did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe,

and after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and tying them to a pole which he erects in a pile of stones. Those who intend to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped for the expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until he has gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp after the sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued until sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place 6 or 7 miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and again rides off alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow him in single file. When they have reached his halting place he tells them to dismount and let their horses graze. They all then seat themselves on the ground on the left of the leader, forming a semicircle facing the sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, pointing the stem of the pipe upward, he prays toward the sun, asking that they may find an abundance of game, that dead shots may be made, so that their ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for their enemies; that they may easily find their enemies and kill them; that they may be preserved from wounds and death. He makes his petition four times, then lights his pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of smoke skyward as incense to the sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor who smokes and passes it on to the next. It is passed from one to another toward the left, until all have smoked, the leader refilling it as often as necessary. They then proceed to their next camp, where probably others join them. The same programme is carried out for three or four days before the party is prepared for action.

Fig. 766.--Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and gave many presents. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The two chieftains are easily recognized by the name characteristic over their heads. They have between them the war eagle pipe--specifically, but erroneously, called calumet by some writers.

Fig. 767.--Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast to which he invited all the young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. A memorandum is added that he failed to persuade them.

Fig. 768.--The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1852-’53.

Fig. 769.--Danced calumet dance before going to war. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The specially ornamented pipe becomes the conventional symbol for the ceremonial organization of a war party.

Fig. 770 represents an Alaskan in the water killing a walrus. The illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco.

The carving, Fig. 771, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882. Interpretations were verified by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed.

_a_ is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, while the right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right represents a “Shaman stick” surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a “good spirit,” in memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the grave stick had been erected to the memory of his wife.

_b_ represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is unknown.

_c_ signifies that one man, the designer, shot and killed another with an arrow.

_d_ denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a dog sledge.

_e_ is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that was the manner in which the voyage was best made.

_f_, a dog sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The radiating lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, are the rays of the sun.

_g_, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and arrows, to keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as holding a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents the fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the lodge to the vertical partition line show in outline the subterranean entrance to the lodge.

_h_, a pine tree upon which a porcupine is crawling upward.

_i_, a pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvæ for food.

_j_, a bear.

_k_, the designer in his boat holding aloft his double-bladed paddle to drive fish into a net.

_l_, an assistant fisherman driving fish into the net.

_m_, the net.

The figure over the man (_l_) represents a whale, with harpoon and line attached, caught by the narrator.

Many customs, such, for instance, as the peculiar arrangement of hair in any tribe, are embodied in their pictorial designation by other tribes and often by themselves. Numerous examples are presented in this paper.

In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 45 et seq., is the text relating to the collection of Mendoza, in Vol. I, Pls. LVIII, to LXII, inclusive, here presented as Pls. XXXIV to XXXVIII. The textual language is preserved with some condensation.

Pl. XXXIV exhibits the customs of the Mexicans at the birth of a male or female infant; the right and ceremony of naming the children and of afterwards dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the military profession.

As soon as the mother was delivered of the infant they put it into a cradle and when it was 4 days old the midwife took the infant in her arms, naked, and carried it into the court of the mother’s house, in which court was strewed reeds, or rushes, which they call tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of water in which the midwife bathed the infant; and after she had bathed it 3 boys being seated near the said rushes, eating roasted maize mixed with boiled beans, which kind of food they named yxcue, which provision or paste they set before the said boys in order that they might eat it. After the bathing, or washing, the midwife desired the boys to pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a new name on the infant which had been thus bathed; and the name that they gave it was that which the midwife wished. They first carried out the infant to bathe it. If it was a boy they carried him, holding his symbol in his hand, which symbol was the instrument which the father of the infant employed either in the military profession or in his trade, whether it was that of a goldsmith, jeweller, or any other; and the said ceremony having been gone through, the midwife delivered the infant to his mother. But if the infant was a girl the symbol with which they carried her to be bathed was a spinning wheel and distaff, with a small basket and a handful of brooms which were the things which would afford her occupation when she arrived at a proper age.

They offered the umbilical cord of the male infant together with the shield and arrows, the symbols with which they carried him to be bathed, in that spot and place where war was likely to happen with their enemies, where they buried them in the earth; and they did the same with that of the female infant, which they in the same way buried beneath the metate or stone on which they ground meal.

After these ceremonies, when twenty days had expired, the parents of the infant went with it to the temple, or mesquita, which they called calmecac, and in the presence of their alfaquis presented the infant with its offering of mantles and maxtles, together with some provision; and after the infant had been brought up by its parents, as soon as it arrived at the proper age, they delivered him to the superior of the said mezquita, that he might be there instructed in order that he might afterwards become an alfaqui; but if the parents resolved that when the infant attained a fit age he should go and serve in the military profession, they immediately offered him to the master, making a promise of him, which master of the young men and boys was named Teachcauh or Telpuchtlato; which offering they accompanied with a present of provisions and other things for its celebration; and when the infant attained a fit age they delivered him up to the said master.

In the plate _a_ is a woman lately delivered; the four roses, _b_, signify four days, at the completion of which period the midwife carried forth the new born infant to be bathed; _c_, is the cradle with the infant; _d_, the midwife; _e_, the symbols; _f_, _g_, _h_, the three boys who named the new-born infant; _i_, the rushes, with the small vessel of water; _j_, the brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket; _k_, the father of the infant; _l_, the superior alfaqui; _m_, the infant in the cradle, whose parents are offering it at the mezquita; _n_, the mother of the girl; _o_, the master of the boys and young men.

Kingsborough’s Pl. LIX--here Pl. XXXV, treats of the time and manner in which the Mexicans instructed their children how they ought to live.

The first section shows how parents corrected their children of 3 years old by giving them good advice, and the quantity of food which they allowed them at each meal was half a roll.

The three circles, _a_, indicate 3 years of age; _b_, denotes the father of the boy; _c_, the boy; _d_, the half of a roll; _e_, the mother of the girl; _f_, the half of a roll; _g_, the girl of 3 years of age.

The second section represents the parents employed in the same way, in instructing their children when they attained 4 years of age, when they began to exercise them by bidding them to do a few slight things. The quantity of food which they gave them at each meal was a roll.

The father of the boy is shown at _h_; the boy, 4 years of age, at _i_; _j_, a roll; _k_, the mother of the girl; _l_, a roll; _m_, the girl of 4 years.

The third section shows how the parents employed and exercised their sons of 5 years of age in tasks of bodily strength; for example, in carrying loads of wood of slight weight, and in sending them with light bundles to the tianquez or market place; and the girls of this age received lessons how they ought to hold the distaff and the spinning wheel. Their allowance of food was a roll.

In this section, _n_ shows the father of the boy; _o_, two boys of 5 years of age; _p_, a roll; _q_, a roll; _r_, the mother of the girl; _s_, a roll; _t_, the girl of 5 years of age.

The fourth section shows how parents exercised and employed their sons of 6 years in personal services, that they might be of some assistance to their parents; as also in the tianquez, or market places, in picking up from the ground the grains of maize which lay scattered about, and the beans and other trifling things which those who resorted to the market had dropped. The girls were set to spin, and employed in other useful tasks that they might hereafter, through the said tasks and works, sedulously shun idleness in order to avoid the bad habits which idleness is accustomed to cause. The allowance of food which was given to the boys at each meal was a roll and a half.

The father of the two boys appears at _u_; two boys of 6 years old at _v_; _w_, a roll and a half; _x_, the mother of the girl: _y_, a roll and a half; _z_, the girl of 6 years old.

Pl. LX, here Pl. XXXVI, treats of the time and manner in which the native Mexicans instructed and corrected their sons, that they might learn to avoid all kinds of sloth and to keep themselves constantly exercised in profitable things. It is divided into four sections.

The first section shows how fathers employed their sons of 7 years old in giving them nets to fish with; and mothers occupied their daughters in spinning and in giving them good advice. The allowance of food which they gave to their sons at each meal was a roll and a half.

The seven points, _a_, signify seven years; _b_, is the father of the boys; _c_, a roll and a half; _d_, the boy of 7 years old whose father is instructing him how to fish with the net which he holds in his hands; _e_, the mother of the girls; _f_, a roll and a half; _g_, the girl of 7 years whom her mother is teaching how to spin.

The second section declares how fathers chastised their sons of 8 years of age, threatening them with thorns of the aloe, that in case of negligence and disobedience to their parents they should be punished with the said thorns. The boys accordingly weep for fear. The quantity of food which they allowed them consisted of a roll and a half.

The eight points, _h_, signify eight years; _i_, the father of the boys; _j_, a roll and a half; _k_, the boy of 8 years, whose father threatens him in case of ill behavior to inflict public punishment upon him with thorns; _l_, thorns of the aloe; _m_, the mother of the girls; _n_, a roll and a half; _o_, the girl of 8 years of age, whose mother threatens her with thorns of the aloe in case of ill behavior; _p_, thorns of the aloe.

The third section declares how fathers punished with the thorn of the aloe their sons of 9 years of age, when they were incorrigible and rebellious toward their parents, by running the said thorns into their shoulders and bodies. They also corrected their daughters by pricking their hands with thorns. The allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half.

The nine points, _q_, signify nine years; _r_, a roll and a half; _s_, the father of the boys; _t_, a boy of 9 years old being found to be incorrigible, his father runs thorns of the aloe into his body; _u_, the mother of the girls; _v_, a roll and a half; _w_, the girl of 9 years old and her mother, who corrects her for her negligence by pricking her hands with thorns.

The fourth section shows how fathers chastised their sons of 10 years of age, when they were refractory, by inflicting blows upon them with a stick and threatening them with other punishments. The quantity and allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half.

The ten points, _x_, signify ten years; _y_, a roll and a half; _z_, the father of the boys; _aa_, the boy of 10 years old, whose father is correcting him with a stick; _bb_, the mother of the girl; _cc_, a roll and a half; _dd_, the girl of 10 years old, whose mother is correcting her with a stick.

Pl. LXI, here Pl. XXXVII, is in three sections.

The first section explains that when a boy of 11 years of age disregarded verbal reproof, his parents obliged him to inhale smoke of axi through the nostrils, which was a cruel and severe punishment, that he might be sorry for such conduct and not turn out worthless and abandoned, but on the contrary employ his time in profitable things. They gave boys of such an age bread, which consisted of rolls, only by allowance, that they might learn not to be gormandizers or gluttons. Girls received similar discipline.

The eleven points, _a_, signify eleven years; _b_, a roll and a half; _c_, the father of the boys; _d_, the boy of 11 years of age, whose father is punishing him by obliging him to inhale through the nostrils the smoke of dried axi; _e_, the smoke or vapor of axi; _f_, the mother of the girls; _g_, the girl of 11 years, whose mother is punishing her by making her breathe smoke of axi; _h_, a roll and a half; _i_, the smoke of axi.

The second section represents that when boys or girls of 12 years of age would not submit to the reproof or advice of their parents, the father took the boy and tied his hands and feet and laid him naked on the ground in some damp and wet place, in which situation he kept him for a whole day, in order that by this punishment he might amend and fear his displeasure. And the mother obliged the girl of the said age to work by night before break of day, employing her in sweeping the house and the street and continually occupying her in personal tasks. They gave them food likewise by allowance.

The points, _j_, indicate twelve years; _k_, a roll and a half; _l_, the father of the boys; _m_, the boy of 12 years of age, stretched upon the wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for a whole day; the painting at _n_ signifies the night; _o_, the mother of the girls; _p_, a roll and a half; _q_, the girl of 12 years of age, who is employed by night in sweeping.

The third section of this plate represents that boys and girls of 13 years of age were occupied by their parents, the boys in fetching wood from the mountains and in bringing reed grass and other litter in canoes for the use of the house; and the girls in grinding meal and making bread, and preparing other articles of food for their parents. They gave the boys for their allowance of food two rolls each at each meal.

The father of the boys is represented at _r_; the points, _s_, indicate thirteen years; _t_, two rolls; _u_, the boy of 13 years old, who brings a load of reed grass; _v_, the boy in a canoe, with bundles of canes; _w_, the mother of the girls; _x_, the girl of 13 years of age, who makes cakes and prepares articles of food; _y_, two cakes; _z_, a bowl; _aa_, the comali; _bb_, a pot for boiling provisions in and two cakes.

The fourth section of this plate represents how their parents employed and occupied a boy or girl of 14 years of age, the boy in going in a canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl in the task of weaving a piece of cloth. Their allowance of food was two rolls.

The fourteen points, _cc_, represent fourteen years; _dd_, two rolls; _ee_, the father of the boys; _ff_, the boy of 14 years of age, who goes out fishing with his canoe; _gg_, the mother of the girls; _hh_, two rolls; _ii_, the girl of 14 years, who is occupied in weaving; _jj_, the web and occupation of weaving.

The figures of Pl. LXII, here Pl. XXXVIII, are in two sections.

Those contained in the first section signify that the father, who had sons nearly grown up, carried them to the two houses represented in the plate; either to the house of the master, who taught and instructed the young men, or to the mezquita, accordingly as the lad was himself inclined, and committed him to the care of the superior Alfaqui or to the master of the boys, to be educated, which lads it was fit should have attained the age of 15.

In this section _a_ is a youth of 15 years of age, whose father delivers him up to the superior Alfaqui, that he might receive him as an Alfaqui; _b_ is the Tlamazqui, who is the superior Alfaqui; _c_, the mezquita, named Calmecac; _d_, the father of these two youths; _e_, a young man of 15, whose father delivers him up to the master that he might teach and instruct him; _f_, the teachcauh or master; _g_, the seminary where they educated and taught the young men, which was called cuincacali; _h_, fifteen years.

The second section of the plate signifies the laws and usages which they followed and observed in marriages. The ceremony consisted in the female negotiator, who arranged the nuptials, carrying on her back on the first night of the wedding the betrothed woman, accompanied by four women with blazing torches of resinous fir, who attended to light her on the way; and having arrived at the house of the man to whom she was engaged, the parents of the betrothed man went out to receive her in the court of the house and conducted her to an apartment where the man expected her; and seating the betrothed couple on a mat on which were placed seats, near a hearth of fire, they took them and tied them to each other by their clothes and offered incense of copal to their gods. Two old men and two women afterward delivered a separate discourse to the newly married couple and set food before them, which they presently ate; and after their repast was over, the two old men and women gave good advice to the married pair, telling them how they ought to conduct themselves and to live, and by what means they might pass their lives in tranquillity.

The square inclosure, _i_, is the apartment; _j_, the old man; _k_, the hearth, of fire; _l_, the wife; _m_, copal (the latter is not shown in the drawing, but the copal is between the marrying couple); _n_, the husband; _o_, the old woman; _p_, the old man; _q_, food; _r_, a mat; _s_, food; _t_, an old woman; _u_, a pitcher of pulque; _v_, a cup; _w_, _x_, the women lighting the bride on her way with torches, when on the first night of the wedding they accompany her to the house of the bridegroom; _y_, the female negotiator; _z_, the bride; _aa_, _bb_, women lighting the bride and bridegroom on the first night of their wedding.

SECTION 3.

GAMES.

Many accounts of the games of the Indians have been published, but they are not often connected with pictography. Those now presented refer to the picturing connected with only three games.

Fig. 772.--A dead man was used in the ring-and-pole game. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1779-’80.

The figure represents the stick and ring used in the game of haka, with a human head in front to suggest that the corpse took the place of the usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate the game.

Fig. 773.--It was an intensely cold winter and a Dakota froze to death. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1777-’78.

The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it, is above the man’s head. A haka-stick, which is used in playing that game, is represented in front of him.

Battiste Good’s record further explains the illustration by the account that the Dakota was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but the Pawnees found it, and, as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into their camp and played haka with it.

The characters _a_ and _b_, Fig. 774, represent one point of view of two of a set of Haida gambling sticks, real size. They are made of juniper or some other similar wood, and neatly carved with diverse figures. The game is played by any number of persons, and it would seem with any number of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile of shredded cedar bark in front of him, and with much ceremony draws out the sticks one by one without looking at them and passes them to the players, in turn, who sit in front of him.

Each device counts a certain number, in a manner similar to the devices on ordinary playing cards, and the winning is by the high and low or the definite and specific values of the sticks decided upon in variations of the games. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate the characters on them, _c_ is presented, which shows the whole round of the character _b_. This exhibits the typical Haida style. An excellent collection of these pictured sticks is in the U. S. National Museum, No. 73552.

Dr. Fewkes (_c_) reports as follows:

Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is one of ethnological interest, which is allied to a game described by the early Spanish historians of the Mexicans. This game, to-to-lós-pi, resembles somewhat the game of checkers and can be played by two persons or by two parties. In playing the game a rectangular figure, divided into a large number of squares, is drawn upon the rock, either by scratching or by using a different colored stone as a crayon. (Figures of this game formerly existed on the rocks near the village of Wál-pi.) A diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta, is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the players station themselves at each end of this line.

When two parties play, a single person acts as player and the other members of the party act as advisers. The first play is won by tossing up a leaf or corn husk with one side blackened. The pieces which are used are bean or corn kernels, stones, and wood, or small fragments of any substance of marked color. The players were stationed at each end of the diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta. They move their pieces upon this line, but never across it. The moves which are made are intricate and the player may move one or more pieces successively. Certain positions entitle him to this privilege. He may capture or, as he terms it, kill one or more of his opponent’s pieces at one play. In this respect the game is not unlike checkers, and to capture the pieces of the opponent seems to be the main object of the game. The checkers, however, must be concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner.

This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, but is still used at O-rai-be. It is said to have been played in ancient times by the sun and moon or by other mythical personages.

Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles give an account of a Mexican game called patolli, which was played with colored stones. The squares were made of a cross-shaped figure, and the stones were moved according to the throws of beans which were marked upon one side.

A discussion of the “ghost gamble,” with many illustrations, some of which show marks which, in a broad sense, may be classed as pictographic, is published in the paper “Study of the mortuary customs of the North American Indians,” by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (_a_), U. S. Army.

Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d’Azil, in the department of the Ariège, France, have lately awakened some discussion. These pebbles were selected as being narrow and flat, and, with rare exceptions, are no more than 9 centimeters in length. They were colored with red oxide of iron. Many of the designs could have been made by the end of a finger anointed with the coloring matter, but others would have required a small pencil. The coloring matter was thick and probably fixed by grease or glue, which time has destroyed. The color now disappears on the least rubbing. Its preservation until now has been owing to the fact that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery layer where they were deposited. Only one of the faces of the pebbles bears a design, and generally their border is ornamented by a narrow band of red, resembling a frame to the design, the color being applied in the same manner as to the latter. Fig. 775 gives examples though without color of these pebbles. They are selected from a plate in L’Anthropologie (_d_) illustrating the text by Émile Cartailbac, who declines to offer any hypothesis concerning the use of these objects. But to an observer familiar with the gambling games of the North American Indians in which marked plum stones, and similar objects are employed, these stained flat pebbles at once suggest their use to decide the values in a game by the several designs and by the pebbles falling on the figured or on the unmarked side.