Part 11

The stability of the inner arrangements of houses, notwithstanding all variations in detail; the adherence to types of windows used in different countries; the forms of churches, our localized food habits are all examples of a considerable degree of conservatism. This prevails also at least in part, in the fundamental patterns of male and female attire.

Conservatism of form makes itself felt in many cases in which an object is made of new material. The relinquishment of the old material may be due to lack of an adequate supply of the old material, or it may be an innovation due to an inner creative impulse. It constitutes a break with the past. The old forms, however, are often retained. Such substitutions are the more liable to occur the more plastic the new material. Pottery, to a lesser extent wood, and also stone are the principal materials in which forms can be imitated in the round. Particularly pottery lends itself readily to the manufacture of a great variety of forms. When the necessary skill in tempering the clay, in modeling and firing has been attained, the opportunity is presented for copying a great variety of forms. Thus we find shell dishes and spoons, gourd vessels and basket forms imitated in pottery. We still continue doing so. We have in our China ware innumerable instances of copies of even the finest fabrics. In Africa we find clay lamps which are evidently derived from the forms of bronze lamps of antiquity in which the complicated feet are imitations of wire work, and many pottery vessels seem to be copies of baskets. For instance, the handled ceremonial clay dishes of the Pueblo Indians look more like baskets than like pottery forms.

On account of the great frequency of imitative forms in pottery the theory has been advanced, that all pottery forms must have originated from prototypes that were first made in some other technique. Professor Schuchardt[92] assumes that the first neolithic forms which are pointed at the base, must be copies of bottles made of hide. Cushing and Holmes[93] have advocated the theory that pottery and pottery designs developed from basketry, that pots were first of all modeled over a basket and that the basket with its clay cover was then fired. The basket was thus burnt and the clay vessel remained in the form of the basket. In corroboration of this theory it has been pointed out that actually clay covered baskets have been found, on the surface of which the ornamental pattern that is usually found on the basket is painted on the clay. These attempts do not seem to me convincing. The oldest pottery that we know is very crude and does not recall any other technical form. The Eskimo made clay lamps of unbaked clay that seems to be merely squeezed into shape. It seems much more likely that the firing of clay was discovered when foods were cooked on clayey soil or in pits in clayey ground, than that baskets should be made watertight by an application of clay and that the basket, the making of which is a laborious process, should then have been intentionally destroyed. However, I do not wish to introduce a new unproven theory in place of others. For our purpose it is sufficient to recognize the frequent copies of natural and technical forms in pottery.

[92] Carl Schuchardt, Alteuropa, Berlin 1919, p. 44.

[93] W. H. Holmes, Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic Art, Frank Hamilton Cushing, A Study of Pueblo Pottery; Fourth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1886. There is, however, evidence that pots were moulded on baskets, then removed and fired.

The same happens, although not quite so extensively in wood carving and even in stone work, particularly in soft stones that may be worked with a knife. Wooden copies of objects made of buffalo horn occur in Africa. Many of the beautifully carved wooden goblets from the Congo region look to me like pottery vessels, held in place by stone supports. Carvings in wood imitate forms made by joining pieces together. In some regions we find stone vessels of the same form that is usually used for wooden ones. Best known among imitative stone forms are the prehistoric European stone axes which are copies of the forms of bronze weapons that were in use in more southern regions, or the stone settees of ancient South America, copies of wooden seats.

We have spoken so far only of the general forms of the objects, not of decoration or ornament. We have seen in our discussion of the purely formal elements that the technique will sometimes bring about patterns on the surfaces of the manufactured objects. We mentioned the patterns produced by flaking of stone, by adzing and by weaving with coarse material. The importance of these surface patterns for the development or ornament can hardly be overstated. When a large board is adzed, the workman must shift his position in order to cover the whole board. According to the way he moves, different patterns of adjoining surfaces may develop. Much more important are the patterns that naturally develop when a weaver plays with his technique, that is when he or she is no longer satisfied with the simple weaving up and down, but begins to skip strands and thus introduces more complex rhythms of movement. The solidity of the fabric requires alternations of skipping and thus the twilling leads immediately to diagonal surface patterns. The more complex the rhythmic movements, the more complex will also be the patterns. The attempt has been made to trace the origin of all important decorative patterns to this source. I presume this is an exaggeration, because other conditions may as well lead to the discovery of designs. I say advisedly discovery, not invention, for I believe, with those investigators who would derive all patterns from weaving, that intentional invention is less important than the discovery of possibilities which come to be observed as an effect of the play, particularly the rhythmic play with technical processes.

I presume that the occurrence of a number of simple ornamental elements may be explained as technically determined. We have seen before that the straight line and the regular curve such as circle and spiral presuppose an accurate technique, that they are too rare in nature to be considered as representative in character. The straight line may be the result of cutting, folding or splitting some kinds of wood, of the use of reeds or similar materials, of stretching fibres and of many other processes. Circles may originate by the regular turning of coiled basketry and of coiled pottery: spirals by the laying of coarse coils. Weaving in coarse material leads to rectangular figures, to checker patterns, steplike diagonals and to many other complicated forms. Tying with cord produces straight lines intersecting at various angles and also parallel, circular and spiral forms. We may confidently claim independent origin in separate areas for the triangular design in basketry (fig. 104 _a_, _b_, p. 109); for simple radial forms in coiled basketry placques; for the swastika cross, the meander and for many other simple forms, like the spirals of prehistoric Bohemia; of eastern Siberia; of Melanesia and of ancient New Mexico; in the sameness of design elements from Africa and America; in the occurrence of the circle and central dot in prehistoric Europe and among the Eskimo. The principle of symmetry, of balance, of rhythmic repetition and of emphasis laid upon prominent points or lines apply to all kinds of technique and many lead to parallel developments.

We have seen that in some cases, simple elements which develop independently, possess stylistic peculiarities that differentiate one locality from another. But even if the forms are identical, the arrangement in the decorative field is liable to give a specific form to the art of each locality.

The negroes of the Congo present an excellent example of the transfer of design from one technique to another. Their woven patterns consist largely of intersecting bands, imitating the interweaving of broad bands. These motives appear in most of the decorative work of these tribes. Their embroidered pile cloth (fig. 133) imitates the interwoven patterns; they reappear on their wood carvings, particularly on their goblets (see fig. 52, p. 59), and on carvings on buffalo horns.

Interwoven bands that look like imitations of coarse weaving are also very common in American art. They are found in many parts of South America and among the Pueblo Indians. Some of the wood carving of Tonga is evidently influenced in style by the artistic methods of tying, which are highly developed in the islands of the Pacific Ocean.

Granting all this, it still remains obscure why there should be that degree of individualization of style that is actually observed even where similar technical processes prevail. The Indians of Guiana and the Indonesians use the same methods of weaving in rather broad, stiff materials. The technical conditions controlling their basketry work are practically the same. Nevertheless the styles of art they use are quite distinctive.

We conclude from this that besides the influence of the technique there must be some other causes that determine the individual style of each area. I doubt very much that it will ever be possible to give a satisfactory explanation of the origin of these styles, just as little as we can discover all the psychological and historical conditions that determine the development of language, social structure, mythology or religion. All these are so exceedingly complex in their growth that even at best we can do no more than hope to unravel some of the threads that are woven into the present fabric and determine some of the lines of behavior that may help us to realize what is happening in the minds of the people.

We have to turn our attention first of all to the artist himself. Heretofore we have considered only the work of art without any reference to the maker. Only in the case of slovenly work have we referred to the artisan. It has appeared that his behavior as revealed in his work helped us to understand the fate of the designs. We may hope, therefore, that in the broader question also knowledge of the attitude and actions of the artist will contribute to a clearer understanding of the history of art styles. Unfortunately, observations on this subject are very rare and unsatisfactory, for it requires an intimate knowledge of the people to understand the innermost thoughts and feelings of the artist. Even with thorough knowledge the problem is exceedingly difficult, for the mental processes of artistic production do not take place in the full light of consciousness. The highest type of artistic production is there, and its creator does not know whence it comes. It would be an error to assume that this attitude is absent among tribes whose artistic productions seem to us so much bound by a hard and fast style that there is little room for the expression of individual feeling and for the freedom of the creative genius. I recall the instance of an Indian from Vancouver Island who was suffering of a lingering malady that confined him to his bed. He had been a good painter but his productions did not differ stylistically in any way from those of his tribe. During his long illness he would sit on his bed, holding his brush between his lips, silent and apparently oblivious of his surroundings. He could hardly be induced to speak, but when he spoke he dilated upon his visions of designs that he could no longer execute. Undoubtedly his was the mind and the attitude of a true, inspired artist.

The general character of the artistic productions of man, the world over, shows that the style has the power of limiting the inventiveness of the productive artist; for, if we grant that potential genius like the one just described is born in all cultures, then the uniformity of art forms in a given tribe can be understood only by these limitations.

The restriction of inventiveness is not due, as might perhaps be supposed, to the habit of copying old designs and to a sluggishness of the imagination of the artisan who finds it easier to copy than to invent. On the contrary, primitive artists hardly ever copy. Only in very exceptional cases are found working designs such as we employ in embroidery, dressmaking, woodcarving and architecture. The work is laid out in the mind of the maker before he begins and is a direct realization of the mental image. In the process of carrying out such a plan technical difficulties may arise that compel him to alter his intentions. Such instances can easily be discovered in the finished product and are highly instructive, because they throw a strong light upon the mental processes of the workman. We may see particularly in richly decorated basketry how such difficulties arise and what influence they exert upon the development of the design.

Even in the making of mass products, like the pottery which we described before, (pp. 132 et seq.) copying is evidently not practised. The patterns are so simple and require only a small number of standardized movements which are combined in a variety of ways. The method of work corresponds strictly to our method of writing in which also a number of standardized movements occur in a multitude of combinations.

Although the artisan works without copying, his imagination never rises beyond the level of the copyist, for he merely uses familiar motives composed in customary ways. It does not require much practice to learn how to carry out such simple work without patterns. The method of procedure is the same as that followed in European folk art. The embroidered or woven patterns, the wood carvings of European peasants are not copies of patterns but the results of individual composition. Pattern books appear only at a time when the folk art is decadent. Therefore, notwithstanding the rigidity of style it would be difficult to find two objects that have identical ornamentation.

When designs are very complex, and rigid symmetry or accurate rhythmic repetitions are required, we find sometimes the use of stencils. It does also happen, that one person plans a design and another executes it. In these cases actual copying may occur; both of these instances are rare in primitive culture and do not modify the general picture as here outlined.

It is interesting to hear the opinions of individuals who create new designs. We have already seen that the novelty consists generally in the combination of old pattern elements in new ways. Nevertheless, the authors of these designs are convinced that they have created something new. I have information on the attitude of these artists only from the North American Indians. They call designs of this kind “dream designs”, and claim that the new pattern actually appeared to them in a dream. This explanation of the origin of the new form is remarkably uniform over the whole continent. It has been recorded on the Great Plains, on the north western Plateaus and among the Pueblo Indians. There is little doubt but that this is merely another term for invention. It expresses a strong power of visualization which manifests itself when the person is alone and at rest, when he can give free play to the imagination. Perhaps the artists have greater eidetic power than most adults among ourselves. The few individuals who create new forms in this manner have probably a good control over the technique and wide command over a multitude of current forms. In the one case which has been investigated with some care by James Teit the woman who created new basketry patterns was also one of the best technicians and had full command over the greatest variety of forms.

When the patterns made by individual artists are compared, it is seen that the number of designs made by different individuals differs very considerably. Some have command of the full range of forms, while others are satisfied with a small number which they repeat over and over again.

The controlling power of a strong, traditional style is surprising. The Northwest coast people have characteristic methods of representing heads, eyes, eyebrows and joints; fig. 67 (p. 71) shows the attempt of an excellent Haida artist who tried to illustrate the tale of an eagle who carried away a woman.

The general form of the eagle is quite realistic, but the artist could not avoid placing the characteristic eye design in the wing joint of the eagle, and to render the head in the conventional style in which the eagle is shown. The woman whom the eagle carries has the typical eyebrow and cheek patterns. The style has penetrated the picture which was planned as a realistic representation.

Similar observations may be made in regard to the Wasgo, the fabulous sea-monster with a wolf’s body and large ears. In fig. 134 it is shown carrying a whale between its ears, another one in its tail, and a person in the mouth. It has the characteristic high nose of the wolf, the ears turned back (here shown as transparent). The large shoulder and hip joints and the hands and feet in form of eyes are features of Northwest coast art. The whale with its round eyes, blow-hole, and characteristic tail conforms also to the local art style. Still the artist attempted to give a realistic painting.

Quite analagous is another painting by the same Haida artist, Charles Edensaw (fig. 135) who tried to illustrate for me a Haida story of a man who caught the sea-monster Wasgo by placing a split cedar tree under water. It was held open by means of a spreading-stick. A child was placed in it as bait and when the monster appeared to devour the child, the youth knocked out the spreading-stick; the tree closed and caught the monster. In this sketch the tree is shown by the black, sharp angle, set on the inside with teeth that killed the monster. The spreading-stick, which holds the split tree apart is indicated by the black crossbar. The Wasgo in the form of a wolf with large dorsal fin is shown biting the head of the child, while the youth sits on the tree. The story continues telling that the youth dons the Wasgo skin and goes every night to hunt sea game which he deposits on the beach of the village. His mother-in-law claims shamanistic power and pretends to have obtained the game. When the youth makes known that he has killed it, his mother-in-law falls down being shamed by the young man. She is shown on the left in shamanistic dress with shell rattles, shamanistic apron, neck ring of bone ornaments and the shamanistic crown. Her position indicates that she is falling. It will be noticed that here also every figure shows characteristic traits of the northwest coast ornamental style.

In fig. 136 part of the raven story is represented. The human figure in the left hand upper corner presumably represents the owner of the halibut hook. Under it is shown the raven flying and carrying on his back the owner of the halibut hook. According to this story he throws him into the sea, takes the halibut hook and begins to fish. This incident is shown on the right hand side of the sketch. The meaning of the seal in the upper right hand corner is not clear.

We have seen that in representative art the particular type of perspective or symbolic form or the combination of the two determines in part the local style. We have to turn now to a consideration of the purely formal elements that characterize style. We may distinguish here between the forms of ornamentation and their composition. A general survey of the field of primitive art convinces us at once of the great variety of elementary forms and of their sharp localization. As an instance of the importance of fundamental forms I choose the occurrence of the spiral. It is characteristic of the art of New Zealand, of Melanesia, and of the Amur tribes,—to select only a few typical examples. And still, how great are the differences, how sharply specialized the spiral of each of these districts!

Practically all the spirals in primitive art are equidistant. It can easily be shown that spirals develop in many different ways. As has been pointed out by Semper, the coiling of wire or the making of coiled basketry or pottery must lead to the discovery of the ornamental spiral. Wrapping with twine may have a similar result. In other cases the spiral develops without technical motives from natural forms. This is exemplified, for instance, by the spirals used for expressing the nostrils of the beaver, bear and dragon-fly in northwest coast art (see figs. 157 p. 186, 175 p. 193). It is, however, doubtful whether the spiral has ever become in this manner a dominant motive of local art.

The New Zealand carved spiral (fig. 137) is generally double; one arm running in, the other out, and the two clasping each other in the center. The spirals are so placed that their general contours harmonize with the decorative field, although their outer turns often cut into its borders. The appearance of the spiral is strongly influenced by the application of a common pattern of carving, which consists of a long lineal field with crosshatching limited by two or more equidistant lines. The two arms of the spiral are connected at regular intervals by small bars having crossline decoration. In other cases the spirals themselves are decorated with crosslines, while the surrounding lines are smooth. Sometimes the spirals are given a notched outline. Single spirals consisting of a number of equidistant lines, occur in tattooing and in wood carving representing tattooed faces. Spirals are often connected and form S shaped figures and when placed serially in a narrow field, they are accompanied by a series of equidistant lines,—fragments of the outer turns that would have shown if the spiral had been able to develop freely.

The spiral of eastern New Guinea is in some ways similar to the one of New Zealand. The double spiral appears commonly in both areas, also the notches or scallops on the spiral and the filling in of the gore with curved lines accompanying the outer turns of the spiral (fig. 138). The lack of connecting bars, of the crossline decoration and the fundamentally different design arrangement, as well as the treatment in black and white differentiate the New Guinea spiral from that of New Zealand. The curves are fitted much more rigorously in the decorative field. The great freedom of the New Zealand forms, the delicate accuracy of all the constituent elements, and the multiplicity of forms connected with the spiral, are absent.

The third area, the Amur region, in which the spiral is used extensively, represents fundamentally different forms, (fig. 139). While the spirals of New Zealand and those of New Guinea are equally wide through the whole distance of their course, those of the Amur region show peculiar lateral developments. The spirals of this area are generally single, and broad; or double, but the spirals do not clasp each other. The outlines of the spiral bands are varied by strictures. Where the general course of these spirals leaves fields that would remain undecorated, they are filled in by broad tendrils, leaf like projections or by independent circular ornaments that help to keep the background broken up in bands that retain throughout approximately the same width. Often the variations in the lines of spirals form animal figures, particularly birds and fishes; sometimes of fairly realistic form.