Part 5

Lastly: though you are apt to think yourselves such necessary instruments for all good purposes, and that nothing can be well done unless you do it; that no unity or constancy in religion can be maintained, but inevitably Christendom must fall to ruin and confusion, unless you support it; yet we that are indifferent and impartial, and well content that God should give us his own favours, by means of his own appointment, not of our choosing, can easily collect out of these very words, that not the infallibility of your or of any Church, but the _apostles and prophets, and evangelists, &c., which Christ gave upon his ascension_, were designed by him, for the compassing all these excellent purposes, by their preaching while they lived, and by their writings for ever. And if they fail hereof, the reason is not any insufficiency or invalidity in the means, but the voluntary perverseness of the subjects they have to deal with; who, if they would be themselves, and be content that others should be, in the choice of their religion, the servants of God and not of men; if they would allow, that the way to heaven is no narrower now than Christ left it, his yoke no heavier than he made it; that the belief of no more difficulties is required now to salvation, than was in the primitive church; that no error is in itself destructive, and exclusive from salvation now, which was not then; if, instead of being zealous Papists, earnest Calvinists, rigid Lutherans, they would become themselves, and be content that others should be, plain and honest Christians; if all men would believe the Scripture, and, freeing themselves from prejudice and passion, would sincerely endeavour to find the true sense of it, and live according to it, and require no more of others but to do so; nor denying their communion to any that do so, would so order their public service of God, that all which do so may, without scruple or hypocrisy, or protestation against any part of it, join with them in it;--who doth not see that seeing (as we suppose here, and shall prove hereafter) all necessary truths are plainly and evidently set down in Scripture, there would of necessity be among all men, in all things necessary, unity of opinion? And, notwithstanding any other differences that are or could be, unity of communion and charity and mutual toleration? By which means, all schism and heresy would be banished the world; and those wretched contentions which now rend and tear in pieces, not the coat, but the members and bowels, of Christ, which mutual pride, and tyranny, and cursing, and killing, and damning, would fain make immortal, should speedily receive a most blessed catastrophe.

THE CHURCH OF GEORGE HERBERT (1633).

=Source.=--George Herbert, _Poems_. Ed. 1633. P. 102.

I joy dear mother when I view Thy perfect lineaments and hue, Both sweet and bright. Beauty in thee takes up her place And dates her letters from thy face When she doth write.

A fine aspect in fit array Neither too mean nor yet too gay Shows who is best. Outlandish looks may not compare, For all they either painted are, Or else undrest.

She on the hills which wantonly Allureth all in hope to be By her preferred. Hath kissed so long her painted shrines, That e'en her face by kissing shines For her reward.

She in the valley is so shy Of dressing, that her hair doth lie About her ears. While she avoids her neighbour's pride; She wholly goes on t' other side, And nothing wears.

But, dearest mother, (what those miss), The mean, thy praise and glory is, And long may be Blessed be God whose love it was To double-moat thee with his grace, And none but thee.

HAPPY ENGLAND (1630-1640).

=Source.=--Clarendon, _History of Rebellion_. Book I., § 159.

Now, I must be so just as to say, that, during the whole time that these pressures were exercised, and these new and extraordinary ways were run, that is from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year (1629) to the beginning of this Parliament which was above 12 years, this kingdom and all his majesty's dominions (of the interruption in Scotland somewhat shall be said in its due time and place), enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have been blessed with; to the wonder and envy of all the parts of Christendom.

And in this comparison I am neither unmindful of, nor ungrateful for the happy times of Queen Elisabeth, nor for those more happy under King James. But for the former, the doubts, hazards, and perplexities, upon a total change and alteration of religion, and some confident attempts upon a further alteration by those who thought not the reformation enough; the charge, trouble, and anxiety of a long continued war (how prosperous and successful soever) even during that Queen's whole reign; and (besides some domestic ruptures into rebellion, frequently into treason, and besides the blemish of an unparalleled act of blood upon the life of a crowned neighbour, queen and ally) the fear and apprehension of what was to come (which is one of the most unpleasant kinds of melancholy) from an unknown, at least an unacknowledged successor to the crown, clouded much of that prosperity then which now shines with so much splendour before our eyes in chronicle.

And for the other under King James (which indeed were excellent times _bona si sua norint_), the mingling with a stranger nation, (formerly not very gracious with this,) which was like to have more interest of favour: the subjection to a stranger prince, whose nature and disposition they knew not; the noise of treason, (the most prodigious that had ever been attempted), upon his first entrance into the kingdom: the wants of the Crown not inferior to what it hath since felt, (I mean whilst it sat right on the head of the King,) and the pressures upon the subject of the same nature, and no less complained of: the absence of the prince in Spain, and the solicitude that his highness might not be disposed in marriage to the daughter of that kingdom; rendered the calm and tranquillity of that time less equal and pleasant. To which may be added the prosperity and happiness of the neighbour kingdoms, not much inferior to that of this, which, according to the pulse of states, is a great diminution of their health; at least their prosperity is much improved, and more visible, by the misery and misfortunes of their neighbours.

The happiness of the times I mentioned was enviously set off by this, that every other kingdom, every other province were engaged, many entangled, and some almost destroyed by the rage and fury of arms; those which were ambitiously in contention with their neighbours having the view and apprehensions of the miseries and desolation, which they saw other states suffer by a civil war; whilst the kingdoms we now lament were alone looked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but the wilderness of that garden) in a full, entire, undisturbed peace, which they had never seen, the rage and barbarism (that is, the blood, for of the charity we speak not) of their private feuds, being composed to the reverence or to the awe of public justice; in a competency, if not in an excess of plenty, which they had never hoped to see, and in a temper (which was the utmost we desired and hoped to see) free from rebellion; Ireland, which had been a sponge to draw and a gulf to swallow all that could be spared, and all that could be got from England, merely to keep the reputation of a kingdom, reduced to that good degree of husbandry and government, that it not only subsisted of itself, and gave this kingdom all that it might have expected from it; but really increased the revenue of the crown forty or fifty thousand pounds a year, besides much more to the people in the traffic and trade from thence; arts and sciences fruitfully planted there; and the whole nation beginning to be so civilized, that it was a jewel of great lustre in the royal diadem.

When these outworks were thus fortified and adorned, it was no wonder if England was generally thought secure, with the advantages of its own climate; the court in great plenty, or rather (which is the discredit of plenty) excess, and luxury; the country rich, and, which is more, fully enjoying the pleasure of its own wealth, and so the easier corrupted with the pride and wantonness of it; the Church flourishing with learned and extraordinary men, and (which other good times wanted) supplied with oil to feed those lamps, and the protestant religion more advanced against the Church of Rome by writing especially (without prejudice to other useful and godly labours) by those two books of the late lord archbishop of Canterbury his grace, and of Mr. Chillingworth, than it had been from the Reformation; trade increased to that degree, that we were the exchange of Christendom, (the revenue thereof to the crown being almost double to what it had been in the best times), and the bullion of all other kingdoms brought to receive a stamp from the mint of England; all foreign merchants looking upon nothing as their own, but what they had laid up in the warehouses of this kingdom; the royal navy, in number and equipage much above former times, very formidable at sea; and the reputation of the greatness and power of the King much more with foreign princes than any of his progenitors; for those rough courses, which made him haply less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by their neighbours: and it may be, this consideration might not be the least motive, and may not be the worst excuse, for those councils. Lastly, for a complement of all these blessings, they were enjoyed by and under the protection of a king, of the most harmless disposition and the most exemplary piety, the greatest example of sobriety, chastity, and mercy, that any prince hath been endued with, (and God forgive those that have not been sensible of and thankful for those endowments) and who might have said, that which Pericles was proud of, upon his deathbed, "that no Englishman had ever worn a black gown through his occasion." In a word, many wise men thought it a time, wherein those two adjuncts, which Nerva was deified for uniting, were as well reconciled as is possible.

But all these blessings could but enable, not compel us to be happy: we wanted that sense, acknowledgement, and value of our own happiness, which all but we had; and took pains to make, when we could not find, ourselves miserable. There was in truth a strange absence of understanding in most, and a strange perverseness of understanding in the rest: the court full of excess, idleness, and luxury; and the country full of pride, mutiny and discontent; every man more troubled and perplexed at that they called the violation of one law, than delighted or pleased with the observance of all the rest of the Charter; never imputing the increase of their receipts, revenue, and plenty, to the wisdom, virtue and merit of the Crown, but objecting every little trivial imposition to the exorbitancy and tyranny of the government; the growth of knowledge and learning being disrelished for the infirmities of some learned men, and the increase of grace and favour upon the Church, more repined and murmured at, than the increase of piety and devotion in the Church, which was as visible, acknowledged or taken notice of; whilst the indiscretion and folly of one sermon at Whitehall was more bruited abroad and commented upon than the wisdom, sobriety and devotion of a hundred.

WENTWORTH IN IRELAND (1634-1636).

I. ADVICE TO PARLIAMENT.

=Source.=--_Lord-Deputy's Speech to Both Houses of Parliament, July 15, 1634._ Knowler, _Strafford's Letters and Despatches_. London, 1739. Vol. i., pp. 289-290.

Chiefly beware of divisions in your counsels. For division confines always upon ruin, leads ever to some fatal precipice or other. Divide not between Protestant and Papist, for this meeting is merely civil, religion not at all concerned one way or another. In this I have endeavoured to give you satisfaction both privately and publicly, and now I assure you again there is nothing of religion to be stirred in this Parliament, being only assembled to settle the temporal state, which you may now safely confide upon. For, believe me, I have a more hallowed regard to my master's honour, than to profane his chair with untruths, so as if, after all this, any shall again spring this doubt amongst you, it is not to be judged to arise from hardness of belief, but much rather from a perverse and malevolent spirit, desirous to embroil your peaceable proceedings with party and faction. And I trust your wisdom and temper will quickly conjure all such forth from amongst you.

Divide not nationally, betwixt English and Irish. The King makes no distinction between you, reputes you all without prejudice, and that upon safe and sure grounds, I assure myself, his good and faithful subjects. And madness it were in you then to raise that wall of separation amongst yourselves. If you should, you know who the old proverb deems likest to go to the wall, and believe me England will not prove the weakest.

But above all, divide not between the interests of the king and his people as if there were one being of the king and another being of his people. This is the most mischievous principle that can be laid in reason of state, in that which, if you watch not very well, may the easiest mislead you. For you might as well tell me a head might live without a body, or a body without a head, as that it is possible for a king to be rich and happy without his people be so likewise, or that a people can be rich and happy without the king be so also. Most certain it is, that their well-being is individually one and the same, their interests woven up together with so tender and close threads, as cannot be pulled asunder without a rent in the commonwealth.

II. RELIGION.

_To Mr. Secretary Coke, Dec. 16, 1634._ Knowler, vol. i., p. 351.

It may seem strange that this people should be so obstinately set against their own good, and yet the reason is plain; for the Friars and Jesuits fearing that these laws would conform them here to the manners of England, and in time be a means to lead them on to a conformity in religion and faith also, they catholicly oppose and fence up every path leading to so good a purpose. And indeed I see plainly that so long as this kingdom continues popish, they are not a people for the crown of England to be confident of. Whereas if they were not still distempered by the infusion of these Friars and Jesuits, I am of belief, they would be as good and loyal to their King as any other subjects.

III. COMMERCIAL POLICY.

_Wentworth to Sir Christopher Wandesford, July 25, 1636._ Knowler, vol. ii., p. 19.

[A summary of his report to the King.]

... [I informed them] that there was little or no manufacture amongst them, but some small beginnings towards a clothing trade, which I had and so should still discourage all I could, unless otherwise directed by his Majesty and their Lordships, in regard it would trench not only upon the clothing of England, being our staple commodity, so as if they should manufacture their own wools, which grew to very great quantities, we should not only lose the profit we now made by indraping their wools, but his Majesty lose extremely by his customs, and in conclusion it might be feared, they would beat us out of the Trade itself, by underselling us, which they were well able to do. Besides, in reason of State, so long as they did not indrape their own wools, they must of necessity fetch their clothing from us, and consequently in a sort depend upon us for their livelihood, and thereby become so dependent upon this crown, as they could not depart from us without nakedness to themselves and children.

Yet have I endeavoured another way to set them on work, and that is by bringing in the making and trade of linen cloth, the rather in regard the women are all naturally bred to spinning, that the Irish earth is apt for bearing of flax, and that this manufacture would be in the conclusion rather a benefit than other to this kingdom. I have therefore sent for the flax seed into Holland, being of a better sort than we have any; and sown this year a thousand pounds worth of it (finding by some I sowed the last year that it takes there very well). I have sent for workmen out of the Low Countries, and forth of France, and set up already six or seven looms, which if it please God to bless us this year, I trust so to invite them to follow it, when they see the great profit arising thereby, as that they shall generally take to it and employ themselves that way, which if they do, I am confident it will prove a mighty business, considering that in all probability we shall be able to undersell the linen cloths of Holland and France at least twenty in the hundred.

IV. HIS WEARINESS.

_To Laud, Aug. 17, 1636, from Gawthorp._ Knowler, vol. ii., p. 26.

I am gotten hither to a poor house I have, having been this last week almost feasted to death at York. In truth for anything I can find they were not ill-pleased to see me. Sure I am it much contented me to be amongst my old acquaintance, which I would not leave for any other affection I have, but to that which I both profess and owe to the person of his sacred majesty. Lord! with what quietness in myself could I live here, in comparison of that noise and labour I meet with elsewhere; and, I protest, put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too. But we'll let that pass. For I am not like to enjoy that blessed condition upon earth. And therefore my resolution is set to endure and struggle with it so long as this crazy body will bear it; and finally drop into the silent grave, where both all these (which I now could, as I think, innocently delight myself in) and myself are to be forgotten: and fare them well.

LAUD TO WENTWORTH (1633).

=Source.=--_Works of William Laud, D.D._ Vol. vi., pp. 310-312. Parker, Oxford, 1857.

MY VERY GOOD LORD,

I heartily thank your Lordship for all your love, and for the joy you are pleased both to conceive and express for my translation to Canterbury; for I conceive all your expressions to me are very hearty, and such I have hitherto found them. And now, since I am there, (for my translation is to be on Thursday, Sept. 19th,) I must desire your Lordship not to expect more at my hands than I shall be able to perform, either in Church or State; and this suit of mine hath a great deal of reason in it; for you write, that ordinary things are far beneath that which you cannot choose but promise yourself of me in both respects. But, my Lord, to speak freely, you may easily promise more in either kind than I can perform. For, as for the Church, it is so bound up in the forms of the common law, that it is not possible for me, or for any man, to do that good which he would, or is bound to do. For your Lordship sees, no man clearer, that they which have gotten so much power in and over the Church, will not let go their hold; they have, indeed, fangs with a witness, whatsoever I was once said in passion to have. And for the State, indeed, my Lord, I am for _Thorough_, but I see that both thick and thin stays somebody, where I conceive it should not; and it is impossible for me to go through alone. Besides, private ends are such blocks in the public way, and lie so thick, that you may promise what you will, and I must perform what I can, and no more.

Next, my Lord, I thank you heartily for your kind wishes to me, that God would send me many and happy days where I now am to be. Amen. I can do little for myself, if I cannot say so; but truly, my Lord, I look for neither: not for many, for I am in years, and have had a troublesome life; not for happy, because I have no hope to do the good I desire; and, besides, I doubt I shall never be able to hold my health there one year; for instead of all the jolting which I had over the stones between London House and Whitehall, which was almost daily, I shall have now no exercise, but slide over in a barge to the Court and Star Chamber; and in truth, my Lord, I speak seriously, I have had a heaviness hang upon me ever since I was nominated to this place, and I can give myself no account of it, unless it proceed from an apprehension that there is more expected from me than the craziness of these times will give me leave to do.

* * * * *

Now, my Lord, why may you not write, as whilom you did to the Bishop of London? The man is the same, and the same to you; but I see you stay for better acquaintance, and till then you will keep distance. I perceive, also, my predecessor's awe is upon you, but I doubt I shall never hold it long; and I was about to swear by my troth, as you do, but I remember oaths heretofore were wont to pass under the Privy Seal, and not the Ordinary Seal of letters. Well, wiser or not, you must take that as you find it; but I will not write any long letters and leave out my mirth, it is one of the recreations I have always used with my friends, and 'tis hard leaving an old custom, neither do I purpose to do it; though I mean to make choice of my friends, to whom I will use it. For proof of this, I here send your Lordship some sermon notes which I have received from Cambridge; and, certainly, if this be your method there, you ride as much aside as ever Croxton did towards Ireland. I wish your Lordship all health and happiness, and so leave you to the grace of God, ever resting

Your Lordship's very loving poor Servant, W. CANT. ELECT.

FULHAM, _Sept. 9th, 1633_.

SHIP MONEY. THE KING'S CASE LAID BEFORE THE JUDGES, WITH THEIR ANSWER (1637).

=Source.--Rushworth.= Vol. ii., p. 355.

CAROLUS REX,

When the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom in danger, whether may not the King, by writ under the Great Seal of England, command all the subjects of our kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as we shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the kingdom from such danger and peril, and by law compel the doing thereof, in case of refusal or refractoriness: and whether in such a case is not the King the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided?

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY,

We have, according to your Majesty's command, every man by himself, and all of us together, taken into serious consideration the case and question signed by your Majesty, and inclosed in your royal letter; and we are of opinion, that when the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the kingdom in danger, your Majesty may, by writ under the Great Seal of England, command all your subjects of this your kingdom, at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as your Majesty shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of this kingdom from such danger and peril: and that by law your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness: and we are also of opinion, that in such case your Majesty is the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided.

[Signed by twelve Judges.]

LILBURNE'S PUNISHMENT (1638).

=Source.=--Rushworth. Vol. ii., p. 466.

ORDER OF THE STAR CHAMBER, APRIL 8, 1638.