Part 11

"Entirely ignorant of his duties when first appointed, the parish constable is often displaced at the end of the year, when his acquaintance with them is, perhaps, beginning to improve. Even when suited in other respects to the employment, his efficiency is always in a great measure impaired by the nature of his position with regard to those among whom he is called upon to act. Belonging entirely to their class, and brought into constant contact with them by his ordinary occupations, he is embarrassed in the discharge of his duty by considerations of personal safety, interest or feeling, and by an anxiety to retain the good will of his neighbours. When all these circumstances are considered, it would, indeed, be surprising if the constables were found to render satisfactory service. In point of fact they are deficient in zeal and activity to a degree which it is difficult to exaggerate, and it may be said, without undue severity, that they are in all respects utterly unfit for the duties to which they are appointed.

"The accuracy of this statement, we believe (continue the Commissioners) will be generally admitted by those who have opportunities of becoming acquainted with the subject by personal observation. 'No person can be aware,' says the treasurer of the West Riding of Yorkshire, 'of the reluctance shewn by the parish constables in apprehending felons, particularly since the disposition shewn by the lower orders to retaliate by committing destruction on their property.' 'There is not a single constable,' he afterwards adds, 'who dares move, nor has he any encouragement to move, and if he does move, he is quite incompetent.'

"'We cannot go on in the country,' says another witness, 'with our present police; when there is the least danger we are obliged immediately to call out the special constables.' 'The present system of parochial police,' says another, 'is unsound; it consists of a constable in each parish, who has very often to make his election between violating his duty as a constable, and forfeiting the regard and affection of his neighbours.' '_The great end of police is to prevent crime_,' is the remark of another gentleman of great experience on this subject, 'and who ever heard of this being the object of the present force? They are worse than useless.'

"The frauds, extortion, embezzlement and pillage practised by these officers are the natural consequence of their situation. They charge for assistants when they are accompanied only by their wives or by poor labourers, to whom they pay the common farmers' day wages, receiving the county allowance and retaining the difference.

"They charge for carriages when they compel prisoners to walk to gaol; they receive the full mileage for all the witnesses attending a prosecution, and contract with coaches to carry them at half price.

"They receive their allowance for time and trouble, and often keep back a part; they pass stolen goods from hand to hand, so as to make as many of themselves as possible necessary witnesses at the trial; and what is matter of most serious charge against them, they withhold, and it is said, in many instances appropriate, the money and other valuable property found upon persons apprehended.

"'We have at Thirsk (observes a Yorkshire magistrate) an association for the prosecution of felons, but it does little good, as we have _no police_, and the _constables are extremely bad_--so bad as to call forth many severe expressions on their inefficiency by Baron Alderson, a short time ago at York, in the case of two violent attempts at murder committed near Thirsk.'"

The Commissioners further report that, "It is the deliberate opinion of a very valuable correspondent, that our constabulary system has _greatly promoted_ the _increase_ of crime; that no useful improvement can be introduced into the present _miserable_ system of attempting to exercise police through parish constables annually elected. 'Our constabulary system,' says this correspondent, 'is so _absurd_ and _unjust_, that I really do not think it fair or equitable to blame or deride the unfortunate conscripts who are compelled to be tithingmen; if I did, I could compose a _farce_ with the anecdotes to be collected of petty occurrences in the warfare with offences in this neighbourhood; neglect of duty, forgetfulness, ignorance, blunders, cowardice without excuse, supineness,'" etc.

The current of evidence as to the decayed and worn-out state of the parish constabulary system is irresistibly strong; and its defects are the more striking when viewed in contrast with the improved system of an organized and permanent police as established in many parts of the kingdom.

THE KING AND THE CANADIAN QUESTION (1836).

=Source.=--_The Edinburgh Review._ Vol. 133, pp. 319-321.

_From the 'Recollections' of Lord Broughton de Gyfford._

"I heard from all quarters that H.M. was in a state of great excitement. This was not all we knew of the Royal disinclination to us; for, on Saturday, July 11, in Downing Street, Lord Melbourne addressed us as follows:

"'Gentlemen, you may as well know how you stand;' and, pulling a paper from his pocket, he read a memorandum of a conversation between the King and Lord Gosford, after the review, the day before. The King said to Lord Gosford, 'Mind what you are about in Canada. By G----d! I will never consent to alienate the Crown lands, nor to make the Council elective. Mind me, my Lord, the Cabinet is not my Cabinet, they had better take care, or, by G----d! I will have them impeached. You are a gentleman, I believe. I have no fear of you; but take care what you do.'

"We all stared at each other. Melbourne said, 'It is better not to quarrel with him. He is evidently in a state of great excitement.' And yet the King gave Dedel, the Dutch Ambassador, the same day, on taking leave, very sensible advice, and told him 'to let the King of Holland know that he was ignorant of his true position, and that Belgium was lost irrecoverably.' H.M. had also given his assent in writing to the second reading of our Irish Church Reform Bill, which showed that these outbursts were more physical than signs of any settled design; although there were some of us who thought it was intended to drive us by incivilities to resign our places, and thus make us the apparent authors of our own retirement. Lord Frederick Fitzclarence told me that his father had much to bear, being beset by the Duke of Cumberland and Duchess of Gloucester by day, and by the Queen at night. As to ourselves, it was clear to me that, if we continued in the Government, it would be entirely owing to the good sense and good manners of our chief, who knew how to deal with his master, as well as with his colleagues, and never, that I saw, made a mistake in regard to either; and I must add that, when a stand was to be made on anything considered to be a vital principle of his Government, he was as firm as a rock.

"We foresaw that the instructions, which we had agreed upon as the basis of Lord Gosford's administration in Canada, would meet with much disfavour in the Royal closet; and Lord Glenelg told me that when he read these instructions to the King, H.M. broke out violently against the use of certain words, saying, 'No, my Lord, I will not have that word; strike out "_conciliatory_"--strike out "_liberal_"'; and then he added, 'you cannot wonder at my making these difficulties with a Ministry that has been forced upon me.' However, as Glenelg went on reading, H.M. got more calm. He approved of what was said about the Legislative Council and the territorial revenues. In short, he approved of the instructions generally on that day, and also on the following Monday; but, when Glenelg went into the closet this day (Wednesday, 15th July), he was very sulky, and, indeed, rude; and objected to some things to which he had previously consented. Lord Melbourne was told by Glenelg how he had been treated, and, when he (Lord M.) went into the closet, the King said he hoped he had not been uncivil to Lord Glenelg, on which Lord Melbourne made only a stiff bow. The King took the reproof most becomingly; for when Glenelg went in a second time, H.M. was exceedingly kind to him, and said, 'He approved of every word of the instructions'; and he then remarked 'that he was not like William III. who often signed what he did not approve. He would not do that. He was not disposed to infringe on the liberty of any of his subjects; but he must preserve his own prerogative.'

"H.M. retained his good humour at the Council, which he held afterwards to hear the Recorder's Report. Chief Justice Denman was detained at Guildhall, and kept His Majesty waiting a long time. When he came the King took his apologies very kindly. He asked the Chief Justice when he should leave London for the holidays, and where he lived; and invited him to Windsor, and said he should be glad to see him, adding, 'I hope you won't hang me, my Lord.' Such was this kind good man, generally most just and generous, but, when irritated, scarcely himself. He was more sincere than suited his Royal office, and could not conceal his likings and dislikings from those who were most affected by them."

STATISTICS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND FOR THE YEARS 1816-1837.

=Source.=--Alison's _History of Europe_, London, 1848; compiled from Porter's _Party Tables_, Marshall's Edition, and other sources.

+--------------+--------------+------------- YEAR. | EXPORTS. | IMPORTS. | POPULATION. -------+--------------+--------------+------------- | | | 1816 | £49,197,851 | £26,374,921 | 13,640,000 | | | 1817 | 50,404,111 | 29,910,502 | 13,860,000 | | | 1818 | 53,560,338 | 35,845,340 | 14,000,000 | | | 1819 | 42,438,989 | 29,681,640 | 14,200,000 | | | 1820 | 48,965,537 | 31,515,222 | 14,300,000 | | | 1821 | 51,461,423 | 29,769,122 | 14,391,631 | | | 1822 | 53,464,122 | 29,432,376 | 14,600,000 | | | 1823 | 52,408,276 | 34,591,260 | 14,800,000 | | | 1824 | 58,940,336 | 36,056,551 | 15,000,000 | | | 1825 | 56,335,514 | 42,660,954 | 15,200,000 | | | 1826 | 51,042,071 | 36,174,350 | 15,400,000 | | | 1827 | 62,050,008 | 43,489,346 | 15,600,000 | | | 1828 | 62,744,002 | 43,536,187 | 15,850,000 | | | 1829 | 66,835,443 | 42,311,609 | 16,140,000 | | | 1830 | 69,691,301 | 46,245,241 | 16,240,000 | | | 1831 | 71,429,004 | 49,713,889 | 16,539,318 | | | 1832 | 76,971,571 | 44,586,741 | 16,800,000 | | | 1833 | 79,773,142 | 45,952,551 | 17,050,000 | | | 1834 | 85,393,686 | 49,362,811 | 17,270,000 | | | 1835 | 91,074,455 | 48,911,542 | 17,480,000 | | | 1836 | 97,621,548 | 57,023,867 | 17,690,000 | | | 1837 | 85,781,669 | 54,737,301 | 17,800,000 -------+--------------+--------------+-------------

+------------+-------------+--------------- | TAXES | TAXES | AVERAGE PRICE YEAR. | IMPOSED. | REPEALED. | OF WHEAT. | | | WINCH. QR. -------+------------+-------------+--------------- | | | _s._ _d._ | | | 1816 | £320,058 | £17,547,565 | 82 0 | | | 1817 | 7,991 | 36,495 | 116 0 | | | 1818 | 1,336 | 9,564 | 98 0 | | | 1819 | 3,094,902 | 705,846 | 78 0 | | | 1820 | 119,602 | 4,000 | 76 0 | | | 1821 | 42,642 | 471,309 | 71 0 | | | 1822 | ---- | 2,139,101 | 53 0 | | | 1823 | 18,596 | 4,050,250 | 57 0 | | | 1824 | 45,605 | 1,704,724 | 72 0 | | | 1825 | 43,000 | 3,639,551 | 84 0 | | | 1826 | 188,000 | 1,973,812 | 73 0 | | | 1827 | 21,402 | 4,038 | 50 0 | | | 1828 | 1,966 | 51,998 | 71 0 | | | 1829 | ---- | 126,406 | 55 4 | | | 1830 | 696,004 | 4,093,955 | 64 10 | | | 1831 | 627,586 | 1,598,536 | 58 3 | | | 1832 | 44,526 | 747,264 | 52 6 | | | 1833 | ---- | 1,526,914 | 47 10 | | | 1834 | 198,394 | 2,091,516 | 39 8 | | | 1835 | 75 | 165,817 | 35 3 | | | 1836 | ---- | 986,786 | 57 7 | | | 1837 | 3,991 | 234 | 51 3 -------+------------+-------------+---------------

GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT M ACLEHOSE AND CO. LTD.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Mr. Wilbraham was M.P. for Dover.

[2] The depression in the rate of interest created by this monetary plethora is thus exhibited by Mr. Tooke:

+------------+----------------- | 3 Per Cent.| Premium on Dates. | Consols. | Exchequer Bills. ---------------+------------+----------------- April 3, 1823, | 73½ | 10 to 12 July 1, 1823, | 80¾ | 21 to 24 Oct. 3, 1823, | 82½ | 37 to 40 Jan. 1, 1824, | 86 | 51 to 53 Apr. 2, 1824, | 94¼ | 56 to 58 ---------------+------------+-----------------

_Tooke on the State of the Currency_, 1826, p. 41.

[3] James Deacon Hume, Esq., then of the Customs, now (1830) of the Board of Trade.

[4] The speech of Lord John Russell, when on March 1, 1831, he introduced the first Reform Bill, opened a debate which practically lasted until June 5, 1832. The Whig ministry knew that the fate of their party depended upon that of the Bill, and they came to realize that the fate of the dynasty itself might depend upon the same thing. The Opposition were no less desirous of victory, seeing in the Bill a measure which threatened the prosperity of the people and the very existence of the State. "The country was divided into two hostile camps, regarding each other with feelings of increased exasperation. On the one hand, the anti-reformers though, comparatively few, were immensely strong in position and prestige.... On the other hand, the reformers could count upon the support of the great mass of the people."

[5] The First Reform Bill had passed two readings when the ministry, concluded after an adverse vote upon a motion, introduced by General Gascoyne, in opposition to their policy, that it was useless to continue the struggle in Parliament. Confident of the support of the electors, they resolved to appeal to the country. To do this a dissolution of Parliament was necessary, and against this the anti-reformers were firmly arrayed. The ministry appealed to the King. In the selection which follows, this appeal is vividly described, and the action of the King in dissolving Parliament is clearly portrayed.

[6] Mr. O'Connell

[7] Mr. Cobbett.

[8] _Character, Object, and Effects of Trades Unions_, etc., 8vo, 1834. See also an able article in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for June, 1834.