Part 3

SOCIETY AND GOVERNMENT

Society and government are the most difficult dimensions of prehistoric cultures for archaeologists to reconstruct. This is because they do not leave material remains and must be inferred indirectly. Yet social and political institutions are basic to every culture. They are primary factors that distinguish one group of people from another.

Attempts to determine social and political organization have been mainly limited to the Poverty Point site. It is hard, especially in light of accomplishments at the magnificent town of Poverty Point, to think of Poverty Point society as anything other than an advanced culture, perhaps attaining, if only momentarily, the threshold of civilization itself.

Political organization seems to have been as sophisticated. Just to run a town the size of Poverty Point—the largest in the country in 1000 B.C.—must have required administration far more complicated than that normally found in primitive bands or simple tribes. In addition to its giant size, there was an ambitious civic building program that required administering, as well as commercial trade enterprises that had to be overseen. All this pointed to strong, centralized authority and strict regulation.

Chiefdoms had these capabilities, and if the Poverty Point community comprised a chiefdom, it would be the first appearance of this elaborate socio-political institution in the prehistoric United States (Gibson 1974). The political arm of Poverty Point seems to have reached beyond the major municipal district. It no doubt embraced those nearby neighborhoods which stretched for more than three miles above and below the central enclosure. It probably extended farther to those bluff edge and lowland Villages within a 20 to 30 mile radius of the “capital.” If this 400-square-mile territory does represent the sphere of Poverty Point jurisdiction, it is likely that influence on the outer limits was restricted to special situations. Everyday life in these outlying villages must have normally transpired without influence or interference from the chiefdom center. There may have been yet another jurisdictional realm. Long-distance management, if not some degree of control, seems evident in foreign trade relations.

If indeed Poverty Point did exercise three levels of administration, over municipality, district, and commercial trade, it would have been one of the most complex developments in prehistoric America north of Mexico. This country would not see its like again until after A.D. 1000 and, even then, only in a few places in the East. There are dissenting views on the chiefdom hypothesis, and it will not be surprising if future studies find that different kinds of societies and distinctive structures, existed throughout the Lower Mississippi culture area.

Regardless of whether Poverty Point communities were chiefdoms or tribes or whether organization was complex or simple, there is no doubt that kinship played a dominant role in holding people together. Communities were most basically groups of kinfolks, joined by blood and marriage ties. Social relationships were based on familiarity. Social statuses were established by personal abilities and by birthright. The simpler the organization, the more important was personal ability and achievement; the more complex the society, the more important became birthright—family standing and inheritance.

Various studies have revealed that the Poverty Point community was well-ordered and highly structured. Part of that order and structure was due to social and political factors which permeated the basic fabric of Poverty Point society. Perhaps the best example of Poverty Point political organization is its well-run trading system.

Long-distance trade was a hallmark of Poverty Point culture. Like most other aspects of the culture, there is no consensus about the nature of the trade. Archaeologists argue about identifications and sources of trade materials, especially various flints, but no one questions that many materials were moved over long distances. Some materials originated more than 700 miles from the Poverty Point site, and extreme distances of more than 1000 miles sometimes separate sources from final destinations. Trade materials were quite varied and derived from many areas of the eastern United States, including the Ouachita, Ozark, and Appalachian mountains and the Upper Mississippi Valley and Great Lakes (Figure 13).

Poverty Point trade dealt primarily in rocks and minerals. At least so it seems. If other things were also circulated, they left no remains. Rocks do make good sense, however. Indians of the day made most of their tools out of rocks; they had no metal-working technology. Rocks do occur in the heartland of Poverty Point culture but mainly as gravels or as outcrops of crumbly sandstones, ironstones, and other soft materials, ill-suited for chipping. While local resources could have furnished (and did furnish for many Lower Mississippi cultures and many periods) all the essential materials for craft and tool “industries,” most of the materials imported by Poverty Point groups were better and prettier. They were obviously highly desired, and the quantities in which they were circulated shows that consumer demand was high and supply systems efficient.

POVERTY POINT A Copper, Banded Slate B Gray Northern Flint C Galena, Ozark Chert D Black Bighorn Chert E Novaculite, Hematite, Magnetite F Quartz, Fluorite G Pebble Chert H Catahoula Sandstone I Yellow Pebble Chert J Brown Sandstone K Red Jasper, Greenstone, Quartzite, Granite L Steatite, Schist, Pickwick Chert

The main question about Poverty Point trade concerns how materials were moved from one place to another. When this question first arose, one suggestion was that gathering expeditions were sent out from the big Poverty Point site itself (Ford and Webb 1956:125-126). Later, other means were proposed, means ranging from the activities of wandering merchants to ceremonial exchange systems connected with widespread festivals or religious proselytizing.

It seems that several Poverty Point villages, located north of the Poverty Point site, produced evidence that they were more directly involved with importation and exportation of certain rocks than was Poverty Point (Brasher 1973). In other words, these villages—Jaketown in Mississippi, Deep Bayou in southeastern Arkansas, and others—seemed to have been important trade outposts, where exotic materials, moving southward from northern source areas, were amassed and then locally distributed. The remainder, perhaps the surplus or a quota, was then sent on to the primary trade “market,” the huge town at Poverty Point. There, a major share of imported materials was consumed by folks living in the “city limits” and by their neighbors in little surrounding hamlets.

From Poverty Point, significant quantities of exotic raw materials were shipped further southward all the way to the Gulf of Mexico. At least some southbound exports were prefabricated before shipment. South Louisiana “markets” received a variety of raw materials but not a full array.

Several considerations are crucial to understanding Poverty Point trade. First, materials from outside the region, as well as local materials, were traded. Second, Poverty Point territories, though scattered and widely separated, lay on or near an interconnected system of waterways ultimately tied to the Mississippi River. This certainly supports the belief of the importance of waterborne transport, especially in view of the bulk of some imported materials. Third, geographic location looms as a major factor in import-export operations. There can be no question of the importance of the principal town of Poverty Point in the entire trade network. This major settlement did not fall at the geographic center of the exchange area but near the common junction of the major rivers that served as trade routes. Along these rivers between Poverty Point and sources of exotic materials were the trade outposts.

There are several equally plausible ways of looking at Poverty Point trade based on our presently limited knowledge. There are additionally many things we will probably never be able to find out, such as the motivation for trade and the circumstances under which it transpired among participating communities. For example, were trade relationships based on common political alliances or allegiances? Were religious ties paramount? Were purely capitalistic motives involved? Although we do not understand why it occurred, we are beginning to understand its mechanics a little better. The following is offered as one plausible reconstruction of _how_ Poverty Point trade might have operated.

The capital of Poverty Point trade was the giant town of Poverty Point. It was the hub—the one place where all trade lines converged. It was the place where raw material and commodity shipments were destined. Other villages, located on rivers which joined Poverty Point with source areas of exotic materials, became important as trade outposts—gateway communities more directly involved with primary acquisition and initial relay of materials. It is probable that these outposts, like Jaketown and Deep Bayou, maintained rather exclusive connections with the peoples who were directly responsible for quarrying or collecting trade materials or through whom such materials had to first circulate. After amassing stocks of raw materials and extracting that portion essential for local use, these trade outposts then shipped the bulk of the commodities on to Poverty Point.

Some materials acquired by these gateway outposts never seem to have been passed on to the ultimate marketplace and others were sent on in small quantities compared with amounts actually obtained. It seems that each outpost had its own preferences for materials and that those supplies were used first to satisfy local needs before being exported. Yet some raw materials appear to have passed through these outposts without major local withdrawals. Perhaps Poverty Point was able to exercise monopolies on certain materials, though the ultimate source of power or persuasion used to insure them is unknown.

Once materials arrived at Poverty Point, several things seem to have happened. The lion’s share appears to have been consumed locally, mainly at the Poverty Point site itself but also within its immediately surrounding communities. The remaining portion seems to have been earmarked for movement on down river. Some southbound materials were passed on in rough, or unmodified condition, but some were trimmed and partially shaped. Some finished goods or artifacts also were distributed to southern consumers. What might have been given in exchange by these folks who lived in “rockless” areas of south Louisiana and south Mississippi is unknown but perishable goods are often mentioned in this connection. Limited trade in finished goods westward across southern Arkansas and northern Louisiana has also been documented.

It should be reemphasized that this reconstruction of Poverty Point trade is speculative. It is based on current data and current appreciation of prehistoric trade relationships. Yet there are many things we do not understand about Poverty Point trade, and the final word on this subject has not yet been spoken.

A FINAL APPRAISAL

The preceding view of Poverty Point culture has been written much like an ethnographer might have described it if he had been able to go back some 3000 years in the past. Unfortunately, time travel and direct observation of extinct cultures are beyond our capabilities, and that is why much of the Poverty Point story must be written with such words as: seems, appears, perhaps, maybe, and other equivocal terms. The Poverty Point story is a patchwork of facts, hypotheses, guesses, and speculations. Often there are many different ways to look at the same set of data. This is why there are so many alternative interpretations and differences of opinion among archaeologists who study this fascinating culture. This should not be mistaken for a bad state of affairs. It is good and healthy. It is a sign to all that much remains to be done before we can present a detailed picture in which everyone can be confident.

But more than agreement or disagreement is the responsibility thrust upon everyone—archaeologist and public alike—who thirst for understanding of humankind. Poverty Point represents a charge and a commitment. The proud people who were carriers of Poverty Point culture are all dead. But the things they created, their magnificent achievements, their contributions to the saga of human development on this planet live on. Theirs is a legacy worth understanding.

REFERENCES CITED

Baker, William S., Jr. and Clarence H. Webb

1978 Burials at the Cowpen Slough site (16CT147). _Louisiana Archaeological Society, Newsletter_ 5(2):16-18.

Brasher, Ted. J.

1973 _An investigation of some central functions of Poverty Point._ Unpublished M.A. thesis, Northwestern State University, Natchitoches.

Bruseth, James E.

1980 Intrasite structure at the Claiborne site. In Caddoan and Poverty Point archaeology: essays in honor of Clarence Hungerford Webb, edited by Jon L. Gibson. _Louisiana Archaeology_ 6 for 1979:283-318.

Byrd, Kathleen M.

1978 Zooarchaeological remains. In The peripheries of Poverty Point, by Prentice M. Thomas, Jr. and L. Janice Campbell. _New World Research Report of Investigations_ 12:238-244.

Byrd, Kathleen M. and Robert W. Neuman

1978 Archaeological data relative to prehistoric subsistence in the Lower Mississippi Alluvial Valley, edited by Sam B. Hilliard. _Geoscience and Man_ 19:9-21.

Duhe, Brian

1976 Preliminary evidence of a seasonal fishing activity at Bayou Jasmine. _Louisiana Archaeology_ 3:33-74.

Ford, James A.

1955 The puzzle of Poverty Point. _Natural History_ 64(9):466-472.

Ford, James A.

1969 A comparison of Formative cultures in the Americas, diffusion of the psychic unity of man. _Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology_ 11.

Ford, James A., Philip Phillips, and William G. Haag

1955 The Jaketown site in West-Central Mississippi. _American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers_ 45(1).

Ford, James A. and Clarence H. Webb

1956 Poverty Point, a Late Archaic site in Louisiana. _American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers_ 46(1).

Gagliano, Sherwood M. and Clarence H. Webb

1970 Archaic-Poverty Point transition at the Pearl River mouth. In The Poverty Point Culture, edited by Bettye J. Broyles and Clarence H. Webb. _Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Bulletin_ 12:47-72.

Giardino, Marco

1981 (Untitled). Unpublished MS, on file with author, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana.

Gibson, Jon L.

1973 _Social systems at Poverty Point, an analysis of intersite and intrasite variability._ Ph.D. dissertation, Southern Methodist University. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

1974 Poverty Point, the first North American chiefdom. _Archaeology_ 27(2):96-105.

1975 Fire pits at Mount Bayou (16CT35), Catahoula Parish, Louisiana. _Louisiana Archaeology_ 2:201-218.

Haag, William G. and Clarence H. Webb

1953 Microblades at Poverty Point sites. _American Antiquity_ 18(3):245-248.

Hunter, Donald G.

1975 Functional analysis of Poverty Point clay objects. _Florida Anthropologist_ 28(1):57-71.

Jackson, H. Edwin

1981 Recent research on Poverty Point period subsistence and settlement systems: test excavations at the J. W. Copes site in northeast Louisiana. _Louisiana Archaeology_ 8:73-86.

Kuttruff, Carl

1975 The Poverty Point site: north sector test excavation. _Louisiana Archaeology_ 2:129-151.

Shea, Andrea B.

1978 Botanical remains. In The peripheries of Poverty Point, by Prentice M. Thomas, Jr. and L. Janice Campbell. _New World Research Report of Investigations_ 12:245-260.

Smith, Brent W.

1974 A preliminary identification of faunal remains from the Claiborne site. _Mississippi Archaeology_ 9(5):1-14.

Webb, Clarence H.

1944 Stone vessels from a northeast Louisiana site. _American Antiquity_ 9(4):386-394.

1971 Archaic and Poverty Point zoomorphic locust beads. _American Antiquity_ 36(1):105-114.

1977 The Poverty Point culture. _Geoscience and Man_ 17.

Woodiel, Deborah K.

1981 Survey and excavation at the Poverty Point site, 1978. _Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Bulletin_ 24:9-11.

Anthropological Study Series

No. 1 On the Tunica Trail by Jeffrey P. Brain No. 2 The Caddo Indians of Louisiana by Clarence H. Webb & Hiram F. Gregory No. 3 The Role of Salt in Eastern North American Peoples by Ian Brown No. 4 El Nuevo Constante by Charles E. Pearson, et al. No. 5 Preserving Louisiana’s Legacy by Nancy W. Hawkins No. 6 Louisiana Prehistory by Robert W. Neuman & Nancy W. Hawkins No. 7 Poverty Point by Jon L. Gibson

Publications can be obtained by writing

Division of Archeology P.O. Box 44242 Baton Rouge, LA

Transcriber’s Notes

—Silently corrected a few typos.

—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is a government public document, and can be freely copied and distributed.

—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.