Part 19

This art style can be fully understood only as an integral part of the structure of Northwest coast culture. The fundamental idea underlying the thoughts, feelings, and activities of these tribes is the value of rank which gives title to the use of privileges, most of which find expression in artistic activities or in the use of art forms. Rank and social position bestow the privilege to use certain animal figures as paintings or carvings on the house-front, on totem poles, on masks and on the utensils of every day life. Rank and social position give the right to tell certain tales referring to ancestral exploits; they determine the songs which may be sung. There are other obligations and privileges related to rank and social position, but the most outstanding feature is the intimate association between social standing and art forms. A similar relation, although not quite so intimate, prevails in the relation of religious activities and manifestations of art. It is as though the heraldic idea had taken hold of the whole life and had permeated it with the feeling that social standing must be expressed at every step by heraldry which, however, is not confined to space forms alone but extends over literary, musical and dramatic expression. Who can tell whether the association between social standing and the use of certain animal forms,—that is the totemic aspect of social life,—has given the prime impetus to the art development or whether the art impetus has developed and enriched totemic life? Our observations make it seem plausible that the particular symbolic development of art would not have occurred, if the totemic ideas had been absent and that we are dealing with the gradual intrusion of ever fuller animal motives into a well established conventionalized art. On the other hand it seems quite certain that the exuberance of totemic form has been stimulated by the value given to the art form. We may observe among all the tribes that high chiefs claim highly specialized art forms that are built up on the general background of totemic representation. In the south, there is clear evidence of the late exuberant development of the totemic, or perhaps better, crest idea, owing to the strong endeavor to raise by the possession of art forms the standing of the social units to which the individual belongs. The multiplicity of forms among the numerous small divisions of the Kwakiutl and the sporadic appearance of animal forms among the adjoining Salish are ample proof of these relations.

The style has undoubtedly its home in northern British Columbia and southern Alaska. The manufactures of the tribes of Vancouver Island show a far more extended use of geometrical ornamentation than those of the northern tribes. I am under the impression that these are survivals of an older style. Trays, boxes, and baskets of the Kwakiutl Indians are still decorated with geometrical patterns. A rattle used in a ceremony performed after the birth of twins (fig. 19, p. 31) bears a pattern consisting of angular fields. Ancient boxes found in caves are ornamented with a geometrical style more elaborate than that of modern times (fig. 291).

The small food trays, the sides of which are bent out of a single board, bear on the upper end a border pattern consisting of equidistant lines following the rim, while the body of the sides is ornamented with vertical lines (fig. 292 _a_). A similar border pattern is found on buckets (fig. 292 _b_). In boxes a border design is cut in, setting off the central field (fig. 293). Combs are decorated with geometrical motives most of which consist of a central rectangular field set off from the background by parallel lines or developed by a subdivision of the field. In one case triangles and crossing lines with hachure are used (fig. 294). On a bone sword the decoration consists of circles with center, a pattern that is widely distributed among the western Eskimo, the plateau tribes of the interior and in California (fig. 295). It will be noticed that the head carved at the end of this specimen does not conform at all to the style of art here discussed but rather agrees with the carving found in the region of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound. Another specimen (fig. 295), differs still more from the style of the Northwest coast art and resembles that of the tribes of the interior.

In the art of the West coast of Vancouver Island, in a few ancient specimens of the Kwakiutl and particularly in the whole area of the Gulf of Georgia, a triangular motive analogous to the “Kerbschnitt” of northern Europe, plays an important role. It is found on the ancient Kwakiutl boxes previously referred to (fig. 291), and is a common decorative motive on clubs made of bone of whale (fig. 298). A related motive is found on spindle whorls (fig. 296). It is also found on representative wood carvings, as on the eagle design on a house post from the Fraser River Delta (Plate XIII p. 288). In the region still farther south, this ornament becomes more and more important, as may be seen on dishes and spoons from the Columbia River area. On these the circular design and central dot also occur (fig. 297).

A number of ancient specimens prove the existence of a fixed art style in this region, representative, but differing in character from the style of the Northwest coast. This is best illustrated by a series of war clubs. The fundamental type is a blade of a lenticular cross section surmounted by a head resembling that of an eagle, which bears on its head a bird headdress not unlike what is used by the Nootka of modern times.[115] In all the specimens represented in figures 298 and 299 this fundamental form will be recognized, although in many cases the outlines are so crude that the elements of the composition are recognized with difficulty only. It is possible that in a number of these carvings it was not the intent to represent the eagle with bird headdress, but that the form is rather due to the compelling influence of a standardized form that determined the outlines of the subject of the representation. Common to these clubs is also the central ornamental line ending near the point in a circular ornament which is often given the form of a human head.

[115] See Harlan I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound, Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol II, figs. 165-168.

Representations of animals in wood carving differ also in important features from those of the northern region. The tendency to ornament the whole body, the dislike of a plain background is not found here. If we are right in assuming that the fullest development of a rich ornamentation in the north is late, we might say that in the south the ornamentation has not yet encroached upon the whole background. The eye design, double curve, the slit design are foreign to this area. Instead of house posts carved in the round, we find heavy posts of rectangular cross section which bear on the front figures carved in the round or in high relief. Sometimes the post assumes geometrical forms. A characteristic trait of the human face in this region is the sharp angle setting off the forehead from the face. This is most pronounced in the carvings of the Puget Sound region (fig. 300 and Plate XIV).

On Puget Sound animal representations are used with great frequency in basketry, particularly as ornamental borders. In ancient times they were also applied to hats (fig. 301, see also fig. 72 p. 78). This style seems to be entirely missing in the north.

At the present time the Kwakiutl apply the symbolic style in house paintings, house posts, and masks. The skill of the artist is not inferior to that found among the northern tribes, but the subject matter differs somewhat according to the difference in mythological concepts. The distortions in painting are, if anything, more daring than those of the Haida, but I have not observed to the same degree the tendency to interlock various animal forms, as is done on spoon handles and totem poles of the northern tribes. On totem poles so far as these occur, and on house posts the single figures are placed one on top of the other, but they remain separated. The masks are painted as elaborately as those of the northern tribes. Double masks and revolving attachments occur. In short, the decorative art of those objects that are strictly related to use in totemic and similar ceremonies, have the northern type, while objects of every day life tend to have geometric ornamentation. The use of animal forms on large dishes (see fig. 198, p. 208) is a characteristic trait of this region.

Historical tradition confirms our view that the northern art type is of recent introduction among the Kwakiutl. In ancient times the walls of the houses were built of horizontal, overlapping boards that did not admit painting, except on separate planks. Old Indians claim that, until about 1860, the house posts were heavy planks with relief carving or painting,—like those known to us from Fraser River, and that only masks were of the same type as those now in use.

While realistic representations are rare among the northern tribes, they are found quite frequently among the Kwakiutl. They are principally caricatures that are made and exhibited for the purpose of ridiculing a rival. A head used in a ceremonial performance has been referred to before (fig. 156 p. 185).

I have stated that in basketry and matting geometrical ornamentation is used by all the tribes. It is the style of the woman’s art. On decorated mats checker designs are made in black and red on the background of natural color of cedar bark (fig. 302). More elaborate are the patterns which occur on spruce root weaving, particularly on hats. These are made by twining, and ornamental lines are developed by the occasional skipping of two woof strands. By this device lines are produced which appear raised over the surface of the plain weaving. The most frequent designs which are made in this way consist of a series of diamonds and of zig-zag lines. Sometimes these hats are also painted. In these the woven pattern disappears almost completely under the painted design (fig. 303).

On the coast of Alaska we find the highest development of the geometric style.

The patterns used on these baskets consist of angular forms, except on modern placques, and bear names.[116] From the way in which these are used we may infer that they have no symbolic significance. I give here a selection of these. Fig. 304 _a_, _b_, _c_, patterns consisting of zig-zag lines, represent in this order: the woodworm or the woodworm tracks (_a_), lightning (_b_), the butterfly (_c_). The rectangle divided by an oblique line, (_d_), represents tracks of the bear; the dark part of the rectangle may be interpreted as the sole of the foot; the light part of the rectangle as the claws. The design (_e_) is called the arrow; (_f_) the rainbow; (_g_) fire weed; and (_h_) the hood of the raven. Fig. 305 _a_ shows various representations of the isosceles triangle, some of which are identical with the forms occurring in California. All of these are called head of the salmon-berry. The designs _b_, _c_, and _d_, are closely related; (_b_) is generally used on the narrow central band which separates two broad design bands; it is called “tying”. Flying geese are represented in (_c_); tracks of geese in (_d_). The complicated design in (_e_) is called “raven tail”; the relation between this name and the form is not clear; (_f_) shows a number of representations of the wave. Designs (_g_) and (_h_) are from circular placques; (_g_) represents the fern frond; (_h_) the porpoise. In the last named case the relation between form and name is obscure.

[116] G. T. Emmons, The Basketry of the Tlingit, Memoirs American Museum of Natural History. Vol. 3 (1903) pp. 229 et seq.

I have little doubt that the designs are closely related to the blanket patterns previously referred to and to the porcupine quill embroidery of the tribes of the interior. The design fig. 304 _h_, for instance, is found in identical form on the lowest stripe of the Bella Coola blanket on top of Plate XII. The arrangement of patterns in blocks on these blankets is also similar to the arrangement found in this type of basketry. In fact the technique is a kind of embroidery in which the decorative material is wrapped around the woof strand when the basket is being made. The materials used are grasses and fern stems of contrasting color.

The baskets are round, mostly with almost straight walls. The diameter is very nearly equal to the height. On the majority of baskets which are used for berrying and as general receptacles, the patterns are applied in horizontal bands. The rim of the basket is generally undecorated. The rim weave which holds the warp together, is in most cases quite insignificant and does not give a decorative effect. The only specimen of decorative band at the upper rim, with which I am familiar, has no color embroidery but has only a zig-zag decoration made by the process of twilling described before, similar to the pattern fig. 304 _h_. Most baskets are decorated by a broad band parallel to the rim, which consists of two wide stripes separated by a narrow one. These bands are placed at a short distance from the upper rim. (Plate XIV). The distance is often about equal to the width of the central band. The designs on the wide upper and lower bands are generally identical. The central dividing band is in most cases decorated with small elements arranged in zig-zag lines. In a fairly large number of cases, only the two outer bands are embroidered, while the central band remains undecorated. In a few cases the central band is reduced to a single undecorated line of stitches so that the impression is conveyed of a single broad band encircling the whole basket. In open work spoon baskets the central band is placed near the middle of the basket, while the outer bands are moved to the bottom and to the upper border. Although some of the designs are of such a character that they may be used as continuous horizontal bands, there is a marked tendency of dividing up the circumference into a number of panels which are separated by straight vertical lines.

A considerable number of the baskets decorated with three bands have either two or four “droppers”, and in a few cases the design of the “dropper” is repeated over the upper design. The number of repetitions of the design in the bands is quite irregular, some of the large designs are repeated only twice. When there are many repetitions of the design in the upper and lower band their distribution is generally quite independent, that is, the upper and lower design elements are not fitted the one over the other.

Unfortunately there is not enough porcupine embroidery available that will allow us to investigate in detail the relations between the patterns used in this industry and in basketry. The designs here described are akin to the geometrical basketry patterns of other parts of the Pacific slope and to designs occurring in bead embroidery. They are entirely foreign to the painting and carving described in the previous pages.

Northwest Coast culture has exerted its influence over the tribes both of the north and south. The woodwork of the Columbia River region and of northern California has undoubtedly been stimulated by its example. Although the style changes materially, the technique of handling the wood and the relative abundance of wood carving indicates the interrelation of these cultures. Taken in conjunction with other features,—such as the peculiar type of correlation of wealth and rank and the extensive use of standards of value,—the historical relation seems firmly established. The art style of woodwork does not exhibit a close affinity to the North West Coast. We have shown that the older art of the Gulf of Georgia is quite distinct from that of the North West Coast. The further south we go the more meager become the vestiges of the symbolic style here treated.

In the north conditions are somewhat different. Even among the northern Tlingit tribes some types of masks may be observed that are conceptionally different from those found further south. They are characterized by the attachment of small animal figures to the face,—particularly on the forehead and cheeks. This usage is much more frequent among the Eskimo tribes.[117] Their masks tend to be flat and appear like plastic representations of their paintings and etchings: realistic forms of human or imaginary beings or of animals. They have adopted from the North West Coast the attachment of parts of the body to the face, while these parts,—such as hands and feet, retain their realistic character. The attachment of small animal forms to the face is quite frequent here. Its source may perhaps be found in the application of animal heads to carved objects, which is one of the principle features of the decorative art of the Alaskan Eskimo. It is exemplified in the needle cases shown in fig. 119, p. 125. The abundance of masks can hardly be understood unless we assume that the coast people of the south exerted a powerful influence over the Eskimo. The eastern Eskimo, among whom this influence is lacking, have few masks of quite a different type.

[117] Sie E. W. Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait, 18^{th} Ann. Rep. Bur. Am. Ethn. (1899) Plates 95 et seq.; also the Athapascan masks from Anvik in J. W. Chapman, Notes on the Tinneh tribe of Anvik, Congrès International des Americanistes XV^e session, Vol 2, pp. 7 et seq.

The relation of the North West Coast art to that of the adjoining plateaus of the interior deserves special consideration. The contrast between the two is striking. A few of the tribes that have adopted, partially at least, totemic ideas of the coast people, as the Lillooet, have taken over with it a moderate amount of carving. A few that have fallen more fully under the sway of the North West Coast culture, as the Bella Coola, Babine, and a few of the Alaskan tribes near the coast of southern Alaska, have also, to a great extent, adopted the art style of the coast.

As soon as we move farther inland we find an art that, in its essential characteristics, is subject to the Plains art. The style and decoration of the clothing are essentially those of the Plains. Rude pictography is used extensively. There is hardly any attempt to fit the pictographic representation to the decorative field that serves merely as the background on which the representative design is conveniently placed. Most of the geometric patterns that do occur are closely related to eastern forms. A rawhide pouch from the interior of British Columbia (fig. 28, p. 36) may serve as an example. On parfleches and rawhide pouches from Fort Colville and from Columbia River (fig. 306) we find the same designs that are characteristic of eastern paintings on rawhide (see figs. 144-146 pp. 170-172). Analogous forms are found in bone carvings from the Tahltan in Alaska (fig. 307). In the southern parts of the plateaus of British Columbia, simple lines and circles with center are the most common decorative pattern on bone and on wood. Representative sculpture is rare although a few ancient specimens have been found. The archaeological remains prove that at an early time the same art type prevailed in the Delta of Fraser River. The symbolism of the patterns is very weak, but seems analogous to that found in the east.

Decorative art is most highly developed in basketry. The basketry of the Coast tribes is made by twining or weaving, but the highly decorated basketry of the interior is exclusively of the coiled type. Only among the Sahaptin and other tribes to the southeast do we find elaborately decorated twined bags. The twined weaving of the interior of British Columbia is largely undecorated or bears a few lines set off in lighter color. The coiled weaving is decorated by imbrication, a method peculiar to that part of the plateaus extending from the Columbia River to Chilcotin (fig. 308). In this area a number of decorative art styles have developed. These appear most clearly on the burden baskets. The southern baskets are round and flaring, those of southern British Columbia are angular in cross section, those of the north oblong and of irregular form. The southern baskets are decorated all over with designs resembling Californian patterns. Those of the Thompson River have design areas set off against an undecorated background. The designs are made by imbrication and extend over the whole side of the basket, evenly on all sides. The Lillooet baskets are more flaring than those of the Thompson. The coils are wider and the decorative field is arranged in a different manner. The imbrication is confined to the upper two-thirds of the basket while the lower part remains undecorated, except that there are frequently two hangers on the wide sides which may be compared to the hangers on Tlingit baskets, described before. I am doubtful whether there is an historical connection between the two, notwithstanding their striking similarity. The Indians suggest that the hangers may have developed from the earlier use of birch bark baskets. These were often wrapped at the upper part with buckskin the lower portion of which hung down freely in fringes, so that the droppers would represent the fringes. Many of the Lillooet designs are large. (Plate XV).

The Chilcotin type differs from the preceding by the small size of the coil and a distinctive form, the narrow ends being higher than the middle of the long sides. The treatment of the decorative field is similar to that used by the Tlingit. The ornamentation consists of three bands; the upper and the lower ones wide, bearing the same kind of decorative design and the central one narrower and either undecorated or showing a design of a different character. Arrangements of this kind are used so frequently that is seems hardly justifiable to consider them as proof of an historical connection between Tlingit and Chilcotin basketry. We find similar arrangements for instance in the pouches of the Woodland Indians referred to on p. 175, figs. 149, 150.

LITERATURE, MUSIC, AND DANCE.