Part 34

Now let any one compute our losses in the moderate way that I have done, and he will easily see, that they cannot be less than this number; and consequently we are far from increasing. And indeed it is evident from the number of empty houses thro’ the kingdom, mentioned above, _viz._ one in seventeen, or 58,000, and one in twelve of those that are taxed within the bills of mortality. For it is impossible, if we were increasing, that there could be so many empty; And therefore the appearance of so much building is only the effect of our luxury, requiring larger, more convenient, and more elegant houses, and not caused by our increase.

However, the Gentleman objects to all this, and says, that he has examined the Registers of some neighbouring parishes, and particularly of three that are perfect; and he finds, that the burials are to the baptisms as 83 to 149; which may possibly be the case, as I myself have known it in one parish in the Isle of Wight, where the place is healthy, and people generally marry. But does he imagine that this proportion is general all over England? If so, we should increase in a rapid manner indeed! for then we should double our people in 35 years, if it were not for our losses; which no reasonable man will venture to say. He does not reflect, that in many country places, from their bad situation, there is very little increase, and in some towns none at all, and in others a decrease, continually supplied from the neighbouring country. Within the bills of mortality there are annually 5000 burials more than the births; and consequently, to maintain our numbers here, there must be a yearly supply of 5000; which destroys the whole increase of six or seven counties. And Dr. Derham found, from the accounts he had of country parishes, that in general among them the proportion of births to burials was not greater than 117 to 100, as we mentioned above; so that nothing can be concluded from particular healthy places. The question is, what is the result upon the whole thro’ the kingdom? what is the general proportion of the births to burials, from which the increase is to be estimated? and which Sir William Petty says is 111 to 100, and Dr. Derham as 112 to 100. See if he can disprove these numbers by putting together all the different accounts from every corner, among the towns as well as the country; and if he cannot, to argue only from a few instances is nothing to the purpose; for where there is a multitude of different cases, they must all be considered, to arrive at the general truth. But even in the particulars he mentions, he has not completed his argument; for, to make it conclusive, he should have shewn, that, within these last forty years, the time, he thinks, of our great increase, in those parishes the number of houses or people were increased, in proportion almost as the births were above the burials, as 149 to 83: and if that cannot be made to appear, it is plain, that, for all he has said, the annual increase may be constantly consumed by our losses.

And now the worthy Gentleman having endeavoured to shew, from the case of a few parishes in the country, that we are in an increasing state, he proceeds to give me his serious advice in two particulars:

_First_, That I would reconsider a proposition advanced by me, That all reasonable ways of increasing our people, even to the naturalizing of foreigners, would be for the public welfare. In answer to which kind admonition I must say, that I have often considered the thing, as far as I can; and I think this may be easily shewn against any political writer. That it is the interest of a government, when they have powerful and dangerous neighbours, to increase their people by all reasonable means, even to the inviting of foreigners, so far as the natural produce of the country can sustain them; and that it is the fault or weakness of an administration not to be able to employ them. And in Britain, where they can have the assistance of the produce of so many large and fruitful countries of their own in America, I will venture to say, that it is an error in their policy, not to endeavour to increase their people; by which they might be more formidable, and perhaps stronger than their grand Enemy. The present King of Prussia has shewn the utility of this within his dominions; by which he has been enabled to make such a figure in Europe.

The _second_ thing he admonishes me to reconsider is, That I have supposed our commerce to be one cause of the loss of our fencible men. And who in the world doubts of it, but himself! Do shipwrecks, the disasters and inclemency of the sea, the scurvy, _&c._ beget people? But he will say, without these we could not have trade, which employs great numbers of our people; and therefore, what we lose, we may gain another way. And just so he may say of our wars, that occasion the destruction of so many of our people, that they are no loss to us; for we gain by them in their consequences, in securing of our liberties and property, and by which our trade is preserved and promoted. But notwithstanding this, can it be said, that war does not diminish our fencible men! The truth is, trade increases riches, and gives more of the conveniences of life, and brings luxury along with it; but it does not necessarily breed people: For we see in those countries where they have little trade, the people increase much faster than they do with us, as appears from the Bills of mortality in Prussia; where the general proportion of the births to the burials is greater than it is here, _viz._ 4 to 3; and by which the people might double in 84 years, if it were not for their losses. (_Vid. Phil. Trans. vol._ xxxvi.) Which great increase, by the way, easily accounts for those vast swarms of people that came from thence and the adjacent countries in former ages, and over run all Europe. And therefore it is not so terrible a paradox, as he imagines, that possibly where there is much less trade the people may increase faster; for luxury and other vices, that come with trade, do not promote an increase.

And now, as he has been so good as to give me his advice, I will return the favour, and desire him to reconsider the method of reasoning by induction; which may possibly help him to escape some paralogisms, in arguing upon these subjects. And I would likewise recommend it to him to inquire diligently, whether the number of our houses in England be increased these last sixty years; which, according to his reasoning, ought at least to be doubled: For if there is no increase of the houses, there can be none of the people.

To conclude: He adds, that my doctrine, from beginning to end, to say the best of it, is ill-timed, when we are contending with our hereditary enemy, _pro aris & focis_. But here his zeal hurries him on, that he does not look to the dates of my Letters. For the first three were read before the Society, and ordered to be printed, long before the war was proclaimed; and as for the last, it is only a supplement to the rest; in which I have shewn, that France, by the bad œconomy of her people, is not in an increasing state; which, I think, is a comfortable hearing. But supposing they had been all printed during the war: What then? Is a fact to be concealed that, if discovered, may be useful to prevent errors in government, and rectify our notions of the œconomy of our people? What advantage can our enemies make of such a discovery? Will it encourage them to imagine that we shall be easier subdued, when they know, by the most moderate computation, we have at least two millions of fencible men in our British islands. Enough, surely, to resist them in all their attempts! But I doubt we are not so deficient in our numbers as in public virtue, without which the greatest multitude may be easily overcome.

And thus, my Lord, I have endeavoured to answer what this Gentleman has wrote in his second Letter; for I pass over the first, as it does not seem to contain any more in opposition to me, than what I have here considered. And upon the whole I cannot see, that he has said any thing to invalidate what I have formerly advanced. If I could discover it, I should be very ready to acknowlege my error. I am sensible I have made this reply too long; but I trust your usual benevolence to all our worthy Members will excuse me, who shall always esteem it an honour to be,

My Lord, Your Lordship’s Most obedient and faithful Servant, Wm. Brakenridge.

Sion-College, March 16. 1758.

+END+ of +PART+ I. +VOL.+ L.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Nom. Etymol. ad Calcem. Cat. Cant. p. 43. item Hist. Plant. p. 680.

[2] Bella-donna dicitur quod imaginationes non injucundas efficiat, vel ut honeste satis Plinius, quod lusum generet. Bod. Comment. in Theophr. p. 586 quod in somnis pulchras ostendat virgines feminasque. Ibid. p. 1078.

[3] Locis citatis.

[4] Oper. omnia edit C.B. p. 756.

[5] Ruell. in Dioscor. p. 536.

[6] Nomina generica quæ ex Græca vel Latina lingua radicem non habent rejicienda sunt.

[7] Atropos una furiarum. Crit. Botan. p. 75.

[8] See Lin. Syst. Naturæ, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1756. p. 97. No. 222.

[9] Mat. Med. lib. iv. cap. 69.

[10] See Sennert. lib. vi. par. 7. cap. 9.

[11] Stirpium Adversar. p. 103.

[12] Oper. Omn. p. 754.

[13] Rerum Scoticar. lib. vii.

[14] Ger. em. p. 341.

[15] Page 586.

[16] Quadripart. Botan. p. 488.

[17] Cicut. Aquat. Historia et Noxæ. Basil. 1716. p. 228.

[18] Histoire de l’Academie Royale. 1703.

[19] Hist. Plant. Lugd. Bat. Hort. p. 510.

[20] For August and September 1747, and for Sept. 1748.

[21] Page 329.

[22] Raii Hist. Plant. I. p. 681.

[23] Enumerat. Stirp. Helvet. p. 507.

[24] See Forestus, Etmuller, and the old chirurgical writers.

[25] Bibliotheque des Sciences et des beaux Arts pour les mois Jan. Fevr. Mars. 1755.

[26] Tiberii Lambergen Lectio inauguralis, sisters Ephemeriden persanati Carcinomatis. Groning. 1754.

[27] Dr. Van Swieten Comment. in Aphor. Boerh. sect. 492.

[28] Hom. Iliad. 23. _v._ 88.

[29] _Ut enim----si hoc fingamus, esse quasi finem----ita jacere talum, ut rectus assistat; qui ita talus erit jactus, ut cadat rectus_----Cic. de Fin. L. 3. §. 16. Ed. Verb.

[30] Vid. Dacier not. on Hor. L. ii. Od. 7, _v._ 25, &c.

[31] Τὸ δέ σχῆμα τοῦ κατά τὸν Ἀϛράγαλον Πτώματος Ἀριθμοῦ Δόξαν εἶχεν. Jul. Pollux. L. ix. c. 7.

[32] _Quatuor tali jacti casu venereum efficiunt._ Cic. de Div. L. i. §. 13. Ed. Verb.

[33] Mart. L. xiv. epig. 14.

[34] _Nec regna vini sortiere talis._ L. i. od. 4. _v._ 18.

[35] _Quem Venus artbitrum dicet bibendi?_ L. ii. od. 7. _v._ 25. Some think, that this cast was also named _basilicus_ from the usage here mentioned. Sanad. in Loc.

[36] Prop. L. iv. el. 9. _v._ 18.

[37] Jul. Pollux. L. ix. c. 7. Lubin. on Pers. sat. 3. _v._ 49, &c.

[38]

----_Quid dexter_ senio _ferret_, ----_Damnosa_ canicula _quantum_ Raderet----

Pers. sat. 3. _v._ 48.

[39] Dial. Ἀϛραγαλισμὸς.

[40] Sueton. C. Aug. §. 71.

[41] Sat. 3. _v._ 48. See Prat. not. in us. Delph. in loc.

[42] Hor. L. ii. sat 7. _v._ 17.

[43] Mart. L. xiv. epig. 16.

[44] Germ. Ant. Mon. p. 38.

[45] Not. on Hor. L. i. ep. 20. _v._ 2.

[46] Mem. lit. de l’Acad. des Inscrip. V. 9.

[47] Rerum Mem. L. ii. tit. 13.

[48] _Deum ipsum (Serapidem) multi Æsculapium--quidam Osirim--plerique Jovem--plurimi Ditem patrem insignibus, quæ in ipso manifesta, aut per ambages, conjectant._ Tac. His. L. iv. Εἷς Ζεὺς, εἷς Ἀΐδης, εἷς Ἥλιος ἐστὶ Σάραπις, Oraculum Apollinis apud M.A. Caus. Museum Rom. vol. ii. § 6. tab. 13.

[49] Antiq. T. ii. P. 2. pl. 121, 122.

[50] Porphyr. apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. iv. c. 23. Τοὺς δὲ πονηροὺς δαίμονας οὐκ εἰκῇ ὑπὸ Σάραπιν ὑποπτεύομεν, &c.

[51] Suppl. T. ii. L. vi. c. 10. Tab. xlviii.

[52] Montfaucon, ibid.

[53] Montfaucon, ibid.

[54] Vid. Observations sur les Antiquités d’Herculaneum, _&c._ par Mess. Cochin & Bellicard, p. 83, Paris 1755.

[55] Within two miles of this place there is a steel Spaw of good repute for the performance of several extraordinary cures, which gives the same tincture with galls, and appears in every respect to be the same with the water, that flows from this level.

[56] The proportions were adjusted according to the carat weights, as it is by these, that the fineness of gold is usually expressed: A carat is the twenty-fourth part of the whole compound: thus gold of so many carats is a composition, of which so many twenty-fourths are fine gold, and the rest an inferior metal.

[57] Observations sur les Antiquités d’Herculaneum, _&c._ p. 82

[58] For a more particular account of this statue, now in the palace at Portici, I beg leave to refer you to a paper of mine read before the Royal Society on Feb. 24, last.

[59] Dio. L. xl.

[60] Suet. Vesp. c. 7.

[61] For authorities, see Middleton’s Germana Antiq. Mon. p. 152.

[62] Pliny (L. ix. ep. 39.) acquainting his architect with his purpose to repair a temple of Ceres, which was upon his estate, says, _Nullum in proximo suffugium aut imbris, aut solis. Videor ergo munifice simul religioseque facturum, si ædi, quam pulcherrimam exstruxero, addidero porticus: illam ad usum deæ, has ad hominum._ That these portico’s commonly inclosed the whole site of the ancient temples, as in this at Pozzuoli, seems implied in what follows: _Quantum ad porticus, nihil interim occurrit, quod videatur esse istinc repetendum: nisi tamen, ut formam secundum rationem loci scribas; neque enim possunt circumdari templo: nam solum templi hinc flumine--hinc viâ cingitur._

[63] Mess. Cochin and Bellicard seem to think this room was intended for another purpose, by their calling the funnels under the holes in the seats of it, _conduits des fosses d’aisance_. Which of the two hypothesis’s is to be preferred, I submit to the judgment of the learned; or rather, whether both of them may not be admitted, as in no-wise incompatible the one with the other.

[64] Vitruvius Lib. iii. cap. 3. _Gradus in fronte ita constituendi sunt, uti sint semper impares: namque cum dextro pede primus gradus ascendatur, item in templo primus erit ponendus._

[65] The learned Abbate de Venuti, F.R.S. and Antiquary to the Pope at Rome, has lately by letter favoured me with an ingenious account of this phænomenon; tho’ he mentions the granite columns only as affected by it. _Cùm columnæ, quæ circumibant templum, excavarentur e terrâ, quâ erant partim abrutæ----minutissimæ conchæ, quæ ex testaceorum genere sunt, atque in saxorum rimulis prope mare reperiuntur, ideoque a vulgo_ Trutti di Mare _appellatæ, columnas hasce (i. e. Thebaicas) quam sæpissimè perforaverant, sese componentes, veluti apes in alveari, cùm essent sejunctæ integumentis ex ipso lapide subtilissimis_.--

[66] Vid. p. 168.

[67] Nec alius a Διονύσω sive sole est Δυσάρης, sive Δουσάρης, vel Δευσάρης. Quæ vox (ut suspicor) conflata ex דוץ _Dutz_ et ארץ _Aretz_. Quorum prius (_gaudium_) alterum notat (_terram_) ut notat _lætitiam terræ_, sive mortalium. Nam Liber sive sol lætitiâ implet mortales, maturando fruges, et uvas, unde de vino sic Maro,

_Munera lætitiamque Dei._ Æn. i.

Dusarem verò esse Arabum numen indicat locus ille Tertulliani in Apolog. c. 24. “Unicuique etiam provinciæ et civitati suus deus est. Ut Syriæ Astartes; _ut Arabiæ Disares_.”

Etiam apud Stephanum sive Hermolaum Byzantium--Δυσάρη--σκόπελος ϗ κορυφὴ ὑψηλοτάτη Αραβίας. Ἒιρηται δὲ ἀπό τοῦ Δυσάρου. Θεὸς δὲ οὗτος παρὰ Ἂραψι ϗ Δαχαρηνοῖς τιμώμενος----Vossius de Idololat. L. ii. c. 8.

[68] Nicol. Haym Roman. _Del. Tesor. Britan._ Vol. ii. p. 36, 37. In Londra, 1720.

[69] J. Foy Vaill. in _Arsacid. Imper._ Parisiis, 1728. _Numism. Antiqu. Collect. a_ Thom. Pembroch. et Montis Gomer. Com. P. 2. T. 76. Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 30-38.

[70] Montfauc. _Palæograph. Græc._ p. 123, 124, 125. Parisiis, 1708.

[71] Idem ibid.

[72] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup.

[73] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup. p. 335, 341.

[74] Montfauc. ubi sup. p. 118, 119. Hadrian. Reland. _Palæstin. Illustrat._ Tom. ii. p. 1014, 1015, 1055. Trajecti Batavorum, 1714. I have a Latin dissertation in the press here, almost printed off, containing an explication of a considerable number of coins of Tyre and Sidon, with Phœnician legends upon them.

[75] _De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert._ p. 53-56. Oxon. 1750.

[76] _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlix. p. 593-607.

[77] _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlviii. p. 693.

[78] _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlviii. p. 693, 740.

[79] _Philosoph. Transact._ ubi sup.

[80] _Philosoph. Transact._ ibid.

[81] _Philosoph. Transact._ ubi sup. p. 693, 740.

[82] Chard. _Voyages en Perse_, &c. Tom. iii. p. 119. A Amsterdam 1711. _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlix. p. *597, *598.

[83] That the plural termination of PADESHAH, or SHAH, which, according to Khojah Asdhalo’ddîn, denoted originally the same thing, was AN, or perhaps ANE, in the days of Ammianus Marcellinus, there is good reason to believe; the word SAANSAA, KING OF KINGS, having been then used by the Persians, and handed down to us by that author. The term ΣΑΑ, SAA, equivalent to the Persic SHAH, KING, likewise occurs in Agathias, a writer of the sixth century. Should my explication of the Parthian legend of the coin before me meet with the approbation of the learned, it will perhaps be granted me, that the plural of PADESHAH, or PADESHA, amongst the Parthians was PADESHAN, if not PADESHANE, in the second century after CHRIST. Hyd. _Hist. Rel. Vet. Pers._ p. 416. Khojah Asdhalo’ddîn, D’Herbel. _Biblioth. Orient._ p. 767. Hadr. Reland. _Dissert._ viii. _de Vet. Ling. Pers._ p. 221, 222. Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. xix. cap. 2. Agath. Lib. iv. p. 135, 136. Parisiis, 1660. Ezech. Spanhem. _De Præstant. et Us. Numism. Antiquor._ Tom. i. p. 463-466. Lond. 1706.

[84] Hyd. _Hist. Rel. Vet. Pers._ p. 79. Oxon. 1700.

[85] D’Herbel. _Biblioth. Orient._ p. 699, 767. Hyd. ubi sup. Hadr. Reland. _Dissert._ viii. _de Vet. Ling. Pers._ p. 147. Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1707.

[86] Hyd. ubi sup. p. 326.

[87] Hyd. ubi sup. p. 18, 312.

[88] Matth. Hiller. _Onomast. Sacr._ p. 619. Hadr. Reland. ubi sup. p. 259-262.

[89] Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 33.

[90] J. Foy Vaill. & Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. & alib.

[91] Esth. c. x. _v._ 1.

[92] Scalig. _Prolegom. in Lib. de Emend. Temp._ p. 41. Col. Allobrog. 1629. & _Can. Isag._ s. 317. Matth. Hiller. ubi sup. p. 619, 620.

[93] Moses Chorenens. _Hist. Armen._ Lib. ii. iii. Theophil. Sigefr. Bayer. _Hist. Osrhoen. &c._ p. 97. Petropoli, 1734.

[94] Herodot. Lib. iv. c. 87.

[95] Epiphan. _Adv. Hær._ Lib. ii. Tom. ii. p. 629. Paris. 1622.

[96] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup. p. 339.

[97] Maffeius, in _Gall. Antiqu. Quæd. Select._ Epist. 22. p. 106. Parisiis, 1733.

[98] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup. p. 334, 335, 336, 339.

[99] Dio, Lib. lxxi. p. 802. _Imperator. Romanor. Numism. &c. Stud. & Cur._ Francisc. Mediobarb. Birag. p. 218. J. Foy Vaill. _Can. Chronologic. Reg. Parthor._ p. 41.

[100] Jul. Capitolin. in _M. Antonin. Philos._ et in _Ver._

[101] _Imperator. Romanor. Numism. &c. Stud. & Cur._ Francisc. Mediobarb. Birag. S.R.I. Com. &c. p. 220. Mediolani, 1683.

[102] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup. & in _Arsacid. Imper._ p. 338.

[103] Dio, Lib. lxxv. p. 853. J. Foy Vaill. in _Arsacid. Imper._ p. 356. & in _Can. Chronologic_. p. 42. Ludovic. Du Four de Longuerüe, Ab. S. Joan. de Jardo ad Melod. et Sept. Font. in Therasc. _Annal. Arsacidar._ p. 51. Argentorati, 1732. Erasm. Froelich, S. J. S. in _Dub. de Minnisar. Aliorumque Armen. Reg. Num. et Arsecidar, Epoch. nuper vulgat._ p. 66. Viennæ Austriæ, 1754.

[104] Edv. Corsin. Cl. Reg. Scholar. Piar. in Acad. Pisan. Humanior. Litterar. Profess. _De Minnisar. Aliorumq; Armen. Reg. Num. et Arsacid. Epoch. Dissertat._ p. 13-29. Liburni, 1754.

[105] Maff. in _Gall. Antiqu. Epist._ 22. p. 106.

[106] J. Foy Vaill. ubi sup. p. 338.

[107] Arrian. in _Parthic._ apud Photium, _Cod._ 58. & apud Syncell. in _Chronograph._ p. 226.

[108] Just. Lib. xli. c. 4.

[109] Athen. _Deipnosoph._ Lib. iv. c. 13.

[110] Corsin. ubi sup.

[111] Corsin. ubi sup. p. 2.

[112] Erasm. Froel. ubi sup. p. 72.

[113] Corsin. in _Ded. Nob. Vir._ Phil. Venut. p. 5.

[114] _Philosoph. Transact._ Vol. xlviii. p. 693, 740.

[115] Ptol. _Tab. Urb. Insign._ p. 39. Ed. Huds. Oxon. 1712.

[116] J. Foy Vaill. in _Arsacid. Imper._ pass.

[117] Hamdalla Ism. Abu’lfed. Mohammed Al Firauzabad. Nassîr Al Tûsi, Ulugh Beik, &c. Golii not. ad Alfragan. p. 200-204.

[118] Upon inquiry, I find, that no such thing was taken notice of in Northumberland; so it probably has not extended any further to the eastward, than the skirts of our own county.

[119] In an adjoining bleach-yard, a piece of cloth, which had been left out all night, was turned yellow; and was not without some difficulty washed out again. Some also, which was spread out the next day, contracted the same colour.

[120] The wind was westerly, and consequently would sweep the Irish sea.

[121] No rain, or however very little, during the hurricane.

[122] Mr. Derham, in his Physico Theology.

[123] Distance about thirty miles.

[124] _Viz._ About four feet long, and one inch square.

[125] Philosoph. Transact. Vol. xlvii. p. 48. and Essay on the Virtues of Lime water, _&c._ edit. 2d. p. 197.

[126] Philosoph. Transact. Vol. xlvii. p. 48 and 473. and Essay on Lime-water, p. 157 and 200.

[127] The two stones found in Lord Walpole’s bladder were of this size, and weighed one of them 22 and the other 21 grains.

[128] Philosoph. Transact. Vol. xlvii. p. 47.

[129] The stone found in the beginning of the passage from the bladder was of this size, and weighed about a grain.

[130] It is printed in this volume of the Philosoph. Transactions, under the 28th of April, p. 221, & seqq.

[131] Essay on the Virtues of Lime-water, 2d edit. p. 140.

[132] Phil. Transact. Vol. xlvii. p. 46.

[133] Phil. Transact. Vol. xlvii. p. 472, 473.

[134] Essay on Lime-water, _&c._ p. 200, 201.

[135] Physical Experiments, p. 19.

[136] Essay on Lime-water, _&c._, 2d edit. p. 171, 201.

[137] Essay on Lime-water, _&c._ 2d edit. p. 170.

[138] Ibid. p. 24, 25, 30 & 31.

[139] The celebrated Dr. Scheuchzer has arranged the fossile plants botanically, by Tournefort’s system, in his folio work, intituled, _Herbarium Diluvianum_; and Dr. Woodward’s fossile plants, Catalogue B, he informs us, were botanically considered and arranged by those famous botanists Dr. Plukenet, and Mess. Doody, Buddle, and Stonestreet.

[140] Woodward, Catalogue B. p. 104. specimen _q._ 1. was of 6 1-half feet in length; and Catalogue D. p. 60. specimen _h._ 38. was a yard long; _et alibi passim_. In the collieries at Swanvich in Derbyshire, in 1752. a plant of the cane kind was found 14 feet long: it ended in a point at one end, and at the root in a large knob, and in the middle measured nine inches about.

[141] Zirizææ, quæ, in insula Scaldiæ, secundum Zelandiæ oppidum est.

[142] Dominus Ellis, anno 1755. Lond. in 8º edidit _Essay on the Natural History of Corals_, &c. quem librum Gallice versum in 4º recudit P. de Hond Hagæ Comitum, sub titulo _Essay sur l’Histoire Naturelle des Corallines, &c. par J. Ellis_, 1756.

[143] Il y a une sorte de Lithophyte, qui veritablement est curieuse, et bien extraordinaire: elle n’a point d’ecorce continuée, mais bien quelques fragmens, par ci par la interrompus d’un glu, qui fleurit dans l’eau. Hist. de la Mer. pag. 89. fig. 101. 179, 1.

[144] Bonnet sur l’usage des Feuilles, pag. xviii. & 286.

[145] Id. ibid. pag. 66.

[146] Tab. VII. fig. I, II.

[147] Ibid. fig. III.

[148] Tab. VIII. fig. V.

[149] Vide talem delineatam in Mem. de l’Acad. p. 394, anni 1711.

[150] Mem. de l’Academie, 1742.

[151] Tab. VIII. fig. II, IV.

[152] Tab. VIII. fig. IV.

[153] Sic Dˢ. _Ellis_ in una eademque planta diversos, polypos delineat, tab. IV. fig. C. tab. V. fig. A. tab. XIV. fig. A. B. tab. XXXVIII. F. N. E.

[154] Tab. IX. fig. A, B, C.