Proceedings of the New York Historical Association [1906]

Part 14

Chapter 144,114 wordsPublic domain

I am your very humble servant, James Clinton. Gov. Clinton.

THE WILL OF CHARLES CLINTON.

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In the name of God, amen. I, Charles Clinton, of Little Brittain, in the County of Ulster and Province of New York in America, being of sound mind and memory, blessed be God, do this twenty-sixth day of March, in the year of Our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Seventy one, make and publish this my last Will and Testament in manner following (viz): First I give and bequeath to my Eldest son Charles, my Negro Boys Robin and Dublin, and I give and bequeath to him the sum of two hundred and Thirty seven pounds, Current money of New York, to be paid to him out of the money I have out at Interest, and I hereby authorize, impower and appoint my Executors hereinafter named to divide a lot of land of mine, Containing five hundred acres, lying on the West side of the Wallkill (being part of a tract of land granted by letters Patent to Frederick Morris and Samuel Heath) into two or three Lotts, as it may suit best for Sale, and to sell the same and give a good Sufficient deed for it, and I give and bequeath to my son Charles, four hundred and thirty-three pounds New York Currency of the money arising by the sale of the said land and I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of two hundred pounds, and to my son James the sum of Seventy pounds of the Price of the said lands and if it shall or can be sold for any more, it is my Will my son George shall have the over surplus it brings. Also I give and Devise to my son James, his heirs and assigns forever, my farm whereon I now dwell in Little Brittain in Ulster County, Containing two hundred and fifteen acres, being part of a tract of two thousand acres Granted by letters patent to Andrew Johnson, lying in the Southwesterly Corner thereof. To have and to hold the said farm with all and singular the Rights, members and appurtenances thereof to my said Son James, his heirs and assigns forever, which farm I valued only at Seven hundred pounds, to him, and I give to my said Son, my Negro boys David and Isaac. And I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of five hundred and Seventy pounds of the money I have at Interest and whatever money there shall be due to me at the time of my decease, either Interest or principle, more than the Legacies above mentioned and what will pay the quit Rent due for my Lands and my Just debts, I order it to be Equally Divided between my said three sons and I give my Son George, my Negro boys William and Samuel, my Negro Wench Lettice, I Intended to give to my Daughter Catherine but she being then very Sickly and having no Children, she Desired if she died before me, I should Leave her free which I promised to do and a promise made at the Request of so dutiful & affectionate a Child, who is now dead and Cannot Release me from it, I think my Self sacredly obliged to perform. Therefore it is my Will She shall be free and I hereby manumit her & make her free from Slavery but so as to Exclude and utterly to Debar all and every person and persons whatsoever from making any Covenant Bargain or agreement with her to enslave or bind her for life or for any Number of years or to use any other way or means to prevent or Defraud her of her time, liberty or wages that she may honestly earn for her maintainance and support. And I give and bequeath to my said three sons, Charles, James and George, all my Stock of Cows, Sheep, Oxen and horses, my negro Peter and my Wench Pegg or Margaret, and all my Crop of Grain on my farm and all my Books and household furniture, except the furniture hereafter mentioned, which I give to my Wife for her Room, and I leave my farming utensils on my farm for my son James, to whom I have Given my farm and it is my Will that my Said three Sons, Charles, James and George, their Executors & administrators, Shall out of my Estate hereby Given to them at their Equal Expense Decently Cloath, keep, maintain and find fit attendance for my Wife Elizabeth, according to her Rank and Station in life, and I leave her a good bed Curtains, bed-cloaths, Sheets, Pillows and one of my small looking glasses, tea table and Some Chairs for her Room, as she is now about Seventy four years of age and is or Soon will be incapable to take Care of her Self, therefore It is my Earnest Request that her sons may behave as they have always done in a kind and dutiful and affectionate manner to her While She lives. I give to my Grandson Charles Clinton Junior, my plate handled sword and I give my Grandson Alexander Clinton my fusee or small gun I carried when I was in the army, and I give to my Grandaughter Catherine Clinton, (my Son George's daughter) my Largest looking glass. I give to my son James all my mathematical Instruments. I give to my son James, my Clock and I give to my son George, my watch, and I give to my Son Charles, my Long Gun and my Desk as I have Given to each of my sons James and George one hundred pounds by this will more than I have to my Son Charles. . . . It is not done out of Partiality but for the following Reasons--When his Brother Alexander died he was Seized in fee of a Good Improved farm. Containing two hundred Acres; as he died Intestate, having no issue, It fell to my Son Charles, he being his Eldest Brother and my Son Charles' Education being more Expensive to me I thought it but Justice to Make that Small amendment To their portions, which is far from making them Equal to their Brother Charles. It is my Will I be buryed in the Graveyard in my own farm, beside my Daughter Catherine and it is my Will the said Graveyard be made four Rods Square and an open free Road to it at all times, when it Shall be necessary and I nominate and appoint my said three sons Charles, James and George, Executors of this my last will, to see the same Executed accordingly and I order that my said Executors procure a suitable stone to lay over my Grave, whereon I would have the time of my death, my age and Coat of Arms cut. I hope they will Indulge in this Last piece of vanity.

Signed, Sealed, Published and Declared in the presence of us, by the said Charles Clinton, the testator and for his last will, who were present at the Signing and Sealing thereof. (The words "George the sum of two hundred pounds and to my son" being first Interlined, the words "Devise to my Son James his heirs" being wrote on an erasure and a small erasure made between the words "Charles" and "It".) CHAS. CLINTON (L. S.) SAM'L SANDS. JEREMIAH WHITE. ARTHUR SMITH.

THE HALF-WAY BROOK IN HISTORY.

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By James Austin Holden, A. B.

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In choosing as its first subject for a memorial marker "The Half-Way Brook," the New York State Historical Association has made a dignified and wise selection, for it may be truly said that no stream in the Adirondack Wilderness is more noted in history and the Annals of the Border, than this, whose appellation "Half-Way" comes from the fact that it was nearly equidistant from Fort Edward on the south and Fort William Henry on the north. Rising in the branch of the Palmertown range known as the Luzerne Mountains, west of Glens Falls, running a crooked but generally easterly and northerly course, now expanding into small lakes or basins, now receiving the waters of numerous small tributaries, ponds and rivulets, it divides the town of Queensbury into two parts, passes the Kingsbury line, turns in a northerly direction, and empties into Wood Creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile south from Battle Hill, at Fort Ann, in Washington County.

In the days before American history began, the region traversed by this stream was a favorite hunting ground for the Red Man, and this water course, even to-day famous for its speckled trout, was one of his chosen pleasuring places.

For more than two hundred years the great deep-worn warpaths or traveling trails of the Indian Nations ran to and from its banks. And whether the fleet, moccasined warriors went westward over the Sacandaga trail to the big bend of the Hudson and so on to the Iroquois strongholds, or whether they came to the "Great Carrying Place," at what is now Fort Edward, through Lake Champlain and Wood Creek, or chose the trip through Lake St. Sacrament past the site of the future Glens Falls, down to Albany, or the west, all must cross this stream, which thus became as familiar to the Adirondack and Iroquois Confederacies, as the alphabet to us of to-day. This knowledge so gained was made ample use of in later times in many a bloody ambush, surprise or savage foray. After the defeat of Dieskau in 1755, and the building of Fort William Henry at Lake George and Fort Edward at the "Great Carrying Place" the "Half-Way Brook" became a point of strategic importance, and as a halting place and rendezvous for the passing troops, and the convoys of supplies between the two forts, it was noted throughout the northern colonies, as long as the French and Indian war lasted.

It was variously denominated by the military authorities during that time. On an old manuscript map without date in the New York State Library, it is noted as "Schoone Creek," while the Earl of Louden's map in 1757 has it marked as "Fork's Creek." [FN-1] Rogers, the famous scout and ranger, called it "Bloody Brook." In Col. James Montresor's Journals, in 1757, it is styled "Half-Way Run." On the Robert Harpur map, in the Secretary of State's office at Albany, it is called "Scoune Creek," [FN-2] while Knox's Military Journal designated it as "Seven Mile Creek," because it was seven miles from the head of the lake. In Wilson's Orderly Book of Amherst's Expedition, in 1759, it is laid down as "Shone Creek." [FN-2]

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[FN-1] The name of "Fork Creek" was probably derived from the name given it by Major General Fitz John Winthrop, who headed an unsuccessful expedition against the Canadians and their Indian allies in the summer of 1690. On August 6th, he states that "he encamped at a branch of Wood Creak, called the fork." This is the place where the "Half-Way" enters Wood Creek near Fort Ann. Here, while his command was in camp, smallpox broke out, and a Lieut. Hubbell died from this disease and was buried at that spot. Our Secretary, R. O. Bascom, in his "Fort Edward Book," p. 15, states "this was the first recorded burial in the country."

[FN-2] Possibly a corruption of "Skene," from the founder of Skenesborough.

On a "powder horn map" made by one John Taylor of "Swago" in 1765, there is a block house clearly defined at "Helf Br" between Forts Edward and George. [FN-1] On later maps such as the Sauthier map, published about 1778, and reproduced in the Seventh Volume of the Governor Clinton Papers, [FN-2] it bears the a popular name of "Half-Way Brook," bestowed upon it we know not by whom nor when, but which appearing in contemporary diaries, documents, letters and official despatches of "The Seven Years War," has ever since clung to it, and will while its waters run to the sea. [FN-3]

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[FN-1] The New York World of February 2d, 1896, had a sketch of this powder horn, which, at that time, was in the museum of Major Frank A. Betts, Washington, D. C. This rudely engraved map shows the various forts and settlements along the Mohawk and Hudson valleys, and depicts the trails to Lakes George and Champlain on the one side and to Lake Ontario on the other.

[FN-2] Letter Hon. Hugh Hastings, State Historian.

[FN-3] C. Johnson's History of Washington County (pub. Phila., 1878) states that the "Half-Way Brook" was also known as "Clear River"--p. 301. The U. S. Geological Survey, in its map of this section of New York State, published about 1895, has labeled the brook as "Half-Way Creek," which, while it may be technically correct, will never be recognized in local usage or by faithful historians.

It will be remembered that in the Campaign of 1755, Sir William Johnson had constructed a corduroy road from Fort Edward to Lake George, following substantially the present highway between the two points. Cut through the dark and gloomy virgin forest, with its overhang of interlaced pine and evergreen boughs, its thickets of dense underbrush, the road led through swamps, over rivulets, over sandy knolls, and primal rocky hills to the head of the lake. On every side was leafy covert or rugged eminence, suitable for ambuscade or hiding-place of savage foe, or hardly less savage Canadian or French regular. Every rod of ground on this road is stained with the blood of the English, the Colonists, and their Indian allies, or that of their fierce, implacable enemies. Hardly a mile but what has its story of massacre, surprise, murder, deeds of daring and heroism, or of duty performed under horrible and heartrending circumstances.

In order to protect the road, as well as afford a resting place for soldiers and teamsters, and to supply a needed depot for military stores and provisions, the late Dr. A. W. Holden [FN] in his History of Queensbury, says: "At an early period in the French War, a block house and stockaded enclosure, in which were also several store houses, had been erected at the Half-Way Brook. The date of its construction would seem to have been in 1755, for in that year the French scouts and runners, reported to their chief that the English had erected posts every two leagues from the head of Lake George to Albany. It was situated on the north side of the brook, and to the west of the plank road leading to the head of Lake George. The old military road led across the brook about four rods above the present crossing. A part of the old abutments, timbers and causeway were visible up to the late seventies. It was capable of accommodating upwards of eight hundred men, and was protected by redoubts, rifle pits, earthworks, and a palisade of hewn timbers."

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[FN] The Historian of the Town of Queensbury, N. Y.

The walls of the fort were pierced for cannon as well as for rifles, or muskets. In passing it may be said that from time to time, this, like all similar frontier forts of the time, was enlarged, strengthened, abandoned, destroyed, rebuilt, as the exigencies of military service made it necessary, but the site remained the same. This was near the rear, and to the westward of the brick residence now occupied by William H. Parker. Continuing Dr. Holden says:

"During the summer of 1756, a force of six hundred Canadians and Indians attacked a baggage and provision train at the Half-Way Brook, while on its way from Fort Edward to the garrison at Fort William Henry.

"The oxen were slaughtered, the convoy mostly killed and scalped, and the wagons plundered of their goods and stores. Heavily laden with booty, the marauding party commenced its retreat towards South Bay on Lake Champlain. Embarking in batteaux they were proceeding leisurely down the lake when they were overtaken by a party of one hundred rangers under the command of Captains Putnam and Rogers. These latter had with them two small pieces of artillery, and two blunderbusses, and at the narrows, about eight miles north of Whitehall, they crossed over from Lake George, and succeeded in sinking several of the enemy's boats, and killing several of the oarsmen. A heavy south wind favored the escape of the remainder." [FN]

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[FN] Wm. Cutter's Life of Israel Putnam, p. 60; Dr. Asa Fitch in Trans N. Y. S. Agri. Soc'y, 1848, pp. 916-917; Spark's Am. Biog., Vol. 8, p. 119.

During this summer several bloody affrays took place between Fort Edward and Lake George, and the French accounts are full of successful raids and surprises.

In 1757 Col. James Montresor [FN] was sent to America as head of the Engineer corps of His Majesty's forces. He drew the plans for and constructed several fortifications in New York Province. In his journal under date of Monday, July 25th, he says: "Set out from Ft. Edward at 6 o'clock in the morning and arrived in the afternoon. Stopt at the Half-Way Run, agreed on a post there on the south side of the Run on the east of the Road about 50 Yards." Under date of Friday, July 29th, he writes: "Set out for Fort Wm. Henry at 12 o'clock with Gen'l Webb &c, arrived at the Half-Way at 3, met the carpenter going up that I had sent for, to carry on the work there." It does not appear, however, that anything was done with this fortification on account of Montcalm's victory a few weeks later.

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[FN] Col. Montresor, who served in America from 1757 until 1760, makes several allusions to the "Half-Way" in his Journals covering that period.

The Campaign of 1757 teemed with scenes of bloodshed along the frontier, and the history of the Fort Edward and Lake George trail abounds with sad tales of atrocity and savagery, culminating in the successful attack of Montcalm on Fort William Henry, and followed by the terrible massacre which, whether rightfully or wrongfully, tarnished forever the reputation of that noted and able commander. Of the few who escaped it is on record that Col. (afterwards General) Jacob Bayley of New Hampshire, ran the gauntlet and escaped by fleeing bare-footed for seven miles through the woods to the "Half-Way Brook."

"Six days afterwards," Dr. Holden says, "Captain de Poulharies of the Royal Rousillon regiment, with an escort of two hundred and fifty soldiers, accompanied the survivors of the massacre, upwards of four hundred, with the one piece of cannon, a six pounder, granted by the ninth article of capitulation, as a token of the Marquis de Montcalm's esteem for Lieutenant Colonel Monro and his garrison, on account of their honorable defense, to the post at the Half-Way Brook, where they met a like detachment from the garrison at Fort Edward, sent by General Webb to receive them."

From records kept by officers and other documents, we learn that the "Half-Way" [FN] was usually designated through this war as the meeting place for white flag parties and exchange of prisoners.

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[FN] This is the generally accepted local usage of the name.

After the fall of Fort William Henry, the northern outposts of the British were abandoned, and the frontier left open to the ravages and raids of the savages and the Canadians.

March 10th, 1758, Major Robert Rogers, the Ranger, with about one hundred and eighty rangers, officers and privates, camped at the "Half-Way," the first considerable body of men to occupy it in the campaign of that year. From here he proceeded down Lake George, meeting with disaster and defeat at the hands of seven hundred of the enemy, three days afterward.

June 8th, 1758, Lord Howe, the pride and idol of the army and his nation, a nobleman by birth and nature, took command of the forces, which for weeks had been gathering at Ford Edward. On June 20th we find him at the "Half-Way Brook" with three thousand men. It is supposed that this body of soldiers camped on what is still known as the "Garrison Grounds," situated on the south bank of the "Half-Way Brook," and about midway between the old Champlin place and DeLong's brickyard. A branch road led from the "Garrison Grounds" to the block house (back of the Parker residence) and crossed the brook a little way below the present highway bridge. This was the spot selected for a "post" by Col. Montresor the year before, and partially laid out at that time. Here for two days Lord Howe remained, until he received reports from Major Rogers and his scouts of the disposition of the enemy's forces. We can imagine him as usual engaged in the rough frontier sports of wrestling, jumping, shooting at a mark, and the like; instructing the regulars in ranger and New World tactics, and proving himself in every way the leading spirit and good genius of the camp. Here no doubt he met Stark, Putnam and other Colonials who later were to be leaders in the war for liberty. On the 22nd this part of the army moved to the lake, and was shortly joined by General Abercrombie and the rest of the troops, making a grand army of fifteen thousand, which was soon to go to disaster and defeat before the rude earth breastworks and felled trees at Ticonderoga, Abercrombie's defeat occurred July 8th, 1758, and he quickly returned to the head of the lake and strongly entrenched his forces for the balance of the season.

A number of diaries and journals of the New Englanders [FN] in the Campaign have been preserved and published, and from these, although brief and illiterate in form, we gain an excellent idea of the events of that period. The Colonial soldiery, looked down upon by the British officers, were forced to perform the drudgery and manual labor necessary in building and fortifying the camp, constructing its ditches and breastworks, and throwing up its defenses. Incidentally it may be said, it was the contemptuous treatment accorded the New England troops in this and succeeding campaigns, which made the people of that section so ready to throw off the British yoke later on. When not doing this work they were compelled to act as wagoners, drivers, carpenters, road makers, and the like. These various diaries speak in many places of work of this menial character (for which these men had not enlisted, and apparently did not care for), at and about "Half-Way Brook." General Putnam in his Journal says, "During our stay at the lake, after our return from Ticonderoga, we were employed in almost everything." The Journal of an unknown Provincial Officer (see note), says, under date of July 15th, "Nothing worth notice this day but working and duty came on harder by orders from head-quarters." Both these journals mention a "Sunday off" from work as a great treat and a rarity.

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[FN] Among these may be mentioned the Journals of Rufus Putnam, cousin of Israel Putnam, and afterwards a Revolutionary General; the "Diary of Lieut. Samuel Thompson, of Woburn, Mass." (for which I am indebted to Dr. Sherman Williams, of Glens Falls); the Journal of an Unknown Provincial Officer in Col. Preble's Regiment of Massachusetts; "The Memoirs of John Stark," and "Rogers' Journals."

From the 25th of May until the 22nd of October, when the fortifications were dismantled and abandoned by General Abercrombie at the head of the lake, Lieut. Thompson, according to his diary, was on constant duty, either at the "Half-Way Brook" with a picquet guard, or at the lake. The daily life and work of the soldiers is given in his diary in detail. It also gives the names of a number of people who died from disease and were buried at the "Half-Way Brook." He describes the return of the English and Colonials from Ticonderoga, and under date of July 8th, being at the head of the lake that day, there is the following entry in his book:

"Saturday, Post came from the Narrows; and they brought Lord How to ye Fort, who was slain at their landing; and in ye afternoon there came in 100 and odd men, French prisoners into the Fort." These were Langy's men captured at the fatal Trout Brook skirmish.

This testimony by an eye witness would go far to disprove the theory of recent times, that Lord Howe's remains had been discovered at Trout Brook; and it tends to confirm the statements of older historians, that his remains were probably taken to Albany for burial.