CHAPTER I

[5] George B. Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1952), pp. 291-293.

[6] _Ibid._, pp. 54, 59, 73, 89, and 91. See also Tindall, “The Campaign for the Disfranchisement of Negroes in South Carolina,” _Journal of Southern History_, XV (May 1949), 212-34.

[7] Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, p. 303. See also Tindall, “The Question of Race in the South Carolina Constitutional Convention in 1895,” _Journal of Negro History_, XXXVII (July 1952), 277-303.

[8] In 1905 the Charleston _News and Courier_ was sued by a white man whom the _News and Courier_ had referred to in a news story as a Negro. In awarding damages to the plaintiff the court held that “when we think of the radical distinction subsisting between the white man and the black man, it must be apparent that to impute the condition of the Negro to a white man would affect his (the white man’s) social status, and, in case anyone publish a white man to be a Negro, it would not only be galling to his pride, but would tend to interfere seriously with the social relation of the white man with his fellow white men.” Gilbert T. Stephenson, _Race Distinctions in American Law_, (New York: Association Press, 1911), p. 28.

[9] Quoted in Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, p. 238.

[10] Full inaugural address quoted in Lewis K. McMillan, _Negro Higher Education in the State of South Carolina_, (Privately published, 1952), pp. 249-251.

[11] Gustavus M. Pinckney (ed.), Carlyle McKinley, _An Appeal to Pharaoh: The Negro Problem and its Radical Solution_, (Columbia: The State Co., 1907), p. 107.

[12] Anthony Harrigan (ed.), _The Editor and the Republic: Papers and Addresses of William Watts Ball_ (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954), pp. 30, 72.

[13] _New York Times_, Mar. 1, 1944, p. 13. The Negro Citizens Committee of South Carolina condemned this resolution as “astonishing to the Negroes of South Carolina.”

[14] _Ibid._, Mar. 1, 1944, p. 13. Senator “Cotton Ed” Smith congratulated the House for its passage of this resolution, saying, “We are damned tired of these butterfly preachers who do not know conditions in the South.” _Ibid._, Mar. 2, 1944, p. 34.

[15] In 1932 the Chairman of the Columbia Board of Election Commissioners ruled that Negroes were excluded from voting in primary elections unless they had voted for Wade Hampton for governor in 1876 and presented ten witnesses to substantiate it. _Ibid._, Apr. 21, 1932, p. 24.

[16] “Why South Carolina Keeps the Poll Tax,” _Christian Century_, LXIII (Feb. 6, 1946), 166. The author of this article considered the above quote evidence that “the real issue is not race,” but that race was only a “smoke screen” which “a little oligarchy” used to maintain control of the state through the one-party system. However, it is the opinion of informed observers that although the “little oligarchy” does exercise more effective control through a one-party system, the real issue is race. The one party system is simply the most effective method of political control by whites.

[17] _New York Times_, Dec. 5, 1952, p. 14.

[18] _Independent_, Aug. 28, 1956, p. 2.

[19] See George S. Parthemos, _The Supreme Court and the Rights of Negroes Under the Reconstruction Amendments_, (Unpublished Master’s thesis, Department of Political Science, University of South Carolina, 1949), Chapter VII.

[20] _New York Times_, Apr. 14, 1944, p. 1.

[21] Quoted in _To Secure These Rights_, Report of the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1947), p. 36.

[22] Parthemos, _op. cit._, p. 191.

[23] Judge Waring is one of the most interesting personalities encountered in the study of the race issue in South Carolina. Senator “Cotton Ed” Smith’s campaign manager in 1938, he was representative of the most “respectable” elements of Charleston society, was “a descendant of Confederates,” and had the support of the most orthodox of white supremacists when he was made a federal judge by President Roosevelt. After his decisions outlawing the white primary (and also after his divorce and remarriage to an “outsider” with “radical” views on the race question) he was completely ostracized by white Charleston and South Carolina society. He and his wife became complete integrationists. “The Southern advocates of white supremacy,” he said, “are mentally sick.” “We don’t have a Negro problem in the South, we have a white problem.” _New York Times_, Feb. 27, 1950, p. 17. See also “Judge Waring on the Civil Rights Issue,” _Nation_, CLXXIV (June 7, 1952), 540-541. For Mrs. Waring’s views see “Mrs. Waring Meets the Press,” _American Mercury_, LXX (May 1950), 562-569.

[24] _To Secure These Rights_, p. 36.

[25] Parthemos, _op. cit._, pp. 192-195.

[26] _Ibid._, pp. 194-195.

[27] _New York Times_, Apr. 20, 1948, p. 1.

[28] _Ibid._, July 28, 1948, p. 5.

[29] _Ibid._, Aug. 23, 1938, p. 5.

[30] Cassandra M. Birnie, “Race and Politics in Georgia and South Carolina,” _Phylon_, XIII (Sept., 1952), 241.

[31] David D. Wallace, _South Carolina: A Short History_, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1951), p. 679.

[32] _New York Times_, July 8, 1950, p. 14.

[33] _Ibid._, Feb. 29, 1948, p. 9; July 17, 1948, p. 3; Oct. 3, 1948, p. 40; Feb. 24, 1949, p. 15.

[34] _Ibid._, Feb. 7, 1952, p. 21.

[35] Other considerations, of course, entered into the revolt. Economic factors were important, for example, in the opposition of Southern financial and industrial interests to Truman’s proposal for repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, which contained provisions for state right-to-work laws. Other economic interests, e.g. oil interests, also supported the movement. Nevertheless the revolt was sold to the rank and file white South Carolinians on the grounds of race and they undoubtedly thought, this was the main consideration.

[36] _New York Times_, July 20, 1948, p. 1; Oct. 3, 1948, p. 40.

[37] _Ibid._, Aug. 1, 1948, p. 44; Aug. 12, 1948, p. 44.

[38] _Ibid._, Dec. 5, 1952, p. 14.

[39] Tindall, _South Carolina Negroes 1877-1900_, p. 222.

[40] Simkins, “Race Legislation in South Carolina since 1865,” _South Atlantic Quarterly_, XX (June 1921), 170.

[41] Quoted in McMillan, _op. cit._, pp. 257-58. Gov. Blease also wanted to secure as texts for the public schools “books, especially histories [written] by Southern authors for Southern children.”

[42] Grace Graham, “Negro Education Progresses in South Carolina,” _Social Forces_, XXX (May 1952), 431-432.

[43] Figures quoted below were taken from Harry S. Ashmore, _The Negro and the Schools_, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1954), pp. 152-53, 156-59.

[44] _Ibid._, pp. 115, 147, 160, 166.

[45] McMillan, _op. cit._, p. 219.

[46] _Ibid._, pp. 268, 199, 207, 211.

[47] _Ibid._, pp. 211-212.

[48] Parthemos, _op. cit._, pp. 94-96.