this: Three weeks ago—that is to say, about the first of this month, so you will see my information is tolerably recent,—three weeks ago a friend of Mr. Playfair bought a farm near Wellesley for $33 an acre, for £6 12_s._ an acre—agricultural land, remember, in an old settled country. That is the present condition of agricultural property in the old States of New England. I think by the simple recital of that fact I have tolerably well established my case, for you have not come in England, and you have not come in Scotland, to the point at which agricultural land is to be had—not wild land, but improved and old cultivated land,—is to be had for the price of £6 12_s._ an acre. He mentions that this is by no means a strange case, an isolated case, that it fairly represented the average transactions that have been going on; and he says that in that region the ordinary price of agricultural land at the present time is from $20 to $50 an acre, or from £4 to £10. In New York the soil is better, and the population is greater; but even in the State of New York land ranges for agricultural purposes from $50 to $100, that is to say, from £10 to £20 an acre.

I think those of you, gentlemen, who are farmers will perhaps derive some comfort from perceiving that if the pressure here is heavy the pressure elsewhere and the pressure nearer to the seat of this very abundant production is greater and far greater still.

It is most interesting to consider, however, what this pressure is. There has been developed in the astonishing progressive power of the United States—there has been developed a faculty of producing corn for the subsistence of man, with a rapidity and to an extent unknown in the experience of mankind. There is nothing like it in history. Do not let us conceal, gentlemen, from ourselves the fact; I shall not stand the worse with any of you who are farmers if I at once avow that this greater and comparatively immense abundance of the prime article of subsistence for mankind is a great blessing vouchsafed by Providence to mankind. In part I believe that the cheapness has been increased by special causes. The lands from which the great abundance of American wheat comes are very thinly peopled as yet. They will become more thickly peopled, and as they become more thickly peopled a larger proportion of their produce will be wanted for home consumption and less of it will come to you, and at a higher price. Again, if we are rightly informed, the price of American wheat has been unnaturally reduced by the extraordinary depression, in recent times, of trade in America, and especially of the mineral trades, upon which many railroads are dependent in America, and with which these railroads are connected in America in a degree and manner that in this country we know but little of. With a revival of trade in America it is to be expected that the freights of corn will increase, and all other freights, because the employment of the railroads will be a great deal more abundant, and they will not be content to carry corn at nominal rates. In some respects, therefore, you may expect a mitigation of the pressure, but in other respects it is likely to continue.

Nay, the Prime-Minister is reported as having not long ago said,—and he ought to have the best information on this subject, nor am I going to impeach in the main what he stated,—he gave it to be understood that there was about to be a development of corn production in Canada which would entirely throw into the shade this corn production in the United States. Well, that certainly was very cold comfort, as far as the British agriculturist is concerned, because he did not say—he could not say—that the corn production of the United States was to fall off, but there was to be added an enormous corn production from Manitoba,[68] the great province which forms now a part of the Canada Dominion. There is no doubt, I believe, that it is a correct expectation that vast or very large quantities of corn will proceed from that province, and therefore we have to look forward to a state of things in which, for a considerable time to come, large quantities of wheat will be forthcoming from America, probably larger quantities, and perhaps frequently at lower prices than those at which the corn-producing and corn-exporting districts of Europe have commonly been able to supply us. Now that I believe to be, gentlemen, upon the whole, not an unfair representation of the state of things.

How are you to meet that state of things? What are your fair claims? I will tell you. In my opinion your fair claims are, in the main, two. One is to be allowed to purchase every article that you require in the cheapest market, and have no needless burden laid upon any thing that comes to you and can assist you in the cultivation of your land. But that claim has been conceded and fulfilled.

I do not know whether there is an object, an instrument, a tool of any kind, an auxiliary of any kind, that you want for the business of the farmer, which you do not buy at this moment in the cheapest market. But beyond that, you want to be relieved from every unjust and unnecessary legislative restraint. I say every unnecessary legislative restraint, because taxation, gentlemen, is unfortunately a restraint upon us all, but we cannot say that it is always unnecessary, and we cannot say that it is always unjust. Yesterday I ventured to state—and I will therefore not now return to the subject—a number of matters connected with the state of legislation in which it appears to me to be of vital importance, both to the agricultural interest and to the entire community, that the occupiers and cultivators of the land of this country should be relieved from restraints under the operation of which they now suffer considerably. Beyond those two great heads, gentlemen, what you have to look to, I believe, is your own energy, your own energy of thought and action, and your care not to undertake to pay rents greater than, in reasonable calculation, you think you can afford. I am by no means sure, though I speak subject to the correction of higher authority,—I am by no means sure that in Scotland within the last fifteen or twenty years something of a speculative character has not entered into rents, and particularly, perhaps, into the rents of hill farms. I remember hearing of the augmentations which were taking place, I believe, all over Scotland—I verified the fact in a number of counties—about twelve or fourteen years ago, in the rents of hill farms, which I confess impressed me with the idea that the high prices that were then ruling, and ruling increasingly from year to year, for meat and wool, were perhaps for once leading the wary and shrewd Scottish agriculturist a little beyond the mark in the rents he undertook to pay. But it is not this only which may press. It is, more broadly, in a serious and manful struggle that you are engaged, in which you will have to exert yourselves to the uttermost, in which you will have a right to claim every thing that the legislature can do for you; and I hope it may perhaps possibly be my privilege and honor to assist in procuring for you some of those provisions of necessary liberation from restraint; but beyond that, it is your own energies, of thought and action, to which you will have to trust.

Now, gentlemen, having said thus much, my next duty is to warn you against quack remedies, against delusive remedies, against the quack remedies that there are plenty of people found to propose, not so much in Scotland as in England; for, gentlemen, from Mid-Lothian at present we are speaking to England as well as to Scotland. Let me give a friendly warning from this northern quarter to the agriculturist of England not to be deluded by those who call themselves his friends in a degree of special and superior excellence, and who have been too much given to delude him in other times; not to be deluded into hoping relief from sources from which it can never come. Now, gentlemen, there are three of these remedies. The first of them, gentlemen, I will not call a quack remedy at all, but I will speak of it notwithstanding in the tone of rational and dispassionate discussion. I am not now so much upon the controversial portion of the land question—a field which, Heaven knows, is wide enough—as I am upon matters of deep and universal interest to us in our economic and social condition. There are some gentlemen, and there are persons for whom I for one have very great respect, who think that the difficulties of our agriculture may be got over by a fundamental change in the land-holding system of this country.

I do not mean, now pray observe, a change as to the law of entail and settlement, and all those restraints which, I hope, were tolerably well disposed of yesterday at Dalkeith[69]; but I mean those who think that if you can cut up the land, or a large part of it, into a multitude of small properties, that of itself will solve the difficulty, and start everybody on a career of prosperity.

Now, gentlemen, to a proposal of that kind, I, for one, am not going to object upon the ground that it would be inconsistent with the privileges of landed proprietors. In my opinion, if it is known to be for the welfare of the community at large, the legislature is perfectly entitled to buy out the landed proprietors. It is not intended probably to confiscate the property of a landed proprietor more than the property of any other man; but the state is perfectly entitled, if it please, to buy out the landed proprietors as it may think fit, for the purpose of dividing the property into small lots. I don’t wish to recommend it, because I will show you the doubts that, to my mind, hang about that proposal; but I admit that in principle no objection can be taken. Those persons who possess large portions of the spaces of the earth are not altogether in the same position as the possessors of mere personalty; that personalty does not impose the same limitations upon the action and industry of man, and upon the well-being of the community, as does the possession of land; and, therefore, I freely own that compulsory expropriation is a thing which for an adequate public object is in itself admissible and so far sound in principle.

Now, gentlemen, this idea about small proprietors, however, is one which very large bodies and parties in this country treat with the utmost contempt; and they are accustomed to point to France, and say: “Look at France.” In France you have got 5,000,000—I am not quite sure whether it is 5,000,000 or even more; I do not wish to be beyond the mark in any thing—you have 5,000,000 of small proprietors, and you do not produce in France as many bushels of wheat per acre as you do in England. Well, now I am going to point out to you a very remarkable fact with regard to the condition of France. I will not say that France produces—for I believe it does not produce—as many bushels of wheat per acre as England does, but I should like to know whether the wheat of France is produced mainly upon the small properties of France. I believe that the wheat of France is produced mainly upon the large properties of France, and I have not any doubt that the large properties of England are, upon the whole, better cultivated, and more capital is put into the land than in the large properties of France. But it is fair that justice should be done to what is called the peasant proprietary. Peasant proprietary is an excellent thing, if it can be had, in many points of view. It interests an enormous number of the people in the soil of the country, and in the stability of its institutions and its laws. But now look at the effect that it has upon the progressive value of the land—and I am going to give you a very few figures which I will endeavor to relieve from all complication, lest I should unnecessarily weary you. But what will you think when I tell you that the agricultural value of France—the taxable income derived from the land, and therefore the income of the proprietors of that land—has advanced during our lifetime far more rapidly than that of England? When I say England I believe the same thing is applicable to Scotland, certainly to Ireland; but I shall take England for my test, because the difference between England and Scotland, though great, does not touch the principle; and, because it so happens that we have some means of illustration from former times for England, which are not equally applicable for all the three kingdoms.