Part 9

I will mention one more case in which the actual process of reading in has been observed. At one time, when I visited British Columbia, I purchased a woven bag from an elderly woman. It was decorated with a series of diamonds and small embroidered cross-like figures. Upon inquiry I learned that the bag had been purchased from a neighboring tribe and that the new owner did not know anything about the original significance of the pattern,—if such a significance existed which is doubtful, because the tribe in question is not given to interpretations. It appeared to the new owner that the diamonds looked like a series of lakes connected by a river. The different colors of the diamonds appeared to her to suggest the colors of the lakes;—a green border, the vegetation of the shore, a yellow area inside the shallow water, and a blue center the deep water. The interpretation did not seem to her sufficiently clear, and in order to emphasize it she added, in embroidery, figures of birds flying towards the lakes. Thus she gave greater realism to her conception and made it more intelligible to her friends (Plate VII).

The needle cases of the Alaskan Eskimo offer an excellent example of an elaboration of geometrical into realistic forms. It must be remembered that all the Eskimo tribes, east and west, are very fond of carving and that they produce many small animal figures that serve no practical purpose but which are made for the pleasure of artistic creation, and that many of their small implements are given animal forms. The mind of the worker in ivory is imbued with the idea of animal representation. The Alaskan needle cases have a stereotyped form to which the bulk of the specimens conform (fig. 119). The type consists of a tube slightly bulging in the middle, with flanges at the upper end, with lateral knobs under the flanges on opposite sides. On the body of the tubing, between the flanges, is a long narrow concave face, set off from the flanges and the body of the tube by parallel lines with small forks at the lower ends. Lines border the sides and ends of the flanges and the upper end of the concave face, and an alternate-spur band is found at the lower end of the tube. This type is presumably related to the ancient type of needle case from Hudson Bay, which is characterized by a tubular form, flanges at the upper end and a pair of large wings in the middle part of the tube. These, I believe are the prototypes of the small knobs at the sides of the Alaskan type. These are sometimes so small that they can hardly be seen, although they may be felt when the fingers glide lightly over the surface of the tube. However this may be, the majority of Alaskan specimens are of the type here described. The variations in geometrical form are very slight.[71]

[71] See Franz Boas, Decorative Designs on Alaskan Needlecases, Proceedings of the United States National Museum, Volume XXXIV, (1908), pages 321-344, Washington, D. C.

In a number of cases part of the needle case or the whole object is elaborated in representative forms. In a few specimens the knobs have been given the form of seal heads. A slight enlargement and the addition of eyes and mouth are sufficient to bring about this effect (fig. 119 _c_). In other cases the flanges have been developed into walrus heads (fig. 119 _d_) or into other animal forms that fit the form of the flange (fig. 119 _e_). By adding a point for the eye and by cutting out the inner part of the flange the outer form is essentially preserved and the form of the bulky walrus head with its large tusks is successfully attained; or the walrus motive may be repeated so that the original form of the needle case is considerably obscured. By adding a seal’s head at the lower end the lower part of the object receives more or less the form of a seal.

It is important to note that in all specimens of this type the double spur ornament persists, although it interferes with the seal’s head that is often added at the lower end. It seems very unlikely that the many animal forms attached to the needlecases were the primary forms from which the geometrical form developed. On the contrary, the wide distribution and the great frequency of the geometrical forms, their agreement with Eskimo geometrical style and the occurrence of this geometric style on specimens that do not imitate animal forms are entirely in favor of the assumption that the earlier form is geometrical, whatever the origin of the flanges and knobs may have been. Presumably the habit of carving animal forms has induced the artist to produce the variants described here.

Equally interesting are the reels used by the Alaskan Eskimo. Their prototype is a piece of caribou antler cut as shown in fig. 120. This, however has been developed into animal forms. One specimen has a geometrical decoration on the body, while three of the ends are elaborated as animal heads. In another one the two prongs on one side are given the form of seal heads which are connected by a long line with the flippers which are shown on the opposite side. Still another specimen has been treated like a much distorted form of a wolf. The head is at the prong of one end, the forelegs at the other prong of the same end; the two hind legs are carved on the two prongs at the opposite end.

Similar observations may be made on arrow shaft straighteners and snow knives of the Alaskan Eskimo.[72]

[72] E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, Volume XVIII, pl. 40, 48, 94.

The examples which I have given demonstrate beyond cavil that the process of reading in exists and accounts for the significance of many geometrical forms; that it is not necessary to assume in each and every case that geometrical ornament is derived from realistic representations. Hjalmar Stolpe to whose researches on primitive art we owe so much had an exaggerated opinion of the importance of realistic designs, for he believed that every geometric form must have been derived from a representation. Stephan expresses the same opinion. I may perhaps illustrate Stolpe’s point of view by one example. Among the Eskimo of East Greenland is found an eye-shade decoration consisting of notched pieces of ivory placed side by side. Stolpe explained this form as a derivation from carvings representing seals, abbreviated due to the rhythmic repetition of the seal design (fig. 121). However, we know that the Eskimo when making small blocks of ivory, such as are used for the manufacture of toggles or other similar objects, cut the walrus tusk just in this manner, so that through a technical process they have become familiar with the ornamental form. Therefore it is not indispensable to assume a realistic origin for the design.

It is interesting to compare the process with which we are dealing with other ethnic phenomena of similar import. The essential conclusion drawn from our observations is that the same form may be given different meanings, that the form is constant, the interpretation variable, not only tribally but also individually. It can be shown that this tendency is not by any means confined to art, but that it is present also in mythology and in ceremonialism, that in these also the outer form remains, while the accompanying interpretations are widely different. In the case of mythology we may observe that in the same way as patterns have a wide distribution, so also motives of myths, or even whole plots are found over extended areas. For example, the well known tale of the magic flight, which is one of the most widely distributed fairy tales, occurs in a number of North American localities. Among the Eskimo it is given as accounting for the origin of fog; in British Columbia it is made to account for the origin of certain cannibalistic ceremonials. Another example is the so-called star husband story, a tale of two girls who were taken up to the sky by the stars. The story is widely spread and is told as the explanation of a great variety of phenomena. The child of one of the women becomes the culture hero and destroys the monsters infesting the world. Customs, ceremonials, and prerogatives of clans are explained by this tale, in accordance with the chief interests of the tribes concerned. The nature myths collected from all parts of the world by Dähnhardt[73] are full of examples of this kind: the most diverse features are explained by the same tales. This shows that it is quite untenable to assume that the tales developed through the immediate effect of viewing natural phenomena, that much rather the tales preexisted and the explanatory part was tacked on at a later time, precisely as the art forms preexisted and their meaning was tacked on according to the peculiar mental disposition of the individual or the tribe.

[73] Oskar Dähnhardt, Natursagen, Vol. 4. Leipzig 1912.

The same observation has been made in regard to ceremonials. The so-called sun dance is performed by almost all the tribes of the great plains. The general run of the ceremonial is essentially the same everywhere, although different tribes have added on special characteristic details. The meaning, on the other hand, presents far greater variations. In one case the performance is made in fulfilment of a vow made when supernatural aid is invoked in time of distress; in another case it is undertaken to purchase the right of ownership in a sacred bundle, and then again it is a tribal, seasonal ceremonial.[74]

[74] Leslie Spier, Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XVI, (1921), pp. 457 et seq.

These three examples illustrate that the psychological explanation of a custom and its historical development are not by any means the same; on the contrary, owing to secondary interpretations that in course of time set in and the general character of which depends upon the cultural interest of the people, the psychological explanation is much more likely to be quite independent of the actual historical happenings. The mere fact that a tribe explains forms according to a certain pattern does not prove, that they have developed from actual representations of the objects they now represent.

It might perhaps be admitted that in the special case of the North American triangle which we have discussed the argument is convincing because no transitional forms exist, that, however, when an almost continuous series of forms is found, beginning with the most realistic and ending with a purely geometrical one, the conclusion cannot be avoided that the development has been in the direction from realism to conventionalism. I have already indicated that as long as there is no historic proof, the sequence might as well be reversed. In all the cases that have been described and that are based on direct inquiry among primitive people regarding the meaning of designs, realistic and conventional forms have been found to occur at the same time. It would therefore be necessary to give a reason why some excellent artists should use the one style, others, equally good ones the other; or why even the same artist should combine the two styles.

It is generally claimed that slovenly execution brings about deterioration of pattern and through this, causes misunderstandings. I do not consider this explanation as tenable under the conditions of life prevailing among primitive people, because there is no slovenly execution among natives who make utensils for their own use. The pottery and paintings of the South American Indians, observed by Von den Steinen, the crocodile arrows of New Guinea, the frigate bird carvings, are all carefully made. We find often that people will use inferior wares for exchange with neighboring tribes, while they keep the good material for themselves. The natives of Vancouver Island for instance, adulterate with elderberries berry cakes that are made for trade, while those made for home consumption are made of the more valuable berries, such as blueberries or salmonberries without the addition of other material of inferior value. This tendency, particularly when combined with the desire to manufacture quickly large masses of material, leads to poor work. The question then arises, what happens in cases of this kind. Does slovenly work lead to misunderstandings and to conventionalism? Balfour has tried to make the process clear. He let an individual copy a design and used the first reproduction as original for a second copy. By continuing in this way he received the most astonishing transformations. Such results may occur when work executed in a highly developed technique is imitated by people of lesser accomplishments. The standard example is that of the degeneration of Greek coins when copied by Keltic imitators[75] which led to a complete disruption of the original design. However, this example is not to the point, because we are ordinarily not dealing with copies of designs borrowed from people of higher technical development, but with those belonging to a single tribe.

[75] See Max Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, Vol. 6, pp. 301 et seq.

I have had occasion to observe the effect of factory production and of slovenly execution in some Mexican material. In western Mexico dishes are made of tree calabashes which are covered with an orange laquer. By the lost-color process these are overlaid with designs in green laquer. The industry is probably of Spanish origin. Old specimens made of wood are of excellent workmanship. These are decorated mostly with animal forms, deer, fish, and so on. At present the work is of much poorer execution and the ware is sold in market places, as in Oaxaca (fig. 122). On some specimens the fish designs of ancient type are still used, but we find also, even more frequently, leaf patterns and we may here apparently observe just that kind of misunderstanding described by Balfour. The gill region becomes the base of the leaf. The head of the fish corresponds to the base of the leaf; the fins to the marginal indentations, and the ribs of the fish to the veins of the leaf. Since both the fish and the leaf occur in modern types it may be doubted whether we are dealing with an actual transformation, with a real misunderstanding. It might be as well that the psychological process involved has been rather the substitution of new subject matter for the old, in which process the new subject was rigidly controlled by the old, stereotyped form. We shall see that conditions of this kind are often very potent.

Another good example is the pottery made for sale by the ancient inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. Pottery was made here in great masses and, as described by Sahagun,[76] sold in the market places. The vessels show plainly the effect of factory production and of the resultant slurring. The Aztec pottery is fundamentally of uniform type. In Culhuacan, a small village at the foot of the Sierra de la Estrella, a coarse kind of this ware was made. Great masses of potsherds are found in the swampy soil which was used in early times as garden beds. The pottery is thick, dark orange, painted black. It is a pronounced local form, darker than the light ware of Texcoco (fig. 123); the painted lines are broad and coarse, while those of Texcoco are very delicate. The patterns are fixed, but the rapidity of manufacture has developed a definite style, analogous to the styles of handwriting. Each painter had his own method of handling the brush, with the result that his individuality may easily be recognized.[77] I select a few examples here in order to show the effect of slurring upon design. It is essential to note that on the same specimen the lines are always drawn in the same way; that is, that the hand of the painter followed very definite motor habits.

[76] Bernardino de Sahagun, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, ed. C. M. de Bustamente, México, 1830, Vol. 3, p. 56.

[77] See, Franz Boas y Manuel Gamio, Album de colecciones arqueológicas, México 1912.

One of the simplest designs is instructive in regard to the effect of slurring and the development of individual style. One of the decorative elements consists of a series of S shaped, interlocking figures (fig. 124). It will be noticed that, in fig. 124 _b_ the lines which seem to have developed from the S shaped forms, are degenerating into simple curves, while in _c_ the lines are drawn more carefully. Fig. 124 _d_ represents the decoration from the outer side of a vessel and here the S shaped curves have been carefully connected and are developing into a new pattern.

Another simple pattern which illustrates the effect of rapid production consists of a regular repetition of a curve and two vertical strokes. It seems likely that the form is derived from a circle followed by vertical strokes such as are also found in the finely painted pottery of Texcoco (Fig. 125 _a_). The corresponding Culhuacan specimens are shown in fig. 125 _b_, _c_. While in a few cases the curve is a more or less carefully drawn circle (_b_, _c_), it has generally the shape of a spiral. One of the most striking characteristics of the development of this pattern is the tendency to change the direction of the vertical strokes to an inclined position (fig. 126). According to the tendency of the painter the strokes incline either strongly from right above to left below (_a_, _b_ inside, _c_, _d_ outside), while in _e_ and _f_ the strokes run from the left to the right. In the rapid creation of these forms the vertical lines are transformed into hooks. They are so characteristic that it seems perfectly feasible to recognize the same hand in these specimens.

There is still another way the design is treated. In fig. 127 _a_ the spiral lies in the direction opposite to the one usually given to it and a single dividing vertical line is placed between the two spirals; the end of the first spiral taking the place of the second vertical line. Here again the method of treatment is consistent. In a few cases the spiral line instead of terminating abruptly is continued under the vertical strokes (_b_). In still another case, a separate single or double horizontal line is placed under the spiral (_c_).

A frequent design of which many specimens have been collected consists of a spiral with attached curves. Presumably it is derived from a circle and straight lines (fig. 128 _a_). In rapid execution, the center of the circle is connected with the circumference so that the whole line is transformed into a spiral. Sometimes the spirals develop into a simple hook (_b_), and the lowest point of the circumference of the circle is continued into the adjoining horizontal line. In by far the majority of specimens the distinction between the circle and the adjoining line may be recognized by a sudden turn, or at least an indention in the lowest horizontal line (_c_). The form developing from the original pattern depends entirely upon the peculiar turn of the brush used by the artist. In many cases (_b_, _c_) the spiral, continuing into the lowest horizontal line and turning back into the central horizontal line, is made in one stroke and the upper horizontal line is added on by a separate movement, adjoining the middle and forming a hook. In other cases (_d_, _e_), the spiral and lowest horizontal are drawn in the same way. The horizontal lines, however, are made separately by drawing a right angle, probably from the top downward and adding a central line. In these cases, the horizontal ends at the far side in a sharp angle. In fig. 128 _f_, the two horizontal lines are separated from the curve; in _g_, they are made very long and apparently the middle one is made in one stroke with the spiral. The method of producing _h_ is the same as that applied in _b_ and _c_ but the upper horizontal line is very much reduced in size. The same method is applied in _i_ with the difference that the lower horizontal is turned up and ends rather abruptly, and that the upper and middle horizontals are made in the form of a single horseshoe curve. In _j_ and _k_ quite a different method is applied, the spiral remains as before but the horizontal lines are made separately in the form of a 3. In _l_ and _m_ the whole curve is made in one continuous line which has led to the doubling of the middle horizontal in the form of a loop. In _n_ the three horizontals are treated quite differently; the long S shaped figure starting above on the left being substituted for the lines attached to the lowest horizontal. A similar principle, but beginning on the opposite side, is applied in _o_, in which specimen the three horizontals have taken the form of a spiral ending below in an almost vertical spur. In _p_ we recognize a form in which the S shaped curve is made separately; in the middle an additional horizontal line is added and furthermore, the lowest part of the S shaped curve is connected with the lower horizontal. The form _q_ is reversed and by attaching the S shaped curve to the center of the spiral, a divergent form is developed.

I believe that many of the highly irregular forms that occur in painted pottery must be explained in the same way. Another instance of this kind is represented by the so-called alligator ware of the Chiriqui (fig. 129) on which W. H. Holmes based his arguments of gradual degeneration of realistic forms into conventional forms. Although the pot itself is well made, the painting is almost always slovenly; evidently the result of mass production. The most characteristic trait of decoration of this ware is line and dot work. All the designs are characterized by the use of black and red lines interspersed with dots. The geometrical designs, as well as the animal forms are crudely executed. Professor Holmes has called attention to the fact that the dots are used to indicate the scales of the alligators, but this fact does not prove that all the dots are derived from alligator scales. Forms like those shown in fig. 129 to the right above may well be understood as attempts in general decoration in black and red lines and dots, badly executed. This seems more probable since the dotted triangle has a much wider distribution than the alligator motives. A representation of the alligator might then be explained as executed in accordance with the technique applied to geometrical motives. Owing to slovenly execution the animal form may degenerate according to the motor habits of the individual artist. However, this would not prove that the alligator, as such, is older than the line and dot decoration. It must be borne in mind also, that the upturned snout of the alligator, of which much is made as a means of identification, is a character of much wider distribution than the alligator motive itself. Representations of monkeys have it and we find it also in representations from the interior of Costa Rica and from some parts of South America. All this is also true of the curious nuchal appendage which occurs in Costa Rica as well as in South America.