Part 1
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources.
All misspellings in the text, and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example: free-men, freemen; burthen; intrusted; topick; negociations; nugatory.
BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS
_General Editors_: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., AND KENNETH BELL, M.A.
PEACE AND REFORM
BELL'S ENGLISH HISTORY SOURCE BOOKS.
_Volumes now Ready._ 1_s. net each._
=1307-1399. War and Misrule= (special period for the School Certificate Examination, July and December, 1913). Edited by A. A. LOCKE.
=1154-1216. The Angevins and the Charter.= Edited by S. M. TOYNE, M.A., Headmaster of St. Peter's School, York, late Assistant Master at Haileybury College.
=1485-1547. The Reformation and the Renaissance.= Edited by F. W. BEWSHER, Assistant Master at St. Paul's School.
=1547-1603. The Age of Elizabeth.= Edited by ARUNDELL ESDAILE, M.A.
=1603-1660. Puritanism and Liberty.= Edited by KENNETH BELL, M.A.
=1660-1714. A Constitution in Making.= Edited by G. B. PERRETT, M.A.
=1714-1760. Walpole and Chatham.= Edited by K. A. ESDAILE.
=1760-1801. American Independence and the French Revolution.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.
=1801-1815. England and Napoleon.= Edited by S. E. WINBOLT, M.A.
=1815-1837. Peace and Reform.= Edited by A. C. W. EDWARDS, Assistant Master at Christ's Hospital.
=1876-1887. Imperialism and Mr. Gladstone.= Edited by R. H. GRETTON.
=1535-Present-day. Canada.= Edited by H. F. MUNRO, M.A.
_Other volumes, covering the whole range of English History from Roman Britain to 1887, are in active preparation, and will be issued at short intervals._
LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
PEACE AND REFORM
(1815--1837)
COMPILED BY A. C. W. EDWARDS ASSISTANT MASTER AT CHRIST'S HOSPITAL
LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. 1913
INTRODUCTION
This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.
Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.
In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.
The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.
We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.
S. E. WINBOLT.
KENNETH BELL.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
1816. THE DEBT _Cobbett's "Rural Rides"_ 1
THE BARBARY PIRATES _Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"_ 2
THE HOLY ALLIANCE "_Annual Register_" 2
THE STATE OF IRELAND _Doubleday's "Life of Sir Robert Peel"_ 5
1818. THE STATE OF ENGLAND _Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"_ 8
PARISH REGISTERS "_The London Medical Repository_" 11
1819. PETERLOO _Lord Sidmouth's "Life and Correspondence"_ 14
THE STATE OF ENGLAND _Shelley's "Poems"_ 20
THE CATO STREET CONSPIRACY "_Annual Register_" 20
1820. THE DEATH OF GEORGE III. _Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence_" 24
THE KING'S SPEECH "_Annual Register_" 25
THE CHARACTER OF JOHN BULL _Washington Irving's "Sketch Book"_ 27
1821. THE DEATH OF NAPOLEON "_The Gentleman's Magazine_" 29
NAPOLEON _Shelley's "Poems"_ 31
NAPOLEON AND ENGLAND _Lord Tennyson's "Early Sonnets"_ 32
1823. THE MONROE DOCTRINE "_Annual Register_" 33
SLAVERY _Stapleton's "Life of Canning"_ 34
THE STATE OF IRELAND _Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence"_ 35
TRANSPORTATION "_The Edinburgh Review_" 38
1824. THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AND _GLEIG'S "LIFE OF THE HIS SONS Duke of Wellington"_ 39
1825. FREE TRADE _Cobbett's "Rural Rides"_ 41
FINANCIAL CRISIS _Doubleday's "Life of Sir Robert Peel"_ 44
1826. THE FRENCH OCCUPATION OF _MARTINEAU'S "HISTORY SPAIN of the Peace"_ 47
THE REMOVAL OF TRADE _Stapleton's "Life of RESTRICTIONS Canning"_ 49
PORTUGUESE APPEAL FOR AID _STAPLETON'S "LIFE OF AGAINST SPAIN Canning"_ 53
MR. CANNING AND THE PORTUGUESE _STAPLETON'S "LIFE OF APPEAL Canning"_ 54
1827. LIFE OF CONVICT-SERVANTS IN "_THE LONDON MAGAZINE_" 56 AUSTRALIA
INTERVIEW WITH GEORGE IV. _Lord Colchester's "Diary and Correspondence"_ 58
THE TREATY OF LONDON _Stapleton's "Life of Canning"_ 60
THE BATTLE OF NAVARINO "_The Gentleman's Magazine_" 62
1828. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC ASSOCIATION _Stanhope and Cardwell's "Memoirs of Peel"_ 66
IRISH UNREST _Stanhope and Cardwell's "Memoirs of Peel"_ 69
1829. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION "_Annual Register_" 70
1830. DUKE OF WELLINGTON'S SUPPOSED _GLEIG'S "LIFE OF THE DESIGNS ON THE CROWN Duke of Wellington"_ 72
HEAVY TAXATION _Cobbett's "Rural Rides"_ 73
RAILWAY CARRIAGES "_The Gentleman's Magazine_" 75
DEATH OF HUSKISSON "_The Gentleman's Magazine_" 77
THE USE OF CLOSE BOROUGHS _Gleig's "Life of the Duke of Wellington"_ 79
1831. LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S SPEECH _MOLESWORTH'S "HISTORY ON REFORM BILL of the Reform Bill"_ 82
THE PASSING OF THE REFORM _MACAULAY'S "LIFE AND BILL Letters"_ 87
PROROGATION OF ANTI-REFORM _MOLESWORTH'S "HISTORY PARLIAMENT of the Reform Bill"_ 89
PARLIAMENTARY REFORM _Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"_ 94
1832. BATTLE SONG _Ebenezer Elliott's "Poems"_ 95
1833. REPEAL OF THE UNION _Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"_ 96
JEWISH DISABILITIES _Lord Macaulay's "Speeches"_ 98
1834. STRIKES _Duke of Buckingham's "Memoirs"_ 101
1835. O'CONNELL AND THE HOUSE OF _MARTINEAU'S "HISTORY LORDS of the Peace"_ 102
1836. THE FACTORY SYSTEM _Fielden's "Curse of the Factory System"_ 103
THE EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN _Fielden's "Curse of the Factory System"_ 107
THE POLICE _Mullin's "Magistracy of England"_ 110
THE KING AND THE CANADIAN "_THE EDINBURGH REVIEW_" 113 QUESTION
STATISTICS OF GREAT BRITAIN _Porter's "Party Tables"_ 116 AND IRELAND
PEACE AND REFORM
(1815--1837)
THE DEBT (1816).
=Source.=--William Cobbett's _Rural Rides_, ed. by Mr. Pitt Cobbett, 1885.
_Letter to Mr. Jabet of the "Birmingham Register," Nov., 1816._
The reformers have yet many and powerful foes; we have to contend against a host, such as never existed before in the world. Nine-tenths of the Press, all the channels of speedy communication of sentiment; all the pulpits; all the associations of rich people; all the taxing people; all the military and naval establishments; all the yeomanry cavalry tribes. Your allies are endless in number and mighty in influence. But we have _one ally_ worth the whole of them put together, namely the DEBT! This is an ally whom no honours or rewards can seduce from us. She is a steady, unrelaxing, persevering, incorruptible ally. An ally that is proof against all blandishments, all intrigues, all temptations, and all open attacks. She sets at defiance all '_military_,' all '_yeomanry cavalry_.' They may as well fire at a ghost. She cares no more for the sabres of the yeomanry or the life guards than Milton's angels did for the swords of Satan's myrmidons. This ally cares not a straw about _spies_ and _informers_. She laughs at the employment of _secret-service money_. She is always erect, day and night, and is always firmly moving on in our cause, in spite of all the terrors of gaols, dungeons, halters and axes. Therefore, Mr. Jabet, be not so pert. The combat is not so unequal as you seem to imagine; and, confident and insolent as you are now, the day of your humiliation may not be far distant."
THE BARBARY PIRATES (1816).
=Source.=--_Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth_, by Dean Pellew. Vol. III. p. 142. London, 1847.
_Letter from Viscount Exmouth on defeat of Barbary Pirates._
"Queen Charlotte,
Algier's Bay, August 30th, 1816.
"My dear Lord Sidmouth,
"I perfectly remember, in your office, pledging myself to you for the destruction of the Algerine navy. I am happy to inform you I have redeemed my pledge, and am in whole bones, as is also my opponent the Dey. His chastisement, however, has humbled him to the dust; and he would receive me, if I chose it, on the Mole, upon his knees.
"You will readily believe how much I regret the sad loss we have sustained: 883 out of 6500 is a large proportion; but we were exposed to almost a complete circle of fire. I can only enclose you the copy of my memorandum to-day to the fleet, and beg you to believe that I consider this the happiest event of my fortunate life. One thousand liberated slaves, just arrived from the country whither the Dey had driven them, are now cheering on the Mole. The consul has been cruelly treated, and the Dey been compelled to beg his pardon, before his full court, by the dictation of my captain.
"God bless you, my dear Lord. I hope to reach England before October, and am ever your most faithful friend and servant,
"EXMOUTH."
THE HOLY ALLIANCE (1816).
=Source.=--_Annual Register, 1816._
The hon. member rose to move for the production of a copy of the treaty concluded at Paris on September 26th between Austria, Russia, and Prussia. By the tenor of this treaty, expressed in the most devout and solemn language, the three potentates, members of three different Christian churches, declared in the face of the world their resolution both in the administration of their own states, and in their political relations with other Governments, to take for their sole guide the precepts of the holy religion taught by our Saviour. In consequence, they signed an agreement to three articles, the first of which bound them to a fraternity of mutual friendship and assistance, and the common protection of religion, peace and justice, which in the second was explained in a kind of mystical strain, to notify that they regarded themselves as delegated by Providence to govern three branches of one and the same Christian nation, of which the Divine Being under his three characters was the sole real sovereign; and the third declared a readiness to receive into this holy alliance all the powers who should solemnly avow the sacred principles which had dictated it.
Politicians were much at a loss to conceive the occasion and purpose of a treaty, at the same time so serious and so indefinite, which appeared to bind the subscribers to nothing more than to act upon those general principles which, as Christian princes, they had always held forth as the rule of their conduct. It was understood that its immediate cause was an impression made upon the mind of the emperor Alexander, whose peculiar zeal in the project was displayed by a manifesto issued on Christmas day, and signed by his own hand, in which he made public the engagement which the three powers had entered into, and which he interpreted to be a reciprocal league of peace and amity upon Christian principles for the general good.
_Mr. Brougham_ prefaced his motion with reasons why he thought it material that inquiry should be made respecting the above treaty, instancing the circumstances of its having been contracted by three powers, our allies, without our participation; of its having received the signatures of the sovereigns themselves, whereas all other treaties had been ratified by the medium of diplomatic agents; of being apparently uncalled for, since the attachment of the contracting parties to the Christian religion had never been questioned. He adverted to the union of the same powers for the partition of Poland, on which occasion the empress Catherine had employed in the proclamations language similar to that of the treaty.
He concluded by moving an address to the Prince Regent, that he would be pleased to give directions that a copy of the treaty would be laid before the House.
_Lord Castlereagh_ who had previously admitted to the authenticity of the document moved for, after adducing, from the result of the preceding union of these sovereigns, arguments against regarding them with suspicion, informed the hon. gentlemen, that instead of any secrecy in their proceedings on the present occasion, the emperor of Russia had communicated to him a draft of the proposed treaty, he believed, before it had been communicated to the other sovereigns; and that after its signature a joint-letter had been addressed by them to the Prince Regent, stating the grounds on which it had been concluded, and anxiously desiring his accession to it: that his Royal Highness in reply had expressed his satisfaction at the nature of the treaty, and his assurance that the British Government would not be the one least disposed to act up to its principles. His lordship then went into a panegyric of the emperor of Russia, and finally characterised the motion as wholly unnecessary and of dangerous tendency if the confederacy could be shaken by attempts to degrade the sovereigns of Europe by unfounded imputations.
On a division of the House, the motion was rejected by a majority of 104 to 30.
The public opinion concerning this extraordinary treaty seems to have corresponded with that expressed by the hon. _Mr. Bennet_ in his speech: "that the only motive which the noble lord could have for refusing its production was, that he was ashamed of it and of our allies."
THE STATE OF IRELAND (1816).
=Source.=--_The Political Life of Sir Robert Peel_, by Thomas Doubleday. London, 1856. Vol. I. pp. 169-172.
In the course of a debate on the army estimates in February, 1816, the Irish Secretary entered into the following extraordinary details on the employment of the soldiery in Ireland in the suppression of illicit distillation, as well as of insurrectionary movements in the wilder districts of Ireland:
"It must not be forgotten (said Mr. Peel) that the employment of a military force in Ireland, under existing circumstances, is calculated to save the government of that country from the necessity of recurring to those measures of civil rigour which parliament had sanctioned with its approbation. In some districts, where the military was not employed, they had been compelled to suspend trial by jury, under the operation of the Insurrection Act; but every one would allow that it was better to deter from the commission of crime than to transport for it. If they could succeed in deterring these, there was not the necessity to proclaim certain districts. What he asserted was no visionary speculation. Events, such as he now described, were passing at that moment. The Act to which he alluded had been applied to several baronies in Tipperary, upon the unanimous application of forty of the magistrates. He believed he was right in saying the unanimous application. In some cases, indeed, it had been refused; but he knew as a fact, that not less than seventy-six magistrates of that county, united for the paramount object of maintaining the public peace, had applied to government for the application of that bill. A similar course had been pursued in the county of Westmeath. It was proposed in some counties to remove the soldiers; but the answer was by the magistrates, 'If you remove the troops you must give us the Insurrection Act, as it will be impossible to do without it.' Even on constitutional grounds, therefore, and as calculated to prevent a recurrence to these really severe measures, he would venture to appeal to the House for its approbation of the alternative of employing the military to aid the civil power. With respect to its employment in another way, by doing the duty of custom-house officers, he wished to observe that this system had prevailed in Ireland at least as far back as in 1799. At that period, a regulation for the employment of a military force in that service was adopted. It was stated to be imperatively necessary for the suppression of illicit distillation; and it was further ordered, that any officer hesitating to employ his men on that service should be brought to a court-martial for disobedience of orders. He stated that, to prove the propriety of a remark made at the commencement of his address, that even if it should be thought that the introduction of a military force was a vicious practice, it was at all events unavoidable without the accomplishment of other essential reforms.
"He should now state the extent to which the military arm had been so employed, and in order also to show that it had not been the policy of one single government merely, he should mention that, in 1806, under the government of the honourable gentlemen opposite, 448 military parties were employed in detecting and frustrating the practice of illicit distillation; in 1807 there were 598 military parties; in 1808 there were 431; in later periods still more; and in the half-year ending the 31st December, 1815, there were 1889. No one, he presumed, would deny that the morals and habits of the lower classes were not only corrupted by the dreadful extent to which that illicit distillation was carried, but that the laws of the country were violated, and that the revenue was greatly diminished by it. In order that the House might be enabled to judge of the character of those who carried on those practices, as well as of the danger attending their detection or apprehension, he would mention one circumstance that came within his own knowledge. In a district in the north-west of Ireland well known to the gentlemen of that country as one where illicit distillation is carried on to an enormous excess, frequent seizures were made by parties of twenty to forty men, who generally had to risk an actual engagement with the offenders. In one instance he recollected the soldiers were fired at, and no less than two hundred rounds of musketry were discharged in their own defence. They succeeded in their seizures, however, but on their return were again attacked, their seizures taken from them, and they themselves obliged to seek shelter in a house on the road, where they maintained a contest with the assailants till they were relieved by two hundred men who were marched to their assistance. Such occurrences sufficiently showed the necessity of employing a military force, but he would again guard against its being supposed that he considered these temporary remedies as at all calculated to afford any permanent relief. He was as fully convinced of their inadequacy in that respect as any honourable member could be; but whilst that disposition to turbulence existed, would it be contended that the crimes connected with it ought to go unpunished? Would it be said that desperate bands that roamed about the country at night ought to remain unmolested?