Part 3

Setting aside any esthetic consideration, we recognize that in cases in which a perfect technique has developed, the consciousness of the artist of having mastered great difficulties, in other words the satisfaction of the virtuoso is a source of genuine pleasure.

I do not propose to enter into a discussion of the ultimate sources of all esthetic judgments. It is sufficient for an inductive study of the forms of primitive art to recognize that regularity of form and evenness of surface are essential elements of decorative effect, and that these are intimately associated with the feeling of mastery over difficulties; with the pleasure felt by the virtuoso on account of his own powers.

I can give at least a few examples which illustrate that the artist has not in mind the visual effect of his work, but that he is stimulated by the pleasure of making a complex form.

The raw hide boxes of the Sauk and Fox Indians are made of a large piece of hide which is carefully ornamented according to a definite plan (fig. 11). The boxes are made by folding the hide. There are five sides of approximately equal width (1-5). These are the four sides of the box: front (5), bottom (4), back (3), top (2), and a flap (1) covering the front. A strip on each side (_a_-_e_) is folded over and the marginal piece (_d_) belonging to the bottom segment is folded in along diagonal lines as we fold in the ends of a paper wrapper, so that the marginal strips, _e_ and _c_, form the sides of the box. Another similar fold is made in _b_ when the top is folded over the top opening of the box. The folds at the bottom are sewed in firmly, while the fold on top remains open. The resulting form is shown in fig. 12. Those parts of the surface that are entirely invisible are indicated by horizontal shading (fig. 11). These are folded in and sewed in on the inside of the box. Those parts that may be seen when the box is opened are indicated by diagonal shading; while the white area is that part of the surface that is visible when the box is closed and tied up. It will be noticed that the fields _c_ and _e_ overlap on the short sides of the finished box.

The decoration of these boxes is carefully laid out on a flat piece of rawhide. Corresponding to the five faces of the box most of the designs are divided into five equal fields and corresponding to the folded margins two marginal fields are set off from the central field. This, however, is so narrow that in folding part of the lateral design is turned over so that it becomes invisible. When the boxes are folded the cohesion of the pattern is completely lost. Not only do the folds fail to agree with the divisions, but owing to the method of folding and the complete covering of the field _d_ and of part of _e_, the whole pattern is broken up and on the short sides we find only fragments adjoining in the most irregular way (fig. 12). When the box is closed field _e_ adjoins field 1, and the overlapping section _c_ adjoins it in the middle of the narrow side. On top it adjoins field 2 and at the bottom field 4. The whole formal idea of the carefully planned pattern is lost in the completed box. We find even patterns laid out in four strips instead of five, so that the fundamental pattern and the sides do not coincide (fig. 14). It will be seen, therefore, that the artist spends his ingenuity in decorating the rawhide but that in the box the fundamental ideas of his carefully planned decoration are lost.

The disregard of the original pattern is such that in some specimens (fig. 15) part of the design has been cut off in order to make the sides fit together. In our illustration the parts cut off,—the right upper corners,—have been reconstructed.

It might be said that similar conditions prevail in modern, patterned fabrics that are made into garments. In this case the manufacturer tries to attain a pleasing effect for the fabric as a whole. If economy of material did not interfere, the tailor would fit the pattern together, but we always feel the conflict between the pattern and the requirements of the finished garment.

As another example I mention a legging made by an Indian woman from the interior of British Columbia. It bears the usual decoration,—a long fringe along the outer seam. The fringe consists of a long piece of curried skin cut in narrow strips. These strips are decorated in rhythmic order (fig. 16), a string decorated by one glass bead and two bone beads in alternating order is followed by a plain string, next by one decorated with single alternating glass and bone beads, then a plain one and finally one like the first. When we indicate the plain and decorated strips by letters, we find the arrangement

. . . | A B C B A | A B C B A | . . .

repeated over and over again.[21] The important point to be noted is, that when in use, the fringe hangs down without order along the outer side of the leg so that the elaborate rhythmic pattern cannot be seen. The only way in which the maker can get any satisfaction from her work is while making it or when exhibiting it to her friends. When it is in use there is no esthetic effect.

[21] James Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, New York 1900, Vol. I, p. 382; see also Gladys A. Reichard, The Complexity of Rhythm in Decorative Art, American Anthropologist N. S., Vol. 24 (1922), p. 198.

Other cases occur in which motives are applied that are practically invisible. Thus in mattings from Vancouver Island, the weaver will alternate the direction of the strands in squares without any attempt to set off the surface in colors (fig. 17). When the matting is new these patterns may be seen in reflected light, but after a very short time they disappear almost completely.

Similarly the woven patterns on arm rings from the Ucayali are practically invisible.[22]

[22] Max Schmidt, Besondere Geflechtsart der Indianer im Ucayaligebiete, Archiv für Anthropologie, N. S., Vol. VI (1907), p. 270.

To sum up: Objectively the excellence of workmanship results in regularity of form and evenness of surface which are characteristic of most uncontaminated primitive manufactures, so much so that most objects of every day use must be considered as works of art. The handles of implements, stone blades, receptacles, clothing, permanent houses, canoes are finished off in such a way that their forms have artistic value.

Expert workmanship in the treatment of the surface may lead not only to evenness but also to the development of patterns. In adzing the form of the object to be smoothed will determine the most advantageous direction of the lines in which the adze has to be carried. In a large Bella Bella canoe, the body of the canoe is adzed in horizontal lines, while prow and stern show vertical lines. The wolf carved on the bow of the same canoe shows surface patterns on its body and limbs (fig. 18). Decorative use of adzed lines, is also found on a rattle (fig. 19). In this specimen there is no technical need for the alternation in the direction of the groves, and the fields on the top of the rattle can the explained only as determined by the pleasure felt by the variation of the simple activity in novel and more complicated ways.[23]

[23] See also page 41.

In chipping of flint zig-zag lines are produced by the meeting of two lines on a ridge (fig. 20).

Technical experience and the acquisition of virtuosity have probably led to the general prevalence of the plane, the straight line and regular curves such as the circle and the spiral, for all of these are of rare occurrence in nature, so rare indeed, that they had hardly ever a chance to impress themselves upon the mind.

Plain surfaces are represented by crystals, by the cleavage of some kinds of rock, or by the surface of water during a calm. Straight lines by the shoots and stems of plants or by the sharp edges of crystals; regular curved lines by the shells of snails, by vines, bubbles on water or by smooth pebbles, but there is no obvious motive that would induce man to imitate these particular abstract forms, except perhaps in those cases in which regularly curved shells are worn as ornaments or employed as utensils.

On the other hand, the straight line develops constantly in technical work. It is a characteristic form of the stretched thong or cord and its importance cannot be ignored by the hunter who hurls a lance or flies an arrow. The technical use of the straight shoot may well have been important in its derivation. Plants like the bamboo or the reed may thus have helped man to discover the value of the straight line.

More essential than this seems to be the possession of a perfect technique, which involves great accuracy and steadiness of movement. These in themselves must lead necessarily to regular lines. When the uncertain wobbling of the cutting tool is eliminated, smooth curves will result. When the potter turns the pot he is making and his movements are quite regular the pot will be circular. Perfectly controlled coiling of basketry or of wire will lead to the formation of equidistant spirals.

A number of other characteristic features may be observed in the art of all times and all peoples. One of these is symmetry. Symmetrical forms are found even in the simplest forms of decorative art. The tribes of Tierra del Fuego[24] decorate their faces and bodies with designs, many of which are symmetrical. Vertical lines on both sides of the body or a series of symmetrically arranged dots running from ear to ear across the nose are of this kind (fig. 21). They also use symmetrically decorated boards with which they adorn their huts (see fig. 7, page 23). The Andaman Islanders like to decorate their bodies with symmetrical patterns (Plate II). Many of the designs of the Australians are symmetrical (fig. 22) and in paleolithic painting geometrical forms occur that exhibit bilateral symmetry (fig. 23). In a few cases the elements arranged symmetrically are so complex that the symmetry can have been attained only by careful planning. Examples of this kind are necklaces of Indians in British Columbia in which we find as many as eighteen beads of different colors irregularly arranged, but repeated in equal order right and left.[25]

[24] W. Koppers, Unter Feuerland-Indianern, p. 48, Pl. 7.

[25] See Gladys A. Reichard, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 24 (1922) p. 191.

The causes that have led to the widespread use of symmetrical forms are difficult to understand. Symmetrical motions of the arms and hands are physiologically determined. The right and left are apt to move symmetrically and the motions of the same arm or of both arms are often performed rhythmically and symmetrically from right to left and from left to right. I am inclined to consider this condition as one of the fundamental determinants, in importance equal to the view of the symmetry of the human body and of that of animals; not that the designs are made by right and left hand, rather that the sensation of the motions of right and left lead to the feeling of symmetry.

In by far the greatest number of cases symmetrical arrangements are to the right and left of a vertical axis, much more rarely above and below a horizontal one.

The prevalence of horizontal and the rarity of vertical symmetry is presumably due to the absence of vertically symmetrical movements,—except in those rhythmic movements in which the arms are alternately raised and lowered,—and in the rarity of natural forms that are vertically symmetrical.

In nature we see generally more fundamental differences in vertical direction than in horizontal layers. In animals, legs, body and head are on different levels. In landscapes, earth, trees, mountains and sky follow one another in vertical succession. On the other hand, we are liable to find in horizontal sequence sameness or variations of analogous form. This may be one of the reasons why there are found in ornamental art frequent arrangements in a series of horizontal bands that differ fundamentally in pattern, while in each horizontal band we find either symmetry, rhythmic repetition, or variations of similar forms (figs. 24, 25, 26). Exceptions however, occur, for instance in the decorations of Melanesian houses (Plate III).

Other causes may contribute to the development of symmetrical patterns. In the making of coiled pottery or coiled basketry symmetry results from the process of manufacture. By regular turning of the pot or basket a circular form is produced. The process of winding twine around a holder may have the same effect. In two-handed implements, such as the bow of the bowdrill, symmetrical forms also develop, but implements of this type are not by any means numerous and their occurrence is no adequate explanation of the general occurrence of symmetry.

We must leave it undecided whether the circumstances here referred to are adequate to account for the symmetry of form of such implements as lance heads, arrow-heads, baskets and boxes. We must be satisfied with the establishment of their general occurrence and the knowledge that they have an esthetic value wherever they are found. Examples of symmetrical arrangements are very numerous. The boxes from British Columbia (fig. 274, p. 263), neckrests of the Kaffers (fig. 9, p. 23), Melanesian shields and paddles (fig. 10, p. 25), and the painted rawhides of the Sauk and Fox (figs. 13-15, pp. 27, 28) may serve as exemples. A special type of symmetrical design is found in our heraldic style with its animals rampant on each side of a central field. It is interesting to note that the same arrangement is very ancient. It occurs on the Lions’ Gate of Mycenae. It has also developed independently in prehistoric Peru (fig. 27).

On objects that are frequently seen from different sides are found forms that are symmetrical both ways, when seen right and left and when seen up and down. Examples of this are the Australian shield fig. 22 (p. 33), and the parfleches of the North American Indians (fig. 89, p. 97). On objects of similar character made by the same technical processes and by the same tribe, such as rawhide bags (fig. 28) double symmetry may also occur.

In circular forms the diameter is often the axis of symmetry. In other cases symmetrical fields are radially arranged and there may be a number of repetitions. The circumference takes the place of the horizontal, the radius that of the vertical (fig. 29).

In a number of cases we find instead of normal symmetry an inversion of the two symmetrical halves so that what is above to the right, is below to the left. Arrangements of this type are, however, less numerous than true symmetry. Such forms occur in New Guinea. They are due to the decorative development of the two branches of a double spiral (fig. 30). This form results sometimes from circular rhythmic repetitions in which the whole circle is filled by two or more units. This is found for instance, in pottery from the southwestern Pueblos (fig. 31) and also quite commonly in Central America.[26]

[26] See, for instance S. K. Lothrop, Pottery of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, New York, 1926, Plates 39, 46, fig. 195.

Other figures resulting from rotation, that is from a decorative pattern applied rhythmically in the same direction, as for instance the swastika and S shaped figures occupying the center of a decorative field, present the same type of inverted symmetry. The same treatment is found in the art of ancient Scandinavia (fig. 32).

A curious development of this decorative device is applied in the art of ancient Peru. On many fabrics we find patterns consisting of a diagonal arrangement of squares or rectangles. In each diagonal the same design is repeated, while the next diagonal has another type. In each diagonal line the design is shown in varying positions. If the one faces the right, the next faces the left. At the same time there is an alternation of colors, so that even when the form is the same, the tints and the color values will not be the same. A characteristic specimen of this type will be described later on (p. 47).

The plan of one of these designs is illustrated in fig. 33.[27] There are eight rectangular fields with two designs (1 and 2); those right and left of the middle line and those above and below the horizontal middle line are symmetrical in regard to form. In color, 1 corresponds to 1^b and 1^a to 1^c; also 2 corresponds in color to 2^b and 2^a to 2^c. The colors being in all these cases, on the whole, reversed. 1, 2, and 1^b, 2^b have a yellowish background and a red field surrounding the tree shaped design; 1^a, 2^a and 1^c, 2^c have a light red background and a greenish field surrounding the tree shaped figure. The whole field, consisting of four sections, is followed in the whole decorated stripe by another set of four sections in form like the preceding one. In this the background of 1 and 2, 1^b and 2^b is blue, of 1^a, 2^a and 1^c, 2^c yellowish. The field surrounding the tree shaped figure is yellowish in 1 and 1^b, greenish in 1^a, and 1^c. Taken as a whole, the right side is practically the same as the left, turned upside down. The order of fields on the left from the top downward and for the right side from below upward, is according to the color of the background, abbreviating, r red, y yellow, b blue:

r r y y / y y b b / r r y y / y y b b / r r y y / y y b b / r r y y /.

[27] Walter Lehmann, Kunstgeschichte des alten Peru, Berlin 1924, Plates 3 and 4.

A second example is shown in fig. 34. In this specimen the diagonally arranged fields marked 1, _a_, 2, _b_ [28] have the same color scheme.

[28] These remarks refer also to the fields marked as 1′, 1″ etc.

The larger fields in 1 are yellow, the lesser black. The larger fields in 2 are pink, the lesser grey. The background in _b_ is grey, the scroll purple. The background in _a_ is dark grey, the scroll light purple.

Another fundamental element of decorative form is rhythmic repetition. Technical activities in which regularly repeated movements are employed lead to rhythmic repetition in the direction in which the movement proceeds. The rhythm of time appears here translated into space. In flaking, adzing, hammering, in the regular turning and pressing required in the making of coiled pottery, in weaving, regularity of form and rhythmic repetition of the same movement are necessarily connected. These rhythmic movements always produce the same series of forms. Examples of rhythmic surface forms determined by perfect control of a technique are found in many industries and in all parts of the world. Exquisite regularity of flaking is found in the Egyptian flint knives (see fig. 5, p. 21). It is not so frequent in the flaking of American Indians. The adzed boards of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast bear chipping marks of great regularity that give the appearance of a pattern (figs. 6, p. 23 and 18, p. 30). On surfaces that are to be painted these marks are often polished off with grit-stone or shark skin, while on unpainted parts they are kept, presumably on account of their artistic effect. In Oriental metal work the strokes of the hammer are so regular that patterns consisting of flat surfaces originate. Other examples of the artistic effect of the regularity of movement are found in the prehistoric corrugated pottery of the North American South West. The coils are indented by pressure of the fingers and a series of indentations form a regular pattern on the surface (fig. 35). The effect of automatic control is seen nowhere more clearly than in basketry, matting and weaving. It has been pointed out before (p. 20) that evenness of surface results from regularity of movement. The rhythmic repetition of the movement leads also to rhythmic repetition of pattern. This is most beautifully illustrated by the best examples of California basketry.

The virtuoso who varies the monotony of his movements and enjoys his ability to perform a more complex action, produces at the same time a more complex rhythm. This happens particularly in weaving and related industries such as braiding and wrapping with twine. Skipping of strands,—that is twilling (see fig. 17, p. 30) is the source of many rhythmic forms and twilling is undertaken by the virtuoso who plays with his technique and enjoys the overcoming of increased difficulties.

In many cases rhythmic complexity is clearly the result of careful planning. I have referred before to the rhythmical arrangement on fringes of the Thompson Indians of British Columbia, (p. 29).

Another good example (fig. 36) is a double necklace in which the rhythmic series is—

black, red, yellow, green, blue, green,

both in the inner and outer lines while the connecting links have the order

black, red, yellow, green, red, blue.[29]

[29] In this specimen (see American Anthropologist, N. S., Volume 24, 1922, p. 188), the connecting links between the two strings have been misplaced, the inner string of beads being shifted three units to the right, i. e. the central connecting link is attached to the first yellow bead to the left of the red center; the others being shifted correspondingly. They have been corrected here so as to bring out the arrangement which was evidently planned.

Dr. Reichard[30] has discussed a number of other examples from the same region which have similar characteristics. In one example the arrangement of the fringe elements is more complex than in the one previously described. Designating different colors by numbers and dentalia shells by D, we find the order

1 2 3 D 2 1 2 3 2 1 2 D 3 2 1[31]

[30] American Anthropologist l. c., pages 198-199.

[31] Owing to a probable error the arrangement of the beads, the order of the last five beads to the right is

D 2 3 2 1 instead of 2 D 3 2 1.

The change of D and 2 makes the arrangement symmetrical. The same result might be obtained by changing the first five beads from 1 2 3 D 2 to 1 2 3 2 D and leaving the right end undisturbed.