Part 4
Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe, in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about 90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50 per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to the coast, as well as to ports of entry.
Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.
During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history. It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only by a diplomatic handling of the question.
Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement between the two countries.
On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful. Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources multiplied.
From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the government.
The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a message in which it was declared the intention of the administration to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda, representing the administration, declared the following to be the government program:
“Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers; protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage; formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation; separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought; foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”
Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas; the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary in Chilean administrations.”
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After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right. The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external questions for settlement. While these international problems were pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration, the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886, securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political power in the Republic.
ELECTION OF BALMACEDA.
The contending forces and warring political elements of that critical period in Chile’s history reached a climax in the struggle for supremacy in the campaign of 1886, which resulted in the election of Balmaceda as president. During the years intervening between the war with Peru and Bolivia, and the inauguration of Balmaceda, Chile had prospered wonderfully. The rich nitrate properties, acquired as the fruits of war, were being developed and worked with foreign capital, and were producing an enormous annual revenue. The Republic was then in the period of its greatest prosperity, having accumulated a large surplus in the national treasury, notwithstanding the fact that public works, including highways, school houses, bridges, harbor improvements, etc., were being constructed. Order and system prevailed in the management of government affairs, and the country was in the bloom of industrial progress and national prosperity.
Under these favorable conditions, Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda became president. To the creation of these conditions he had contributed much in the way of honest industry, but the full fruition of his hopes to make of Chile an independent Republic, where every citizen, irrespective of condition, creed or religion, might exercise his rights without prejudice to his individual interests was never to be realized. Not only was he destined to disappointment and ultimate defeat, but this strong, brilliant man, the greatest in many respects that Chile has produced, proved the rock upon which the Ship of State foundered. His administration ended in a revolution, the tragic end of which was the death of the president by suicide in the Argentine Legation, in Santiago, where he sought asylum after the final success of the revolutionists and the overthrow of the government.
It was on a constitutional question that Balmaceda clashed with Congress, which resulted in his downfall. Under the constitution the president must convoke Congress in regular session from June 1 to September 1, each year; he has power to prorogue it at any time for a term of fifty days, and he can summon it in special session whenever he chooses. He appoints his cabinet ministers, governors of provinces, diplomatic representatives, and five out of eleven members of the Council of State, “Consejo de Estado.” He also appoints the judges of the several courts, upon recommendation of the Council of State. He approves, promulgates and takes part in the making of laws, issues decrees, regulations, etc., which he may consider desirable for the execution of laws. The authority thus vested in the president gives him a power which, if abused, might become a menace to the Republic. It was perhaps for this reason that the framers of the constitution of Chile, apparently desiring to avoid the possibility of the concentration of political power in the Republic, made the ministry responsible to the legislative branch of the government instead of the executive. Following the plan of the French Republic, legislation affecting the general policy of the government originates with the ministry. When Congress convenes the president outlines the administration policy in a message calling attention to such measures as he thinks should receive attention and consideration from the legislative bodies. Bills are prepared by the cabinet ministers and presented to Congress. A failure to approve by their votes any measure coming from the executive branch is taken as a vote of lack of confidence in the administration, and the only course left for the president is to dissolve his ministry. The power bestowed upon Congress to overthrow ministries, and defy the president by refusing to coöperate with the executive branch of government, was never indulged in to any considerable extent until Balmaceda’s time. Then the political elements opposed to the administration policy allied their interests and exercised their power to defeat the progressive measures presented, thereby repeatedly rejecting the ministry. Since that time the custom of obstruction has grown into such a gigantic abuse that it is now almost impossible for the president of Chile to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to carry out any general plan or policy of government. In fact it has become one of the crying evils of the country which the press denounces vigorously and persistently. During the administration of President German Riesco, 1901-6, ministerial changes became so frequent that a cabinet crisis was not regarded as a matter of any interest or consequence by the public.
During the first years of Balmaceda’s administration, Chile enjoyed an era of golden prosperity and national progress. Numerous reforms were proposed, which had for their purpose the improvement of the government service. One project was to prohibit senators and deputies from having an interest in any public contract; another that neither the president nor any cabinet minister should appoint a near relative to office unless the person possessed the necessary qualifications for the position. Believing himself secure in the performance of his duties and the administration of government affairs, President Balmaceda prepared to utilize a portion of the large income from the nitrate fields in the construction of public works. He contracted for the building of new lines of railway in the central and southern provinces at a cost of $30,000,000; built schools and colleges in every city in the Republic, amounting to $10,000,000 in value; ordered the construction of three modern warships and two torpedo boats in Europe. He also continued and completed the work of constructing a government dry dock at Talcahuano; armed and equipped the army with modern rifles and munitions of war, and improved the coast defenses, to which were added new modern batteries at Talcahuano and Iquique.
The questions affecting the prerogatives of the members of Congress and cabinet ministers, together with the extravagant policy of the administration caused much political agitation and exciting debate in the Senate and House of Deputies. The constant attack of the clerical party, the bitter denunciations of the press, added to the conservative opposition finally created dissension among the liberals, who had elected and until then supported the president. Charges of usurpation of power and dictatorship were made against Balmaceda, and the political situation became such that a revolt was imminent. Various ministries had been rejected by Congress because of the policy pursued in erecting costly public works instead of employing the government revenues in reducing the foreign debt and redeeming the paper currency, and the president found himself in the embarrassing situation of having entered upon a policy of extensive government improvement and industrial development without the support of Congress. An extraordinary session was called for the purpose of providing government revenues. Other measures were taken up by Congress and the appropriation bill deferred until the president should recede from his arbitrary position. Balmaceda refused to compromise, and the ministry again resigned. He then appointed a new cabinet in harmony with his views and declared the session closed, maintaining that Congress when called in extraordinary session for the express purpose of passing an appropriation bill had no constitutional authority to go into the consideration of other measures. In explaining his action he said: “Congress by the express terms of the constitution has no more right to dictate to me what ministers I shall appoint than it has to advise what food I shall eat or clothes I shall wear.”
The Constitutional Advisory Committee was convened and as a result of its deliberations the president was advised to again convene Congress in extraordinary session. Balmaceda hesitated, fearing that Congress if again convened might declare the office of president vacant. While he and his ministers deliberated, the Constitutional Committee arrogated to itself the authority to call an extra session. The opposition was rapidly securing support from various political elements throughout the country and by popular sympathy among the people. The dictatorial attitude of the administration aroused intense feeling and there was a clamor for the deposition of the alleged dictator. Realizing that summary action was necessary to maintain his power and aggressive policy, the president issued a manifesto on January 1, 1891, declaring his intention to exercise his constitutional powers and functions,--to stand by the strict letter of the law. He declared that he had nothing to do with the effete provisions of the constitution, nor with new theories of parliamentary government until they were enacted into law. He maintained that under the constitution the appropriation bill passed by the previous Congress held good until another was passed. The supreme court declared the acts of the president unconstitutional. He ignored the court. This assumption of authority on the part of the executive was contrary to precedent and to republican ideas, even if constitutional, and the cry of “dictator” was raised. Thus the machinery of government was disabled, and while the Ship of State lay stranded upon the rock of party politics, Congress declared the country in revolution, and the tempest of war struck the Republic on January 7, 1891, when the navy, under command of Señor Don Jorge Montt went over to the revolutionists. The squadron sailed for the north with the presiding officers of the Senate and House of Deputies on board, and a floating Congress was established.
The Congress which declared Balmaceda deposed, empowered Don Jorge Montt to assume provisional command, and a junta was organized on board the warship _Blanco Encalada_, composed of Señor Montt, Don Waldo Silva, vice-president of the Senate and Don Ramon Barros Luco, president of the Chamber of Deputies.
The revolution started by Balmaceda’s manifesto of January 1, 1891, was apparently poorly prepared to cope with the government. The insurgents had no military organization, no arms or munitions of war. The junta proceeded north and took possession of the provinces of Tarapaca, Atacama and Antofagasta, which include the rich nitrate fields and wealth producing mineral territory of Chile, the revenues from which were employed in purchasing arms, provisions and equipment for an army. They also had possession of the majority of the naval squadron. By the middle of the year 1891 the government had 45,000 troops in the field, four thousand of which were cavalry. The revolutionists had only about twelve thousand soldiers, which encouraged the sanguine Balmaceda to believe that he could easily suppress the uprising.
Congressional elections were held in May, and a majority of the members elected were in sympathy with the administration. In June presidential electors were chosen, and they selected as the candidate for president Don Claudio Vicuña, who was Balmaceda’s choice for his successor. Señor Vicuña, who was of an old and distinguished family, was declared duly elected president on July 25, 1891, but the final success of the insurgents prevented him from ever taking his seat.
As the struggle continued the revolutionary cause gained strength and reinforcements from various sources. The superior skill of the military officer directing the opposition forces made itself manifest, and the position of Balmaceda and his government became daily more and more menaced with dissolution and overthrow. On August 20, ten thousand revolutionary troops were disembarked at Quintero, a few miles from Valparaiso, and on the following day a decisive battle was fought, at Concon, situated at the mouth of the Aconcagua River, resulting in the defeat of the government forces. This crushing defeat, in which about 2,500 of the government troops were killed, practically caused the fall of Balmaceda. He made a strenuous and brave effort to recover from the disaster, but the railway communication having been destroyed, it was impossible to send reserve troops from the south, where they had been stationed, in time to save the situation.
After the battle of Concon the opposition forces advanced upon Valparaiso, and two days later endeavored to capture Fort Callao, at Viña del Mar, a beautiful suburban place six miles from Valparaiso. The fortress, which commands the bay of Valparaiso, the valley and surrounding heights, being equipped with modern guns, and well-nigh impregnable, resisted the attack of both warships and artillery, and a repulse prevented a direct advance upon Valparaiso, the objective point of the Congressional army. Retiring from Viña del Mar, Generals Canto and Korner, commanding the revolutionary forces, fell back to Salto, a few miles distant, where they destroyed a railway bridge spanning the river, thus cutting off communication with Santiago, and preventing the possibility of Balmaceda forwarding troops from the capital. Making a detour of some thirty miles, the revolutionists endeavored to approach Valparaiso from the south, but encountered the government forces, under command of Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca, occupying a formidable position upon the hills near Placilla, a few miles from the city of Valparaiso. This was on August 27th. On the 30th the election of Señor Claudio Vicuña would be formally ratified by the Senate, and he would become president. It was important to the revolutionists to force a decisive engagement and overthrow Balmaceda before the newly elected president should take his seat. Before daylight on the morning of the 28th, under cover of the darkness and protection of the hills, the revolutionists got into position to give battle without being seen by the government forces. Early in the morning as the advancing army was crossing an open plain Balmaceda’s troops opened an artillery fire upon it, and the battle of Placilla, the final and decisive engagement in the revolution, was begun. The opposition forces numbered about twelve thousand and the government, nine thousand. The former, flushed with success and inspired with the hope of final victory, fought like demons, while the latter, discouraged and disheartened with failure, menaced with disaster and annihilation, showed lack of order, discipline, and courage manifested and displayed on previous occasions. Some companies even deserted and joined the enemy during the battle. After a few hours’ terrific fighting, in which more than a thousand men were killed and a greater number wounded, on the government side, the Balmaceda army was put to rout. The victorious forces which had lost five hundred killed and over a thousand wounded, pursued the fleeing remnants of the routed army, driving many of them into the quebrades (ravines), where they were unmercifully slaughtered. Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca were both killed in the engagement. On the evening of the 28th, Valparaiso was in possession of the revolutionists and the Balmaceda government was overthrown.
Leading government supporters, including Don Claudio Vicuña, president elect, and who only lacked a few days of being formally declared the chief executive of the Republic, sought refuge on board foreign warships in the harbor.
That night Valparaiso was the scene of a Bacchanalian rabble that would have shamed Rome in the reign of Nero. The city was in possession of a mob, intoxicated with success, drunk upon wine and athirst for blood, that murdered with impunity and sacked the town without restraint. Drunken men and women reeled through the streets, shooting at each other as a matter of sport, and on the following morning four hundred victims of the mob’s violence were found dead in the streets.