Part 6

Whereas _John Lilburne_, Prisoner in the _Fleet_, by Sentence in _Star Chamber_, did this day suffer condign Punishment for his several offences, by whipping at a Cart, and standing in the _Pillory_, and (as their Lordships were this day informed) during the time that his Body was under the said Execution, audaciously and wickedly, not only uttered sundry scandalous and seditious Speeches, but likewise scattered sundry Copies of seditious Books amongst the People that beheld the said Execution, for which very thing, amongst other offences of like nature, he had been Censured in the said Court by the aforesaid Sentence. It was thereupon ordered by their Lordships, that the said _Lilburne_ should be laid alone with Irons on his Hands and Legs in the Wards of the _Fleet_, where the basest and meanest sort of Prisoners are used to be put; and that the Warden of the _Fleet_ take special care to hinder the resort of any Person whatsoever unto him, and particularly that he be not supplied with any Hand, and that he take special notice of all Letters, Writings, and Books brought unto him, and seize and deliver the same unto their Lordships. And take notice from time to time who they be that resort to the said Prison to visit the said _Lilburne_, and to speak with him, and inform the Board....

THE BILL OF ATTAINDER AGAINST STRAFFORD (1641).

=Source.=--_Harleian Miscellany._ Vol. iv., p. 527.

Whereas the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons in this present Parliament assembled, have, in the name of themselves, and all the Commons of England, impeached Thomas Earl of Strafford of high treason, for endeavouring to subvert the ancient and fundamental laws and government of his Majesty's realms of England and Ireland, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government against law in the said kingdoms; and for exercising a tyrannous and exorbitant power over and against the laws of the said kingdoms, over the liberties, estates and lives of his majesty's subjects; and likewise for having, by his own authority, commanded the laying and assessing of soldiers upon his Majesty's subjects in Ireland against their consents, to compel them to obey his unlawful commands and orders, made upon paper petitions, in causes between party and party, which accordingly was executed upon divers of his Majesty's subjects in a warlike manner within the said realm of Ireland, and in so doing did levy war against the King's majesty and his liege people in that kingdom; and also for that he, upon the unhappy dissolution of the last Parliament, did slander the House of Commons to his Majesty and did counsel and advise his Majesty that he was loose and absolved from rules of government, and that he had an army in Ireland which he might employ to reduce this kingdom; for which he deserves to undergo the pains and forfeitures of high treason.

And the said Earl hath been also an incendiary of the wars between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, all which offences have been sufficiently proved against the said Earl upon his impeachment.

Be it therefore enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty and by the Lords and Commons in the present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same, that the said Earl of Strafford for the heinous crimes and offences aforesaid, stand and be adjudged and attainted of high treason, and shall suffer the pain of death, and incur the forfeitures of his goods and chattels, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, of any estate of freehold or inheritance in the said kingdoms of England and Ireland which the said Earl, or any other to his use, or in trust for him, have or had, the day of the first sitting of this present parliament or at any time since.

Provided that no judge or judges, justice or justices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be treason, nor hear or determine any treason, in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this act, and as if this act had never been had or made.

STRAFFORD'S LAST LETTER TO THE KING (1641).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. iii., p. 251.

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY,

It hath been my greatest grief, in all these troubles, to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your people; and to give counsels tending to the disquiet of the three kingdoms.

Most true it is, that this (mine own private condition considered,) had been a great madness; since, through your gracious favour I was so provided, as not to expect, in any kind, to mind my fortune or please my mind more, than by resting where your bounteous hands had placed me.

Nay, it is most mightily mistaken. For unto your majesty it is well known, my poor and humble advice concluded still in this, that your majesty and your people could never be happy till there was a right understanding betwixt you and them; and that no other means were left to effect and settle this happiness but by the counsel and assent of your parliament; or to prevent the growing evils of this state, but by entirely putting yourself in this last resort upon the loyalty and good affections of your English subjects.

Yet, such is my misfortune, that this truth findeth little credit; yea, the contrary seemeth generally to be believed, and myself reputed as one who endeavoured to make a separation between you and your people. Under a heavier censure than this, I am persuaded, no gentleman can suffer.

Now I understand the minds of men are more and more incensed against me, notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared that in your princely opinion, I am not guilty of treason; nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the bill.

This bringeth me in a very great strait: there is before me the ruin of my children and family, hitherto untouched, in all the branches of it, with any foul crime: here are before me the many ills which may befall your sacred person, and the whole kingdom, should yourself and the parliament part less satisfied one with the other than is necessary for the preservation both of king and people: here are before me the things most valued, most feared by mortal men, life and death.

To say, Sir, that there hath not been a strife in me, were to make me less man than (God knoweth) my infirmities make me. And to call a destruction upon myself and young children, where the intentions of my heart, at least, have been innocent of this great offence, may be believed will find no easy consent from flesh and blood.

But, with much sadness, I am come to a resolution of that, which I take to be the best becoming me; and to look upon it as that which is most principal in itself, which, doubtless, is the prosperity of your sacred person, and the commonwealth, things infinitely before any private man's interest.

And therefore, in few words, as I put myself wholly upon the honour and justice of my peers, so clearly, as to wish your majesty might please to have spared that declaration of yours on Saturday last, and entirely to have left me to their lordships; so now, to set your majesty's conscience at liberty, I do most humbly beseech your majesty, for the prevention of evils which may happen by your refusal, to pass this bill, and by this means to remove, (praised be God, I cannot say this accursed, but I confess) this unfortunate thing forth of the way; towards that blessed agreement, which God, I trust, shall ever establish between you and your subjects.

Sir, my consent shall more acquit you herein to God, than all the world can do besides. To a willing man there is no injury done: and as, by God's grace, I forgive all the world with calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul: so, Sir, to you I can give the life of this world with all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just acknowledgement of your exceeding favours; and only beg that, in your goodness, you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and his sisters, less or more, and no otherwise than their (in present) unfortunate father may hereafter appear more or less guilty of his death. God long preserve your majesty.

Your majesty's most humble, most faithful subject and servant,

STRAFFORD.

TOWER, _May 4, 1641._

THE KING'S ANSWER TO THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE (1641).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. iv., p. 452.

We having received from you, soon after our return out of Scotland, a long petition consisting of many desires of great moment, together with a declaration of a very unusual nature annexed thereunto, we had taken some time to consider of it, as befitted us in a matter of that consequence, being confident that your own reason and regard to us, as well as our express intimation by our comptroller, to that purpose, would have restrained you from the publishing of it till such time as you should have received our answer to it; but, much against our expectation, finding the contrary, that the said declaration is already abroad in print, by directions from your House as appears by the printed copy, we must let you know that we are very sensible of the disrespect. Notwithstanding, it is our intention that no failing on your part shall make us fail in ours, of giving all due satisfaction to the desires of our people in a parliamentary way; and therefore we send you this answer to your petition, reserving ourself in point of the declaration which we think unparliamentary, and shall take a course to do that which we shall think fit in prudence and honour.

To the petition, we say that although there are divers things in the preamble of it which we are so far from admitting that we profess we cannot at all understand them, as of "a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the government"; of "some of that party admitted to our Privy Council and to other employments of trust, and nearest to us and our children"; of "endeavours to sow among the people false scandals and imputations, to blemish and disgrace the proceedings of the Parliament"; all, or any of them, did we know of, we should be as ready to remedy and punish as you to complain of, so that the prayers of your petition are grounded upon such premises as we must in no wise admit; yet, notwithstanding, we are pleased to give this answer to you.

To the first, concerning religion, consisting of several branches, we say that, for preserving the peace and safety of this kingdom from the design of the Popish party, we have, and will still, concur with all the just desires of our people in a parliamentary way: that, for the depriving of the Bishops of their votes in Parliament, we should have you consider that their right is grounded upon the fundamental law of the kingdom and constitution of Parliament. This we would have you consider; but since you desire our concurrence herein in a parliamentary way, we will give no further answer at this time.

As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the clergy, we conceive that the taking away of the High Commission Court hath well moderated that; but if there continue any usurpations or excesses in their jurisdictions, we therein neither have nor will protect them.

Unto that clause which concerneth corruptions (as you style them) in religion, in Church government, and in discipline, and the removing of such unnecessary ceremonies as weak consciences might check at: that for any illegal innovations which may have crept in, we shall willingly concur in the removal of them: that, if our Parliament shall advise us to call a national synod, which may duly examine such ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any, we shall take it into consideration, and apply ourself to give due satisfaction therein; but we are very sorry to hear, in such general terms, corruption in religion objected, since we are persuaded in our consciences that no Church can be found upon the earth that professeth the true religion with more purity of doctrine than the Church of England doth, nor where the government and discipline are jointly more beautified and free from superstition, than as they are here established by law, which, by the grace of God, we will with constancy maintain (while we live) in their purity and glory, not only against all invasions of Popery, but also from the irreverence of those many schismatics and separatists, wherewith of late this kingdom and this city abounds, to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State, for the suppression of whom we require your timely aid and active assistance.

To the second prayer of the petition, the removal and choice of councillors, we know not any of our Council to whom the character set forth in the petition can belong: that by those whom we had exposed to trial, we have already given you sufficient testimony that there is no man so near unto us in place or affection, whom we will not leave to the justice of the law, if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him; and of this we do again assure you, but in the meantime we wish you to forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all our Council, since you name none in particular.

That for the choice of our councillors and ministers of state, it were to debar us that natural liberty all freemen have; and as it is the undoubted right of the Crown of England to call such persons to our secret counsels, to public employment and our particular service as we shall think fit, so we are, and ever shall be, very careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrity, and against whom there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence; and to choices of this nature, we assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto us hath always concurred.

To the third prayer of your petition concerning Ireland, we understand your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands thereof, to proceed from much care and love, and likewise that it may be a resolution very fit for us to take; but whether it be seasonable to declare resolutions of that nature before the events of a war be seen, that we much doubt of. Howsoever, we cannot but thank you for this care, and your cheerful engagement for the suppression of that rebellion; upon the speedy effecting whereof, the glory of God in the protestant profession, the safety of the British there, our honour, and that of the nation, so much depends; all the interests of this kingdom being so involved in that business, we cannot but quicken your affections therein, and shall desire you to frame your counsels, to give such expedition to the work as the nature thereof and the pressures in point of time require; and whereof you are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those rebels.

For conclusion, your promise to apply yourselves to such courses as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your loyalties and affections, and also for what we have already done, and shall daily go adding unto, for the comfort and happiness of our people.

"ROUNDHEADS."

=Source.=--_Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson._ Ed. Bohn. G. Bell and Son. P. 120.

When puritanism grew into a faction, the zealots distinguished themselves, both men and women, by several affectations of habit, looks, and words, which, had it been a real forsaking of vanity, and an embracing of sobriety in all those things, would have been most commendable; but their quick forsaking of those things, when they had arrived at their object, showed that they either never took them up for conscience, or were corrupted by their prosperity to take up those vain things they durst not practise under persecution. Among other affected habits, few of the puritans, what degree soever they were of, wore their hair long enough to cover their ears, and the ministers and many others cut it close round their heads, with so many little peaks, as was something ridiculous to behold; whereupon Cleaveland, in his Hue and Cry after them, begins,

"With hayre in Characters and Luggs in Text," etc.

From this custom of wearing their hair, that name of roundhead became the scornful term given to the whole parliament party, whose army indeed marched out as if they had been only sent out till their hair was grown. Two or three years after, any stranger that had seen them, would have inquired the reason of that name. It was very ill applied to Mr. Hutchinson, who, having naturally a very fine thickset head of hair, kept it clean and handsome, so that it was a great ornament to him; although the godly of those days, when he embraced their party, would not allow him to be religious because his hair was not in their cut, nor his words in their phrase, nor such little formalities altogether fitted to their humour; who were, many of them, so weak as to esteem such insignificant circumstances, rather than solid wisdom, piety, and courage, which brought real aid and honour to their party. But as Mr. Hutchinson chose not them, but the God they served, and the truth and righteousness they defended, so did not their weaknesses, censures, ingratitude, or discouraging behaviour, with which he was abundantly exercised all his life, make him forsake them in any thing wherein they adhered to just and honourable principles or practices; but when they apostatized from these, none cast them off with greater indignation, how shining soever the profession was that gilt, not a temple of living grace, but a tomb, which only held the carcase of religion.

A NATIONAL FAST (1642).

=Source.=--_Acts and Ordinances of Interregnum._ Ed. by C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait. London: Wyman and Son, 1911. Vol. i., p. 26. September 2.

Whereas the distressed estate of Ireland, steeped in her own blood, and the distracted estate of England, threatened with a cloud of blood by the civil war, call for all possible means to appease and avert the Wrath of God, appearing in these judgments; among which Fasting and Prayer, having been often tried to be very effectual, having been lately and are still enjoined; and whereas public sports do not well agree with public calamities, nor public stage plays with the seasons of humiliation, this being an exercise of sad and pious solemnity, and the other being spectacles of pleasure, too commonly expressing lascivious mirth and levity: it is therefore thought fit and ordained, by the Lords and Commons in this parliament assembled, that while these sad causes and set times of humiliation do continue, public Stage Plays shall cease and be forborn, instead of which are recommended to the people of this land, the profitable and seasonable considerations of repentance, reconciliation and peace with God, which probably may produce outward peace and prosperity, and bring again times of joy and gladness to these nations.

THE GOOD YEOMAN (1642).

=Source.=--_The Holy State_, by Thomas Fuller, 1642. P. 116.

Is a gentleman in ore whom the next age may see refined, and is the wax capable of a gentle impression, when the prince shall stamp it. Wise Solon (who accounted Tellus the Athenian the most happy man for living privately on his own lands) would surely have pronounced the English yeomanry a fortunate condition, living in the temperate zone betwixt greatness and want, an estate of people almost peculiar to England. France and Italy are like a die which hath no points betwixt six and ace, Nobility and Peasantry. Their walls though high must needs be hollow, wanting filling stones. Indeed Germany hath her Boors like our Yeomen, but by a tyrannical appropriation of Nobility to some few ancient families, their yeomen are excluded from ever rising higher to clarify their bloods. In England the Temple of Honour is bolted against none who have passed through the Temple of Virtue, nor is a capacity to be gentle denied to our Yeoman, who thus behaves himself.

He wears Russet clothes but makes golden payment, having tin in his buttons and silver in his pockets. If he chance to appear in clothes above his rank, it is to grace some great man with his service, and then he blusheth at his own bravery. Otherwise he is the surest landmark where foreigners may take aim of the ancient English customs; the Gentry more shooting after foreign fashions.

In his house he is bountiful both to strangers and poor people. Some hold when hospitality died in England, she gave her last groan amongst the yeomen of Kent. And still at our yeoman's table you shall have as many joints as dishes. No meat disguised with strange sauces, no straggling joint of a sheep in the midst of a pasture of grass, beset with salads on every side, but solid substantial food, no servitors, (more nimble with their hands than the guests with their teeth) take away meat before stomachs [appetites] are taken away. Here you have that which in itself is good, made better by the store of it and best by the welcome to it.

He hath a great stroke in making a knight of the shire. Good reason, for he makes a whole line in the subsidy book, where whatsoever he is rated, he pays without any regret, not caring how much his purse is let blood, so it be done by the advice of the physicians of the State. He seldom goes far abroad, and his credit stretcheth farther than his travel. He goes not to London, but _se defendo_ to save himself of a fine being returned of a Jury, where seeing the King once, he prays for him ever afterwards.

In his own country he is a main man in Juries. Where if the judge please to open his eyes in matter of Law, he needs not to be led by the nose in matters of fact. He is very observant of the Judges _item_, where it followeth the truth _in primis_; otherwise (though not mutinous in a Jury) he cares not whom he displeaseth, so he pleaseth his own conscience. He improveth his land to a double value by his good husbandry. Some grounds that wept with water, or frowned with thorns, by draining the one and clearing the other, he makes both to laugh and sing with corn. By marl and limestones burnt he bettereth his ground, and his industry worketh miracles by turning stones into bread....

In time of famine he is the Joseph of the country, and keeps the poor from starving. Then he tameth his stacks of corn, which not his covetousness, but providence hath reserved for time of need, and to his poor neighbours abateth somewhat of the high price of the market. The neighbour gentry court him for his acquaintance, which he either modestly waiveth, or thankfully accepteth, but no way greedily desireth. He insults not the ruins of a decayed gentleman, but pities and relieves him; and as he is called Goodman, he desires to answer to the name and to be so indeed.