Chapter 30

1803-1806

LEWIS AND CLARK

The First White Men to ascend the Missouri to its Sources and descend the Columbia to the Pacific--Exciting Adventures on the Cañons of the Missouri, the Discovery of the Great Falls and the Yellowstone--Lewis' Escape from Hostiles

The spring of 1904 witnessed the centennial celebration of an area as large as half the kingdoms of Europe, that has the unique distinction of having transferred its allegiance to three different flags within twenty-four hours.

At the opening of the nineteenth century Spain had ceded all the region vaguely known as Louisiana back to France, and France had sold the territory, to the United States; but post-horse and stage of those old days travelled slowly. News of Spain's cession and France's sale reached Louisiana almost simultaneously. On March 9, 1804, the Spanish grandees of St. Louis took down their flag and, to the delight of Louisiana, for form's sake erected French colors. On March 10, the French flag was lowered for the emblem that has floated over the Great West ever since--the stars and stripes. How vast was the new territory acquired, the eastern states had not the slightest conception. As early as 1792 Captain Gray, of the ship _Columbia_, from Boston, had blundered into the harbor of a vast river flowing into the Pacific. What lay between this river and that other great river on the eastern side of the mountains--the Missouri? Jefferson had arranged with John Ledyard of Connecticut, who had been with Captain Cook on the Pacific, to explore the northwest coast of America by crossing Russia overland; but Russia had similar designs for herself, and stopped Ledyard on the way. In 1803 President Jefferson asked Congress for an appropriation to explore the Northwest by way of the Missouri. Now that the wealth of the West is beyond the estimate of any figure, it seems almost inconceivable that there were people little-minded enough to haggle over the price paid for Louisiana--$15,000,000--and to object to the appropriation required for its exploration--$2500; but fortunately the world goes ahead in spite of hagglers.

May of 1804 saw Captain Meriwether Lewis, formerly secretary to President Jefferson, and Captain William Clark of Virginia launch out from Wood River opposite St. Louis, where they had kept their men encamped all winter on the east side of the Mississippi, waiting until the formal transfer of Louisiana for the long journey of exploration to the sources of the Missouri and the Columbia. Their escort consisted of twenty soldiers, eleven _voyageurs_, and nine frontiersmen. The main craft was a keel boat fifty-five feet long, of light draft, with square-rigged sail and twenty-two oars, and tow-line fastened to the mast pole to track the boat upstream through rapids. An American flag floated from the prow, and behind the flag the universal types of progress everywhere--goods for trade and a swivel-gun. Horses were led alongshore for hunting, and two pirogues--sharp at prow, broad at stern, like a flat-iron or a turtle--glided to the fore of the keel boat.

The Missouri was at flood tide, turbid with crumbling clay banks and great trees torn out by the roots, from which keel boat and pirogues sheered safely off. For the first time in history the Missouri resounded to the Fourth of July guns; and round camp-fire the men danced to the strains of a _voyageur's_ fiddle. Usually, among forty men is one traitor, and Liberte must desert on pretence of running back for a knife; but perhaps the fellow took fright from the wild yarns told by the lonely-eyed, shaggy-browed, ragged trappers who came floating down the Platte, down the Osage, down the Missouri, with canoe loads of furs for St. Louis. These men foregathered with the _voyageurs_ and told only too true stories of the dangers ahead. Fires kindled on the banks of the river called neighboring Indians to council. Council Bluffs commemorates one conference, of which there were many with Iowas and Omahas and Ricarees and Sioux. Pause was made on the south side of the Missouri to visit the high mound where Blackbird, chief of the Omahas, was buried astride his war horse that his spirit might forever watch the French _voyageurs_ passing up and down the river.

By October the explorers were sixteen hundred miles north of St. Louis, at the Mandan villages near where Bismarck stands to-day. The Mandans welcomed the white men; but the neighboring tribes of Ricarees were insolent. "Had I these white warriors on the upper plains," boasted a chief to Charles Mackenzie, one of the Northwest Fur Company men from Canada, "my young men on horseback would finish them as they would so many wolves; for there are only two sensible men among them, the worker of iron [blacksmith] and the mender of guns." Four Canadian traders had already been massacred by this chief. Captain Lewis knew that his company must winter on the east side of the mountains, and there were a dozen traders--Hudson Bay and Nor'westers--on the ground practising all the unscrupulous tricks of rivals, Nor'westers driving off Hudson Bay horses, Hudson Bay men driving off Nor'-westers', to defeat trade; so Captain Lewis at once had a fort constructed. It was triangular in shape, the two converging walls consisting of barracks with a loopholed bastion at the apex, the base being a high wall of strong pickets where sentry kept constant guard. Hitherto Captain Lewis had been able to secure the services of French trappers as interpreters with the Indians; but the next year he was going where there were no trappers; and now he luckily engaged an old Nor'wester, Chaboneau, whose Indian wife, Sacajawea, was a captive from the Snake tribe of the Rockies.[1] On Christmas morning, the stars and stripes were hoisted above Fort Mandan; and all that night the men danced hilariously. On New Years of 1805, the white men visited the Mandan lodges, and one _voyageur_ danced "on his head" to the uproarious applause of the savages. All winter the men joined in the buffalo hunts, laying up store of pemmican. In February, work was begun on the small boats for the ascent of the Missouri. By the end of March, the river had cleared of ice, and a dozen men were sent back to St. Louis.

At five, in the afternoon of April 7, six canoes and two pirogues were pushed out on the Missouri. Sails were hoisted; a cheer from the Canadian traders and Indians standing on the shore--and the boats glided up the Missouri with flags flying from foremost prow. Hitherto Lewis and Clark had passed over travelled ground. Now they had set sail for the Unknown. Within a week they had passed the Little Missouri, the height of land that divides the waters of the Missouri from those of the Saskatchewan, and the great Yellowstone River, first found by wandering French trappers and now for the first time explored. The current of the Missouri grew swifter, the banks steeper, and the use of the tow-line more frequent. The voyage was no more the holiday trip that it had been all the way from St. Louis. Hunters were kept on the banks to forage for game, and once four of them came so suddenly on an open-mouthed, ferocious old bear that he had turned hunter and they hunted before guns could be loaded; and the men saved themselves only by jumping twenty feet over the bank into the river.

For miles the boats had to be tracked up-stream by the tow-line. The shore was so steep that it offered no foothold. Men and stones slithered heterogeneously down the sliding gravel into the water. Moccasins wore out faster than they could be sewed; and the men's feet were cut by prickly-pear and rock as if by knives. On Sunday, May 26, when Captain Lewis was marching to lighten the canoes, he had just climbed to the summit of a high, broken cliff when there burst on his glad eyes a first glimpse of the far, white "Shining Mountains" of which the Indians told, the Rockies, snowy and dazzling in the morning sun. One can guess how the weather-bronzed, ragged man paused to gaze on the glimmering summits. Only one other explorer had ever been so far west in this region--young De la Vérendrye, fifty years before; but the Frenchman had been compelled to turn back without crossing the mountains, and the two Americans were to assail and conquer what had proved an impassable barrier. The Missouri had become too deep for poles, too swift for paddles; and the banks were so precipitous that the men were often poised at dizzy heights above the river, dragging the tow-line round the edge of rock and crumbly cliff. Captain Lewis was leading the way one day, crawling along the face of a rock wall, when he slipped. Only a quick thrust of his spontoon into the cliff saved him from falling almost a hundred feet. He had just struck it with terrific force into the rock, where it gave him firm handhold, when he heard a voice cry, "Good God, Captain, what shall I do?"

Windsor, a frontiersman, had slipped to the very verge of the rock, where he lay face down with right arm and leg completely over the precipice, his left hand vainly grabbing empty air for grip of anything that would hold him back. Captain Lewis was horrified, but kept his presence of mind; for the man's life hung by a thread. A move, a turn, the slightest start of alarm to disturb Windsor's balance--and he was lost. Steadying his voice, Captain Lewis shouted back, "You're in little danger. Stick your knife in the cliff to hoist yourself up."

With the leverage of the knife, Windsor succeeded in lifting himself back to the narrow ledge. Then taking off his moccasins, he crawled along the cliff to broader foothold. Lewis sent word for the crews to wade the margin of the river instead of attempting this pass--which they did, though shore water was breast high and ice cold.

The Missouri had now become so narrow that it was hard to tell which was the main river and which a tributary; so Captain Lewis and four men went in advance to find the true course. Leaving camp at sunrise, Captain Lewis was crossing a high, bare plain, when he heard the most musical of all wilderness sounds--the far rushing that is the voice of many waters. Far above the prairie there shimmered in the morning sun a gigantic plume of spray. Surely this was the Great Falls of which the Indians told. Lewis and his men broke into a run across the open for seven miles, the rush of waters increasing to a deafening roar, the plume of spray to clouds of foam. Cliffs two hundred feet high shut off the view. Down these scrambled Lewis, not daring to look away from his feet till safely at bottom, when he faced about to see the river compressed by sheer cliffs over which hurled a white cataract in one smooth sheet eighty feet high. The spray tossed up in a thousand bizarre shapes of wind-driven clouds. Captain Lewis drew the long sigh of the thing accomplished. He had found the Great Falls of the Missouri.

Seating himself on the rock, he awaited his hunters. That night they camped under a tree near the falls. Morning showed that the river was one succession of falls and rapids for eighteen miles. Here was indeed a stoppage to the progress of the boats. Sending back word to Captain Clark of the discovery of the falls, Lewis had ascended the course of the cascades to a high hill when he suddenly encountered a herd of a thousand buffalo. It was near supper-time. Quick as thought, Lewis fired. What was his amazement to see a huge bear leap from the furze to pounce on the wounded quarry; and what was Bruin's amazement to see the unusual spectacle of a thing as small as a man marching out to contest possession of that quarry? Man and bear reared up to look at each other. Bear had been master in these regions from time immemorial. Man or beast--which was to be master now? Lewis had aimed his weapon to fire again, when he recollected that it was not loaded; and the bear was coming on too fast for time to recharge. Captain Lewis was a brave man and a dignified man; but the plain was bare of tree or brush, and the only safety was inglorious flight. But if he had to retreat, the captain determined that he _would_ retreat only at a walk. The rip of tearing claws sounded from behind, and Lewis looked over his shoulder to see the bear at a hulking gallop, open-mouthed,--and off they went, explorer and exploited, in a sprinting match of eighty yards, when the grunting roar of pursuer told pursued that the bear was gaining. Turning short, Lewis plunged into the river to mid-waist and faced about with his spontoon at the bear's nose. A sudden turn is an old trick with all Indian hunters; the bear floundered back on his haunches, reconsidered the sport of hunting this new animal, man, and whirled right about for the dead buffalo.

It took the crews from the 15th to the 25th of June to _portage_ past the Great Falls. Cottonwood trees yielded carriage wheels two feet in diameter, and the masts of the pirogues made axletrees. On these wagonettes the canoes were dragged across the _portage_. It was hard, hot work. Grizzlies prowled round the camp at night, wakening the exhausted workers. The men actually fell asleep on their feet as they toiled, and spent half the night double-soling their torn moccasins, for the cactus already had most of the men limping from festered feet. Yet not one word of complaint was uttered; and once, when the men were camped on a green along the _portage_, a _voyageur_ got out his fiddle, and the sore feet danced, which was more wholesome than moping or poulticing. The boldness of the grizzlies was now explained. Antelope and buffalo were carried over the falls. The bears prowled below for the carrion.

After failure to construct good hide boats, two other craft, twenty-five and thirty-three feet long, were knocked together, and the crews launched above the rapids for the far Shining Mountains that lured like a mariner's beacon. Night and day, when the sun was hot, came the boom-boom as of artillery from the mountains. The _voyageurs_ thought this the explosion of stones, but soon learned to recognize the sound of avalanche and land-slide. The river became narrower, deeper, swifter, as the explorers approached the mountains. For five miles rocks rose on each side twelve hundred feet high, sheer as a wall. Into this shadowy cañon, silent as death, crept the boats of the white men, vainly straining their eyes for glimpse of egress from the watery defile. A word, a laugh, the snatch of a _voyageur's_ ditty, came back with elfin echo, as if spirits hung above the dizzy heights spying on the intruders. Springs and tenuous, wind-blown falls like water threads trickled down each side of the lofty rocks. The water was so deep that poles did not touch bottom, and there was not the width of a foot-hold between water and wall for camping ground. Flags were unfurled from the prows of the boats to warn marauding Indians on the height above that the _voyageurs_ were white men, not enemies. Darkness fell on the cañon with the great hushed silence of the mountains; and still the boats must go on and on in the darkness, for there was no anchorage. Finally, above a small island in the middle of the river, was found a tiny camping ground with pine-drift enough for fire-wood. Here they landed in the pitchy dark. They had entered the Gates of the Rockies on the 19th of July. In the morning bighorn and mountain goat were seen scrambling along the ledges above the water. On the 25th the Three Forks of the Missouri were reached. Here the Indian woman, Sacajawea, recognized the ground and practically became the guide of the party, advising the two explorers to follow the south fork or the Jefferson, as that was the stream which her tribe followed when crossing the mountains to the plains.

It now became absolutely necessary to find mountain Indians who would supply horses and guide the white men across the Divide. In the hope of finding the Indian trail, Captain Lewis landed with two men and preceded the boats. He had not gone five miles when to his sheer delight he saw a Snake Indian on horseback. Ordering his men to keep back, he advanced within a mile of the horseman and three times spread his blanket on the ground as a signal of friendship. The horseman sat motionless as bronze. Captain Lewis went forward, with trinkets held out to tempt a parley, and was within a few hundred yards when the savage wheeled and dashed off. Lewis' men had disobeyed orders and frightened the fellow by advancing. Deeply chagrined, Lewis hoisted an American flag as sign of friendship and continued his march. Tracks of horses were followed across a bog, along what was plainly an Indian road, till the sources of the Missouri became so narrow that one of the men put a foot on each side and thanked God that he had lived to bestride the Missouri. Stooping, all drank from the crystal spring whose waters they had traced for three thousand miles from St. Louis. Following a steep declivity, they were presently crossing the course of a stream that flowed west and must lead to some branch of the Columbia.

Suddenly, on the cliff in front, Captain Lewis discovered two squaws, an Indian, and some dogs. Unfurling his flag, he advanced. The Indians paused, then dashed for the woods. Lewis tried to tie some presents round the dogs' necks as a peace-offering, but the curs made off after their master. The white men had not proceeded a mile before they came to three squaws, who never moved but bowed their heads to the ground for the expected blow that would make them captives. Throwing down weapons, Lewis pulled up his sleeve to show that he was white. Presents allayed all fear, and the squaws had led him two miles toward their camp when sixty warriors came galloping at full speed with arrows levelled. The squaws rushed forward, vociferating and showing their presents. Three chiefs at once dismounted, and fell on Captain Lewis with such greasy embraces of welcome that he was glad to end the ceremony. Pipes were smoked, presents distributed, and the white men conducted to a great leathern lodge, where Lewis announced his mission and prepared the Indians for the coming of the main force in the boats.

The Snakes scarcely knew whether to believe the white man's tale. The Indian camp was short of provisions, and Lewis urged the warriors to come back up the trail to meet the advancing boats. The braves hesitated. Cameahwait, the chief, harangued till a dozen warriors mounted their horses and set out, Lewis and his men each riding behind an Indian. Captain Clark could advance only slowly, and the Indians with Lewis grew suspicious as they entered the rocky denies without meeting the explorers' party. Half the Snakes turned back. Among those that went on were three women. To demonstrate good faith, Lewis again mounted a horse behind an Indian, though the bare-back riding over rough ground at a mad pace was almost jolting his bones apart. A spy came back breathless with news for the hungry warriors that one of the white hunters had killed a deer, and the whole company lashed to a breakneck gallop that nearly finished Lewis, who could only cling for dear life to the Indian's waist. The poor wretches were so ravenous that they fell on the dead deer and devoured it raw. It was here that Lewis expected the boats. They were not to be seen. The Indians grew more distrustful. The chief at once put fur collars, after the fashion of Indian dress, round the white men's shoulders. As this was plainly a trick to conceal the whites in case of treachery on their part, Lewis at once took off his hat and placed it on the chief's head. Then he hurried the Indians along, lest they should lose courage completely. To his mortification, Captain Clark did not appear. To revive the Indians' courage, the white men then passed their guns across to the Snakes, signalling willingness to suffer death if the Indians discovered treachery. That night all the Indians hid in the woods but five, who slept on guard round the whites. If anything had stopped Clark's advance, Lewis was lost. Though neither knew it, Lewis and Clark were only four miles apart, Clark, Chaboneau, the guide, and Sacajawea, the Indian woman, were walking on the shore early in the morning, when the squaw began to dance with signs of the most extravagant joy. Looking ahead, Clark saw one of Lewis' men, disguised as an Indian, leading a company of Snake warriors that the squaw had recognized as her own people, from whom she had been wrested when a child. The Indians broke into songs of delight, and Sacajawea, dashing through the crowd, threw her arms round an Indian woman, sobbing and laughing and exhibiting all the hysterical delight of a demented creature. Sacajawea and the woman had been playmates in childhood and had been captured in the same war; but the Snake woman had escaped, while Sacajawea became a slave and married the French guide.

Meanwhile, Captain Clark was being welcomed by Lewis and the chief, Cameahwait. Sacajawea was called to interpret. Cameahwait rose to speak. The poor squaw flung herself on him with cries of delight. In the chief of the Snakes she had recognized her brother. Laced coats, medals, flags, and trinkets were presented to the Snakes; but though willing enough to act as guides, the Indians discouraged the explorers about going on in boats. The western stream was broken for leagues by terrible rapids walled in with impassable precipices. Boats were abandoned and horses bought from the Snakes. The white men set their faces northwestward, the southern trail, usually followed by the Snakes, leading too much in the direction of the Spanish settlements. Game grew so scarce that by September the men were without food and a colt was killed for meat.

By October the company was reduced to a diet of dog; but the last Divide had been crossed. Horses were left with an Indian chief of the Flatheads, and the explorers glided down the Clearwater, leading to the Columbia, in five canoes and one pilot boat. Great was the joy in camp on November 8, 1805; for the boats had passed the last _portage_ of the Columbia. When heavy fog rose, there burst on the eager gaze of the _voyageurs_ the shining expanse of the Pacific. The shouts of the jubilant _voyageurs_ mingled with the roar of ocean breakers. Like Alexander Mackenzie of the far North a decade before, Lewis and Clark had reached the long-sought Western Sea. They had been first up the Missouri, first across the middle Rockies, and first down the Columbia to the Pacific.

Seven huts, known as Fort Clatsop, were knocked up on the south side of the Columbia's harbor for winter quarters; and a wretched winter the little fort spent, beleaguered not by hostiles, but by such inclement damp that all the men were ill before spring and their very leather suits rotted from their backs. Many a time, coasting the sea, were they benighted. Spreading mats on the sand, they slept in the drenching rain. Unused to ocean waters, the inland voyageurs became deadly seasick. Once, when all were encamped on the shore, an enormous tidal wave broke over the camp with a smashing of log-drift that almost crushed the boats. Nez Perces and Flatheads had assisted the white men after the Snake guides had turned back. Clatsops and Chinooks were now their neighbors. Christmas and New Year of 1806 were celebrated by a discharge of firearms. No boats chanced to touch at the Columbia during the winter. The time was passed laying up store of elk meat and leather; for the company was not only starving, but nearly naked. The Pacific had been reached on November 14, 1805. Fort Clatsop was evacuated on the afternoon of March 23, 1806.

The goods left to trade for food and horses when Lewis and Clark departed from the coast inland had dwindled to what could have been tied in two handkerchiefs; but necessity proved the mother of invention, and the men cut the brass buttons from their tattered clothes and vended brass trinkets to the Indians. The medicine-chest was also sacrificed, every Indian tribe besieging the two captains for eye-water, fly-blisters, and other patent wares. The poverty of the white man roused the insolence of the natives on the return over the mountains. Rocks were rolled down on the boatmen at the worst _portages_ by aggressive Indians; and once, when the hungry _voyageurs_ were at a meal of dog meat, an Indian impudently flung a live pup straight at Captain Lewis' plate. In a trice the pup was back in the fellow's face; Lewis had seized a weapon; and the crestfallen aggressor had taken ignominiously to his heels. When they had crossed the mountains, the forces divided into three parties, two to go east by the Yellowstone, one under Lewis by the main Missouri.

Somewhere up the height of land that divides the southern waters of the Saskatchewan from the northern waters of the Missouri, the tracks of Minnetaree warriors were found. These were the most murderous raiders of the plains. Over a swell of the prairie Lewis was startled to see a band of thirty horses, half of them saddled. The Indians were plainly on the war-path, for no women were in camp; so Lewis took out his flag and advanced unfalteringly. An Indian came forward. Lewis and the chief shook hands, but Lewis now had no presents to pacify hostiles. Camping with the Minnetarees for the night, as if he feared nothing, Lewis nevertheless took good care to keep close watch on all movements. He smoked the pipe of peace with them as late as he dared; and when he retired to sleep, he had ordered Fields and the other two white men to be on guard. At sunrise the Indians crowded round the fire, where Fields had for the moment carelessly laid his rifle. Simultaneously, the warriors dashed at the weapons of the sleeping white men, while other Indians made off with the explorers' horses. With a shout, Fields gave the alarm, and pursuing the thieves, grappled with the Indian who had stolen his rifle. In the scuffle the Indian was stabbed to the heart. Drewyer succeeded in wresting back his gun, and Lewis dashed out with his pistol, shouting for the Indians to leave the horses. The raiders were mounting to go off at full speed. The white men pursued on foot. Twelve horses fell behind; but just as the Indians dashed for hiding behind a cliff, Lewis' strength gave out. He warned them if they did not stop he would shoot. An Indian turned to fire with one of the stolen weapons, and instantly Lewis' pistol rang true. The fellow rolled to earth mortally wounded; but Lewis felt the whiz of a bullet past his own head. Having captured more horses than they had lost, the white men at once mounted and rode for their lives through river and slough, sixty miles without halt; for the Minnetarees would assuredly rally a larger band of warriors to their aid. A pause of an hour to refresh the horses and a wilder ride by moonlight put forty more miles between Captain Lewis and danger. At daylight the men were so sore from the mad pace for twenty-four hours that they could scarcely stand; but safety depended on speed and on they went again till they reached the main Missouri, where by singularly good luck some of the other _voyageurs_ had arrived.

The entire forces were reunited below the Yellowstone on August 12th. Traders on the way up the Missouri from St. Louis brought first news of the outer world, and the discoverers were not a little amused to learn that they had been given up for dead. At the Mandans, Colter, one of the frontiersmen, asked leave to go back to the wilds; and Chaboneau, with his dauntless wife, bade the white men farewell. On September 20th settlers on the river bank above St. Louis were surprised to see thirty ragged men, with faces bronzed like leather, passing down the river. Then some one remembered who these worn _voyageurs_ were, and cheers of welcome made the cliffs of the Missouri ring. On September 23d, at midday, the boats drew quietly up to the river front of St. Louis. Lewis and Clark, the greatest pathfinders of the United States, had returned from the discovery of a new world as large as half Europe, without losing a single man but Sergeant Floyd, who had died from natural causes a few months after leaving St. Louis. What Radisson had begun in 1659-1660, what De la Vérendrye had attempted when he found the way barred by the Rockies--was completed by Lewis and Clark in 1805. It was the last act in that drama of heroes who carved empire out of wilderness; and all alike possessed the same hero-qualities--courage and endurance that were indomitable, the strength that is generated in life-and-death grapple with naked primordial reality, and that reckless daring which defies life and death. Those were hero-days; and they produced hero-types, who flung themselves against the impossible--and conquered it. What they conquered we have inherited. It is the Great Northwest.

[1] Mention of this man is to be found in Northwest Company manuscripts, lately sold in the Masson collection of documents to the Canadian Archives and McGill College Library. It was also my good fortune--while this book was going to print--to see the entire family collection of Clark's letters, owned by Mrs. Julia Clark Voorhis of New York. Among these letters is one to Chaboneau from Clark. In spite of the cordial relations between the Nor'westers and Lewis and Clark, these fur traders cannot conceal their fear that this trip presages the end of the fur trade.

APPENDIX

For the very excellent translations of the almost untranslatable transcripts taken from the Marine Archives of Paris, and forwarded to me by the Canadian Archives, I am indebted to Mr. R. Roy, of the Marine Department, Ottawa, the eminent authority on French Canadian genealogical matters.

Some of the topics in the Appendices are of such a controversial nature--the whereabouts of the Mascoutins, for instance--that at my request Mr. Roy made the translation absolutely literal no matter how incongruous the wording. To those who say Radisson was not on the Missouri I commend Appendix E, where the tribes of the West are described.

APPENDIX A

COPY OF LETTER WRITTEN TO M. COMPORTÉ BY M. CHOUART, AT LONDON, THE 29TH APRIL, 1685

SIR,

I have received the two letters with which you have honored me; I have even received one inclosed that I have not given, for reasons that I will tell you, God willing, in a few days.

I have received your instructions contained in the one and the other, as to the way I should act, and I should not have failed to execute all that you order me for the service of our Master, if I had been at full liberty so to do; you must have no doubt about it, because my inclination and my duty agree perfectly well. All the advantages that I am offered did not for a moment cause me to waver, but, in short, sir, I could not go to Paris, and I shall be happy to go and meet you by the route you travel. I shall be well pleased to find landed the people you state will be there; in case they may have the commission you speak of in your two letters, have it accompanied if you please with a memorandum of what I shall have to do for the service of our Master. I know of a case whereby I am sufficiently taught that it is not safe to undertake too many things, however advantageous they may be, nor undertaking too little. I am convinced, sir, that having orders, I will carry them out at the risk of my life, and I flatter myself that you do not doubt it.

There is much likelihood that the men you sent last year are lost.

I should like, sir, to be at the place you desire me to go; be assured I will perish, or be there as soon as I possibly can; it is saying enough. I do not answer to the rest of your letter, it is sufficient that I am addressing a sensible man, who, knowing my heart, will not doubt that I will keep my word with him, as I believe he will do all he can for my interests.

I am, with much anxiety to see you, sir, your most humble and most obedient servant,

(signed) CHOUART.

I will leave here only on the 25th of next month.

APPENDIX B

COPY OF LETTER WRITTEN BY M. CHOUART TO MRS. DES GROSEILLERS, HIS MOTHER

AT LONDON, 11TH APRIL, 1685.

MY VERY DEAR MOTHER,

I learn by the letter you have written me, of the 2nd November last, that my father has returned from France without obtaining anything at that Court, which made you think of leaving Quebec; my sentiment would be that you abandon this idea as I am strongly determined to go and be by you at the first opportunity I get, which shall be, God willing, as soon as I have taken means to that effect when I have returned from the North.

I hope to start on this voyage in a month or six weeks at the latest; I cannot determine on what date I could be near you; my father may know what difficulties there are. However, I hope to surmount them, and there is nothing I would not do to that end.

The money I left with my cousin is intended to buy you a house, as I have had always in mind to do, had not my father opposed it, but now I will do it so as to give you a chance to get on, and always see you in the country where I will live.

I have been made, here, proposals of marriage, to which I have not listened, not being here under the rule of my king nor near my parents, and I would have left this kingdom had I been given the liberty to do so, but they hold back on me my pay and the price of my merchandise, and I cannot sail away as orders have been given to arrest me in case I should prepare to leave.

What you fear in reference to my money should not give you any uneasiness on account of the English. I will cause it to be pretty well known that I never intended to follow the English. I have been surprised and forced by my uncle's subterfuges to risk this voyage being unable to escape the English vessels where my uncle made me go without disclosing his plan, which he has worked out in bringing me here, but I will not disclose mine either: to abandon this nation. I am willing that my cousin should pay you the income on my money, until I return home. M. the earl of Denonville, your governor, will see to my mother's affairs, as they who render service to the country will not be forsaken as in the past, and being generous as he is, loyal and zealous for his country, he will inform the Court what there is to be done for the benefit of our nation.

I am, my dear mother, to my father and to you,

most obedient servant, (signed) CHOUART.

And below is written:--

MOTHER,

I pray you to see on my behalf M. du Lude, and assure him of my very humble services. I will have the honor of seeing him as soon as I can. Please do the same with M. Peray and all our good friends.

APPENDIX C

COUNCIL

Held at fort Pontchartrain, in lake Erie strait, 8th June, 1704.

By the indians Kiskacous, Ottawa, Sinagot of the Sable Nation, Hurons, Saulteurs (Sault Indians), Amikoique (Amikoués), Mississaugas, Nipissings, Miamis and Wolves, in the presence of M. de Lamothe-Cadillac, commanding at the said fort; de Tonty, captain of a detachment of Marines; the rev F. Constantin, Recollet missionary at the said post; Messrs Desnoyers and Radisson, principal clerks of the Company of the Colony, and of all the French, soldiers as well as _voyageurs_.

The one named FORTY SOLS, (40 half-penny), indian chief of the Huron nation speaks as much on behalf of the said nation as of all those present at the meeting.

The French having come, he said:--

"We ask that all the French be present at this Council so that they hear and know what we will say to you.

"We are well on this land, it is very good, and we are much pleased with it; listen well, father, we pray you.

"Mrs de Tonty went away last year; she did not return; we see you going away to-day, father, with your wife, your children and all the Frenchwomen as well as that of M. Radisson, who is going down with you; that reveals to us that you abandon us.

"We are angry for good and ill-disposed if the women go away. We pray you to pay attention to this because we could not stop you nor your young men: we demand that Radisson remains, or at least, that he returns promptly."

BY A NECKLACE (Wampum)

"We will escort your wife and the other Frenchwomen who intend to go down to Montreal. Now, mind well what we are asking you.

"We readily see that the Governor is a liar, as he does not keep to what he has promised us; as he has lied to us we will lie to him also, and we will listen no more to his word.

"What brings that man here (speaking of M. Desnoyers)? We do not know him and do not understand him; we are ill-disposed. It is two years since you have been gathering in our peltries, part of which has been taken down; we will allow nothing to leave until the French come up with goods."

BY ANOTHER NECKLACE

"Father, we pray you to send back that man (speaking of M. Desnoyers), because if he remains here, we do not answer for his safety; our people have told us that he despises our peltries and only wanted beaver; where does he want us to get it. We absolutely want him to go; nothing will leave the house where the trading is done and where the peltries and bundles are, until the French arrive here with merchandise and they be allowed to trade. When we came here, the Governor did not tell us that the merchants would be masters over the merchandise; he lied to us; we ask that all the Frenchmen trade here; we pray you to write and tell him what we are saying, and if he does not listen to us, we will also refuse to accept his word.

"The land is not yours, it is ours, and we will leave it to go where we like without anybody finding fault. We regret having allowed the surgeon to leave as we apprehend he will not come back.

"We pray you will cause to remain Gauvereau the blacksmith and gunsmith.

"I have nothing more to say, I have spoken for all the nations here present."

M. de Lamothe had a question put to the Ottawa and the other nations, if that was their sentiment; they all answered: Yes, and that they were of one and the same mind. He told them that, seeing they had taken time to think over what they had just said, he would consider as to what he had to answer them, and, put them off to the morrow, after having accepted their necklace.

(Not signed.)

COUNCIL

Held at fort Pontchartrain, in lake Erie strait, the 9th June, 1704.

By the Indians Kiskacous; Ottawas; Sinagotres, the Sable nation; Hurons; Sauteux (Sault Ste Marie Indians); Amikoique (Beaver nation); Mississaugas; Miamis and Wolves in the presence of M. de Lamothe-Cadillac, commanding at the said fort; de Tonty, captain of a detachment of Marines; the rev F. Constantin, Recollet missionary at the said post, Messrs Desnoyers and Radisson, principal clerks of the Company of the Colony, and of all the French, soldiers as well as _voyageurs_.

M. de Lamothe addressed all the said nations:--

"As you requested me to pay attention to your words, please listen, the same, to-day.

"I was aware that Mdme. de Tonty's trip to Montreal last year had given you umbrage, because she did not come back; and the cause of it is her pregnancy.

"I knew also that my wife's setting out for Montreal as also the other Frenchwomen was causing you uneasiness, because you believed I was going to abandon you. It is true she was going away, but it was not for ever. I showed her your necklace; that her children would miss her very much and that they begged of her to stay. When she heard of your grief, she accepted your necklace and she will stay for some time, because she does not like to refuse her children; the other Frenchwomen will remain also.

"You spoke ill of the Governor when you said he was a liar. If anyone told you that he was forsaking you, I will be pleased if you will tell me who it is. As for me I have no knowledge of it.

"M. Desnoyers was present when you offered your necklace, and like me he heard your statement. He told me you were wrong to complain about him because he would not take your peltries and that he wanted beaver only; you are complaining inopportunely seeing that he has not done any trading. You should tell me who made those reports. But as you are not glad to see him, he has decided to go back, and as I am going down to Montreal on good business, he will accompany me, and also M. Radisson, because the Governor wants him, and he must obey, and we will arrange so that we come back together.

"You have asked me to write down your speech to the Governor. I will be the bearer of it. I have not the authority to have the French to trade here; it is a matter that M. the Governor will settle with M. the Intendant.

"The Governor did not lie to you because he did not notify you the first year, that the merchants would be masters of the merchandise, because it was the King who sent it here then and I could dispose of it; since then, an order came from the King in favor of the merchants.

"This land is mine, because I am the first one who lighted a fire thereon, and you all took some to light yours.

"I am very glad that you like this land, and that you find it is good.

"It is of no consequence that the surgeon left, because when one goes another comes, and the same applies for the gunsmith.

"I have no more to tell you. Here is some tobacco that you may all smoke together, and that it may give you wisdom until I return and the Governor sends you his word. Attend to your mother during my absence, and see that she does not want for provisions, for if you do not take care of her, on my return I will not give you a drink of brandy.

"M. de Tonty replaces me; I pray you to be on good terms with him."

FORTY SOLS, chief of the Hurons, spoke for all the indians:--

"We remember well, father, of what we said yesterday because you repeat it to-day. We thank you for having listened to us and granted all we asked you. We thank the women for not going away, because their remaining is as if you remained. From to-morrow we will stimulate our young men to go after provisions for our mother.

"It is three years ago, when in Montreal at the general meeting our chiefs died, the governor told us to have courage, that he was sorry for us, that he saw we were very far to come and get goods in Montreal, and he invited us to come and settle around you, and that he would send us merchandise at the same price as in Montreal. This worked well for two years, but goods rose up too much in price the third year.

"The first year you came, we were very happy, but now we are naked, not even having a bad shirt to put on our back. We would be pleased by the establishment of several stores here, because if we were refused in one, we could go to another.

"We are very glad of M. Desnoyers' going back because we do not know him and we fear some of our young men may be ill-disposed.

"We were under the impression the Governor had sold us to the merchants since they are the masters of the commerce.

"It is true that we took of your fire to light ours but we have waited two years without anything coming this way so that your land is ours. I told the same thing to the Governor last year in Montreal.

"Have courage, father, we will pray God for you during your voyage so that you may bring back good news."

(Not signed.)

APPENDIX D

Cie des Indes

(Indies Co'y)

Renders account to the said company of the death of Mr. Radisson, receiver at Montreal, of the nomination ad interim of Mr. Gamelin to fill the vacancy of receiver, of account to render by Mr. Deplessis, heir of Mr. Radisson to reëstablish price of summer beaver as before ordinance of the 4th January, 1733.

AT QUEBEC, THE 25TH OCTOBER, 1735.

GENTLEMEN,

I have received the letter you did me the honor to send me of the 9th March last.

M. Radisson, your receiver at Montreal, died there the 14th of June and immediately M. Gamelin, merchant, to whom Messrs La Gorgendière and Daine had given three years ago, had commissioned to look after your interests in default or in case of death of M. Radisson, applied to M. Michel, my sub-delegate to affix the seals on of all your effects, which was done according to the account rendered you by Messrs. La Gorgendière and Daine.

It was necessary to fill the vacancy. I have appointed temporarily in virtue of the authority, you gave, gentlemen, the same M. Gamelin; I thought I could not have your interests in better hands, as much for his honesty than his intelligence in regulating his sales and his receipts. Independently of the knowledge he has of the different qualities of beaver, I have had the honor to speak to you on this subject in my preceding letters and to say that the only obstacle I find to giving him the office of receiver at Montreal was his quality of merchant outfitter for the upper country, which might render him suspicious to you because of the returns he gets in beaver. Although I have a pretty good opinion of him to believe his loyalty proof against any particular interest, you shall see, gentlemen, by the copy of the commission I have given him, which is sent you, that it is on condition either directly or indirectly to do no traffic in the upper country, and to confine himself either to marine trade or other inland commerce, to which he has agreed, but nevertheless has represented to me that being engaged as a partner with M. Lamarque, another merchant, for the working out of the post named "the Western Sea" and that of the Sioux; this partnership only terminating in 1737; that he was looking around to sell his share, but, if this thing was impossible requesting me to kindly allow him to continue until that term, past which he would cease all commerce in the upper country. I agreed to this arrangement on account of his good qualities, and this will not turn to any account of consequence; whatever, selection you may make, gentlemen, you will not find a better one in this country.

M. de La Gorgendière having offered me his son to act as clerk to M. Gamelin and comptroller in the Montreal office, for the auditing to be made, without increasing on that score the expenditure of your administration, I have consented on these conditions; M. Gamelin to give him 800 livres (shillings) on the commission of one per cent the company allow the receiver at Montreal, and M. Daine has assured me he was satisfied with his work.

I will not entertain, you, messieurs, with the discussion of the account to be rendered by M. Duplessis, M. Radisson's heir, to your agent, who claims he owes 5 to 6000 livres. Those discussions did not take place in my presence.

Most of the beaver shipped this year were put up in bundles, and shortage in cotton cloth for packing prevented shipment of the whole.

The disturbances which have occurred for some years in the upper country have effectively prevented the Indians from hunting; the post of the Bay which abounds ordinarily with beaver, produced nothing; those of Detroit and Michilimakinac, only furnished very little. Happily the post of the Sioux and of the Western Sea produced near to 100,000 which swelled up the receipt; otherwise it would have been very middling.

The party commanded by M. Desnoyelles against the Indians Sakis and Foxes was not as successful as expected on account of the desertion and retreat of 100 Hurons and Iroquois who left him when at the Kakanons (Kiskanons of Michilimakinac?) without his being able to hold them, so that this officer found himself after a long tramp at those Indians' fort, not only inferior in numbers but also much in want of provisions. He was under the necessity of returning after a rather sharp skirmish which took place between some of his men and the enemy. We lost two Frenchmen and one of our indians; the Foxes and Sakis lost 21 men, either killed, wounded or captured.

If the Sakis come back to the Bay, as they pledged themselves to M. Desnoyelles we are in hopes here that peace will again flourish and consequently the trade of the upper country.

I have seen, gentlemen, what you were pleased to say as to reduction in price on the summer-beaver. I had been assured by reliable persons that this reduction might become very injurious to your commerce. I have learned that some of this kind of beaver were carried to the English who pay two livres (shillings) for one and at a higher price than you pay over your counters. It was from what you wrote me in 1732, that the hatters could make no use of that beaver, that at your request I published an ordinance of the 4th January, 1733, reducing the price of summer-beaver either green (gras) or dry (sec) to ten pence a pound, on condition that it should be burned. There could be nothing suspicious in that. But since you now deem that that reduction may be harmful, as I have also had in mind to invite the indians and even the French under this pretence to take the good as well as the bad beaver to the English; I will restore the price of the summer-beaver as it was before my ordinance. I will not be at a loss for a cause: it is not in your interest to give a lower price. You run your commerce, gentlemen, with too much good faith to give rise to suspicion that you wished for a reduction in price to 10 pence for this kind of beaver, and having it burned only to procure it yourself at that price and not burn it. Besides, the quantity received is too small a matter to deserve consideration.

[Sidenote: Beaver hats half worked made in the country.]

M. the marquis de Beauharnois and I have received the orders of the King with reference to beaver hats half worked made in Canada. His Majesty has ordered us to break up the workmen's benches and to prevent any manufacture of hats. We have made some representations on this subject, to those made to us, namely by a man named ------, hatter, and your receiver at Quebec. It is true that the making of beaver hats half worked and other for export to France could turn out of consequence in ruining your privilege and the hat establishments in France. These are the only inconveniences, to my mind, to be feared, as I do not look upon such, the making of hats for the use of residents of the country. So that we have satisfied ourselves, until further orders, to forbid the going, out of the colony, of all kind of hats, as you will see by the ordinance we have published together, M. the General and I. If we had been more strict, the three hatters established in this colony, who know no other business than their trade, the man ------ amongst others, who follow that calling from father to son, would have been reduced to begging.

The quantity of hats they will manufacture when export is stopped, cannot be of any injury to the manufactures of the kingdom and be but of small matter to your commerce. Moreover, I am aware that these hatters employ the worst kind of beaver, which they get very cheap, and your stores at Paris are that much rid of them.

[Sidenote: Defects in list of cloth sent.]

The cloths you sent this year are of better quality than the precedding shipment. Messrs La Gorgendiere, Daine and Gamelin have observed on defects which happen in the lists; they told me they would inform you.

[Sidenote: Remittance of 300 livres (shillings) to the Baron de Longueuil.]

I have the honor to thank you, gentlemen, for the remittance of 300 livres you were pleased to grant to M. the Baron of Longueuil, on my recommendation.

It is very difficult to prevent the Indians going to Chouaguen; the brandy that the English give out freely is an invincible attraction.

I have heard, the same as you, that some Frenchmen disguised as Indians had been there; if I can discover some one, you may be sure that I will deal promptly with them. You may have heard that the man LENOIR, resident of Montreal, having gone to England three years ago without leave, I have kept him in prison till he had settled the fine he was condemned to pay, and which I transferred to the hospitals. I add that a part of the interest you have in the Indians not going to Chouaguen, I have another on account of the trading carried on for the benefit of the King at Niagara and at fort Frontenac which that English post has ruined. By all means you may rely on my attention to break up English trade. I fear I may not succeed in this so long as the brandy traffic, although moderate, will find adversaries among those who govern consciences.

[Sidenote: Foreign trade; Beaver at trade at Labrador.]

I will do my best to prevent the beaver which is traded at Labrador and the other posts in the lower part of the River to be smuggled to France by ships from Bayonne, St Malo and Marseille. This will be difficult as we cannot have at those posts any inspector. I will try, however, to give an ordinance so as to prevent that, which may intimidate some of those who carry on that commerce.

It is true that the commandants of the upper country posts have relaxed in the sending of the declarations made or to be made by the _voyageurs_ as to the quantity and quality of the bundles of beaver they take down to Montreal. M. the General and I have renewed the necessary orders on this subject so that the commandants shall conform to them.

[Sidenote: Asks for continuation of gratuity received by Mr. Michel, even to increase it.]

M. Michel, my subdelegate at Montreal has received the bounty of 500 livres you have requested your agent to pay to him; he hopes that you will be pleased to have it continued next year. I have the honor to pray you to do so, and even augment it, if possible. I can assure you, gentlemen that he lends himself on all occasions to all that may concern your commerce. As for myself, I am very flattered by the opinion you entertain that I have at heart your interests. I always feel a true satisfaction in renewing you these assurances.

I am, respectfully,

[Sidenote: Thanks for the coffee sent.]

GENTLEMEN, M. de La Gorgendière has delivered to me on your behalf, a bale of Moka coffee. I am very sensible, gentlemen, to this token of friendship on your part.

I have the honor to thank you, and to assure you that I am very truly and respectfully, etc.

(signed) HOCQUART.

APPENDIX E

MEMORANDUM RE CANADA

(No locality) 1697

All the discoveries in America were only made step by step and little by little, especially those of lands held by the French in that part of the North.

It being certain that during the reign of king Francis I, several of his subjects, amateurs of shipping and of discoveries, in imitation of the Portuguese and the Spaniards, made the voyage, where they found the great cod bank. The quality of birds frequenting this sea where they always find food, caused them to heave the lead, and bottom was found and the said great bank.

He got an opinion on the nearest lands, and other curious persons desired to go farther, and discovered Cape Breton, Virginia and Florida. Some even inhabited and took possession of the divers places, abandoned since, through misunderstanding of the commanders and their poor skill in knowing how to keep on good terms with the indians of those countries, who, good natured all at the beginning, could not suffer the rigor with which it was wanted to subjugate them, so that after a short occupation, they left to return to Europe. And since, the Spaniards and the English successfully have taken possession of the land and all the coasts that the said English have kept until this day to much advantage, so that Frenchmen who have returned since have been obliged to settle at Cape Breton and Acadia.

About the year 1540, the said Cape Breton was fortified by Jacques Carrier, captain of St Malo, who afterward entered the river St. Lawrence up to 7 or 8 leagues above Quebec, where desiring to know more, the season also being too far advanced he stopped off to winter at a small river which bears his name and which forms the boundary of M. de Becancourt's land whom he knew; he made sociable a number of Indians who came aboard his ship and brought back beaver pretty abundantly.

Since, he made another voyage with Saintonge men which did not prevent several other ships to go after the said beaver; men from Dieppe, Brittany and La Rochelle, some with a passport and others by fraud and piracy, especially the latter, the Civil war having carried away persons out of dutifulness, the Admiralty and the Marine being then held in very little consideration, which lasted a long time.

However, I believe for having heard it said, that the lands after new discoveries were given since to M. Chabot or to M. Ventadour, where a certain gentleman from Saintonge named M. du Champlain, had very free admittance and who may have mingled with those of his country who had navigated with Carrier and had given him a longing to see that of which he had only heard speak.

He was a proper man for such a scheme; a great courage, wisdom, sensible, pious, fair and of great experience; a robust body which would render him indefatigable and capable to resist hunger, cold and heat.

This gentleman then solicited permission to come to Canada and obtained it. His small estate and his friends supplied him with a medium sized vessel for the passage. This new commandant or governor pitied much the Indians and had the satisfaction at his arrival to see that he was much feared and loved by them. He took memoranda through his interpreter of their wars, their mode of living and of their interests. At that time they were numerous and proud of the great advantages they had over the Iroquois, their enemy. With this information he recrossed to France; gave an account of his voyage, and was so charmed with the land, the climate and of the good which would result from a permanent establishment that he persuaded his wife to accompany him. His example induced missionaries of St. François and some parisian families to follow him. He was granted a commission or governor's provisions to take his living from the country.

He erected a palissade fort at the place now occupied by the fort St Louis of Quebec.

To please the indians he went with them and three Frenchmen only, warring in the Iroquois country, which has no doubt given rise to our quarrel with this nation.

The Commerce was then in the hands of the Rochelois (?) who supplied some provisions to the said M. de Champlain, a man without interest and disposed to be content with little.

He returns to France in the interests of the country and took back Madam his wife who died in a Ursuline convent, at Saintes, I believe, and he at Quebec, after having worked hard there, with little help because of the misfortunes of France.

M. the Cardinal of Richelieu have inspired France with confidence by the humiliation of the Rochelois (?) wanted to take care of the marine and formed at that time, about 1626 or 1627 what was then called the "Society of One Hundred," in which joined persons of all qualifications, and also merchants from Dieppe and Rouen. Dieppe was then reputed for good navigators and for navigation.

The said M. the Cardinal got granted to the said company the islands of St Christophe, newly discovered and all the lands of Canada. The Company composed of divers states did not take long to disjoin, and of this great Company several were formed by themselves, the ones concerning themselves about the Isles and the others about Canada, where they were also divided up in a Company of Miscou, which is an island of the Bay in the lower part of the River, where all the Indians meet, and a Company of Tadoussac or Quebec.

The Basques, Rochelois, Bretons, and Normans, who during the disorders of the war had commenced secretly on the River, crossed their commerce much by the continuation of their runs without passport. Sometimes on pretext of cod or whale fishing, notwithstanding the interdiction of decrees, the gain made them risk everything, as the two sides of the river were all settled and many more came down from inland.

Those Companies for being badly served on account of inexperience and through poor economy, as will happen at the beginning of all affairs, were put to large expenses.

The English had already seized on Boston abandoned by the French after their new discovery; beaver and elk peltry were much sought after and at a very high price in Europe; they could be had for a needle, a hawk-bell or a tin looking-glass, a marked copper coin. Our possession was there very well-off. The English who made war to us in France, also made it in Canada, and began to take the fleet about Isle Percée, as it was ascending to Quebec.

As four or five vessels came every year loaded with goods for the Indians, it was at that time quantity of peas, plums, raisins, figs and others and provisions for M. de Champlain; a garrison of 15 or 20 men; a store in the lower town where the clerks of the Company lived with 10 or 12 families already used to the country. This succor failing, much hardship was endured in a country which then produced nothing by itself, so that the English presenting themselves the next year with their fleet, surrender was obligatory; the governor and the Recollets crossed over to France and the families were treated honestly enough.

Happily in 1628 or 1629, France made it up with England and the treaty gave back Canada to the French, when M. de Champlain, returned and died some years later.

Those of the Company of 100, who were persons of dignity and consideration, living in Paris, thought fit to leave the care and benefits of commerce for Canada with the Rouen and Dieppe merchants, with whom joined a few from Paris. They were charged with the payment of the governor's appointments, to furnish him with provisions and subsistence and to keep up the garrisons of Quebec and Three-Rivers where there was also a post on account of the large number of Indians calling; to furnish the things necessary for the war; to pay themselves off the product and give account of the surplus to the directors of the Company who had an office at Paris.

It has been said that Dieppe and Rouen benefitted and that Paris suffered and was disgusted.

To M. de Champlain succeeded M. de Montmagny, very wise and very dignified; knight of Malta; relative of M. de Poinsy, who commanded at the Island of St Christophe where the said M. de Montmagny died after leaving Canada after a sojourn of 14 or 15 years, loved and cherished by the French and the natives--we say the French, although the complaints made against him by the principals were the cause of his sorrow and he resigned voluntarily.

It is to be remarked that all the commerce was done at Rouen to go out through Dieppe on the hearsay and the fine connections that the Jesuit Fathers who had taken the Recollets' place, took great care to have printed and distributed every year.

Canada was in vogue and several families from Normandy and the Perche took sail to come and reside in it; there were nobles, the most of them poor, we might say, who found out from the first, that M. de Montmagny was too disinterested to be willing to consider the change they desired for their advantage. They intrigued against him five or six families without the participation of the others, got leave from him to go to France to ask for favors and there had one of themselves as governor; obtained liberty in the beaver trade, which until then had been strictly forbidden to the inhabitants who had been reserved the fruits of the country to advance the culture of the land such as pease, Indian corn, and wheat bread. That was the first title of the inhabitants to trade with the indians.

To arrive at that end they promised to pay annually 1000 beaver to the Paris office for its seignorial right which it did not receive through its attention and management of its affairs.

They got permission to form a Board from their principal men, to transact with the governor all matters in the country for peace, for war, the settlement of accounts of their society or little republic, and also sitting on cases concerning interests of private individuals.

It was then that to keep up this sham republic or society, a tax of one-fourth was imposed on the export of beaver.

By these means the authority of the Company and its store were ruined and the whole was turning to the advantage of those four or six families, the others, either poor or slighted by the authority of M. D'Ailleboust, their governor.

On this footing it was not hard for them to find large credit at La Rochelle, because loans were made in the name of the Community, although it consisted only of these four or six families; which from their being poor found themselves in large managements enlarged their household, ran into expense, that of their vessels and shipments was excessive and the wealth derived from the beaver was to pay all.

Their bad management altered their credit and brought them to agree, after several years' enjoyment so as not to pay La Rochelle, to take their ships to Hâvre-de-Grace, where, on arrival they sold to Messrs Lick and Tabac; this perfidy which they excused because of the large interest taken from them, alarmed La Rochelle who complained to Paris, and after much pressing a trustee was appointed to give bonds in the name of the society for large sums yet due to the city of La Rochelle.

Their vessels all bore off to Normandy; they took on their cargoes there in part, and part at La Rochelle, the trade having been allowed those two places, because Rouen and Dieppe had several persons on the roll of the Company and obligation was due La Rochelle for having loaned property.

The governor and the families addressed reproaches to each other, and the King being pleased to listen to them, had the kindness to appoint from the body of the company persons of first dignity to give attention to what was going on in this colony, who were called Commissioners; they were Messrs de Morangis, de la Marguerid, Verthamont and Chame, and since, Messrs de Lamoignon, de Boucherat and de Lauzon, the latter also of the body of the Company offered to pass over to this country to arrange the difficulties, and he asked for its government, which was accorded him.

He embarked at La Rochelle because of the obligation of the creditors of that city to treat him gently; Rouen did not care much. He was a literary man; he made friends with the R. F. Jesuits, and created a new council in virtue of the powers he had brought, rebuke the one and the other place, even the inhabitants, in forbidding them to barter in what was called the limits of Tadoussac, which he bounded for a particular lease as a security for his payment and of what has always since been called the offices of the country or the state of the 33,000 livres; the emoluments of the Councillors, the garrison, the Jesuits, the Parish, the Ursulines, the Hote-Dieu, etc.

The pretext given was that the Iroquois having burned and ruined the Hurons or Ottawa, the tax of one-fourth did not produce enough to meet those demands, and because Tadoussac also was not sufficient to meet all the expenditure contemplated to give war to the Iroquois, he it was also who began in not paying the thousand weight in beaver owing for seignorial right to the Company who was irritated and blamed his conduct, and after the lapse of some years his friends write him they could not longer shield him he anticipated his recall in returning to France, where he has since served as sub-dean of the Council, residing at the cloister of Notre-Dame with his son, canon at the said church.

I only saw him two years in Canada where he was hardly liked, by reason of the little care he took to keep up his rank, without servant, living on pork and peas like an artisan or a peasant.

However, having decided to go back, for a second time he threw open the Tadoussac trade, by an order of his Council.

M. de Lamoignon, the first president, got named to replace him, M. D'Argenson, young man of 30 to 32 years steady as could be, who remained four or five years to the satisfaction of everybody; he kept up the Council as it is intended for the security of his emoluments and of the garrison, selected twelve of the most notable persons to whom he gave the faculty of trading at Tadoussac and all the sureties to be wished for the administration and maintenance.

He had the misfortune to fall out with the Jesuit Fathers, and they, with messieurs de Mont Royal, of St Sulpice who had sent Mr the abbey de Queysac, in the hope of making a bishop of him; the former wishing to have one of their nomination presented to the Queen-mother of the reigning King, whom God preserve, M. de Laval, to-day elder and first bishop, who, very rigid, not only backed the Jesuits against the governor in all difficulties but specially in the matter of the liquor traffic with the indians. Although (D'Argenson) a much God-fearing-man he had his private opinions, and this offended him; he asked M. de Lamoignon for his recall, which was done in 1661, when M. d'Avaugour came out.

It was in 1660 that the Office in Paris, at the request of the governor, of the Local council and on the advice of Messrs de Lamoignon, Chame and other commissioners made an agreement with the Rouen merchants to supply the inhabitants with all goods they would require with 60% profit on dry goods and 100% on liquors, freight paid.

It was pretended that the country was not safely secured by ships of private parties, and that when they arrived alone by unforeseen accidents, they happened unexpectedly, to the ruin of the country; as well as the beaver fallen to a low price and which was restored only at the marriage of the king should keep up.

The creditors then pressing payment of their claims, a decree ordered that of the 60%, 10% should be taken for the payment of debts which were fixed at 10,000 livres at the rate of the consumption of the time and of which the Company of Normandy took charge. The country was favorable enough to this treaty because they were well served, but when the treaty arrived at first, the bishop who was jealous because he had not been consulted and that some little gratification had been given to facilitate matters had it opposed by some of the inhabitants and by M. D'Avaugour, governor in the place of the said D'Argenson.

The Society of Normandy consented to the breaking off of the treaty on receiving a minute account and being paid some compensation, as to which they had no satisfaction because of the changes, for M. D'Avaugour, like the others, fell out with the Bishop who went to France and had him revoked, presenting in his stead M. de Mezy, a Norman gentleman who did nothing better than to overdo all the difficulties arising on the question of the Bishop and the Governor's powers.

The beaver dropped down, as soon, to a low price, and there was a difference by half when the King in 1664 formed the Company of the West Indies, which alone, to the exclusion of all others, had to supply the country with merchandise and receive also all the beaver; in 1669, came M. de Tracy, de Courcelles and Talon; the latter did not want any Company and employed all kinds of ways to ruin the one he found established. He gave to understand to M. Colbert that this country was too big to be bounded; that there should come out of it fleets and armies; his plans appeared too broad, still he met with no contradiction at first, on the contrary he was lauded, which moved him to establish a large trade and put out that of the company, which through bad success in its affairs at the Isles, was relaxing enough of itself in all sorts of undertakings.

M. Talon desiring to bring together the government and the superintendence was spending on a large scale to make friends and therefore there was not a merchant when the Company quit who could transact any business in his presence; he gets his goods free of dues, freight and insurance; he also refused to pay the import tax on his wines, liquors and tobacco.

Finally his friends or enemies told him aloud that it was of profits of his commerce that the King would be enriched.

They fell out, M. de Courcelles and he; their misunderstanding forced the first to ask for his discharge. M. de Frontenac, who succeeded him also complained and I believe he returned to France without his congé whence he never came back although he had promised so to all his friends.

You are aware as well as and perhaps better than I of the disputes of M. de Frontenac and M. du Chesneau.

And that is all I have been told for my satisfaction of what occurred previous to 1655 when I came here to attend to the affairs of the Rouen Company.

I have also learned at the time of my arrival that properly speaking, though there were a very large number of Indians, known under divers names, which they bear with reference to certain action that their chiefs had performed or with reference to lakes, rivers, lands or mountains which they inhabit, or sometimes to animals stocking their rivers and forests, nevertheless they could all be comprised under two mother languages, to wit: the Huron and the Algonquin.

At that period, I was told, the Huron was the most spread over men and territory, and at present, I believe, that the Algonquin can well be compared to it.

To note, that all the Indians of the Algonquin language are stationed and occupy land that we call land of the North on account of the River which divides the country into two parts, and where they all live by fishing and hunting.

As well as the Indians of the Huron language who inhabit land to the South, where they till the land and winter wheat, horse-beans, pease, and other similar seeds to subsist; they are sedentary and the Algonquin follow fish and game.

However, this nation has always passed for the noblest, proudest and hardest to manage when prosperous. When the French came here the true Algonquin owned land from Tadoussac to Quebec, and I have always thought they were issued from the Saguenay. It was a tradition that they had expelled the Iroquois from the said place of Quebec and neighborhood where they once lived; we were shown the sites of their villages and towns covered by trees of a fresh growth, and now that the lands are of value through cultivation, the farmers find thereon tools, axes and knives as they were used to make them.

We must believe that the said Algonquin were really masters over the said Iroquois, because they obliged them to move away so far.

Nobody could tell me anything certain about the origin of their war but it was of a more cruel nature between these two nations than between the said Iroquois and Hurons, who have the same language or nearly so.

It is only known that the Iroquois commenced first to burn, importuned by their enemies who came to break their heads whilst at work in their wilderness; they imagined that such cruel treatment would give them relaxation, and since, all the nations of this continent have used fire, with the exception of the Abenakis and other tribes of Virginia.

These Iroquois having had the best of the fight and reduced the Algonquins since our discovery of this country, principally because their pride giving us apprehension about their large number, they would not arm themselves until a long time after the Dutch had armed the Iroquois, made war and ruined all the other nations who were not nearly so warlike as the Algonquin, and after the war, diseases came on that killed those remaining; some have scattered in the woods, but in comparison to what I have seen on my arrival, one might say that there are no more men in this country outside of the fastnesses of the forests recently discovered.

The Hurons before their defeat by the Iroquois had, through the hope of their conversion obliged the Jesuits to establish with them a strong mission, and as from time to time it was necessary to carry to them necessities of life, the governors began to allow some of their servants to run up there every three or four years, from where they brought that good green (gras) Huron beaver that the hatters seek for so much.

Sometimes this was kept up; sometimes no one offered for the voyage there being then so little greediness it is true that the Iroquois were so feared; M. de Lauson was the only one to send two individuals in 1656 who each secured 14 to 15,000 livres and came back with an indian fleet worth 100,000 crowns. However, M. D'Argenson who succeeded him and was five years in the country sent nobody neither did Messrs Avaugour and de Mezy.

It was consequently after the arrival of M. Talon that under pretext of discovery, and of finding copper mines, he alone became director of those voyages, for he obliged M. de Courcelles to sign him congés which he got worked, but on a dispute between the workers he handled some himself, of which I remember.

You know the number and the regulations given under the first administration of M. the Earl of Frontenac.

It is certain that it is the holders of congés who look after and bring down the beaver, and, can it be said that it is wrong to have an abundance of goods.

The French and the Indians have come down this year; the receipts of the office must total up 200 millions or thereabouts, which judging from your letter, will surprise those gentlemen very much. The clerks have rejected it as much as they liked; I am told that they admitted somewhere about six thousands of muscovy; during our administration there were 28 or 30 thousands received, which is a large difference without taking into account other qualities, and all this does not give the French much trouble, and at the most for the year we were not informed. I have given my sentiments to the meeting, and in particular to M. de Frontenac and to M. de Champigny.

We should be agreeable to our Prince's wishes who is doing so much good to this country: his tenants who must supply him in such troubled times, lose, and it is proper that people in Canada contribute something to compensate them by freely agreeing to a pretty rich receipt on their commodity but what resource in regard to the indian so interested that everything moves with him, through necessity; they are asked and sought after to receive English goods, infinitely better than ours, at a cost half as low and to pay their beaver very high.

This commercial communication gives them peace with their enemies and liberty to hunt, and consequently to live in abundance instead of their living at present with great hardship. Should we not say that it requires a great affection not to break away in the face of such strong attractions; if we lose them once we lose them for ever, that it is certain, and from friends they become our enemies; thus we lose not only the beaver but the colony, and absolutely no more cattle, no more grains, no more fishing.

The colony with all the forces of the Kingdom cannot resist the Indians when they have the English or other Europeans to supply them with ammunitions of war, which leads me to the query: what is the beaver worth to the English that they seek to get it by all means?

If also the rumors set agoing are true the farmers-general would not sell a considerable part to the Danes at a very high price, should they not have had somebody in their employ who understands and knows that article well, it appears to me that the thing is worth while.

All the same, people are asking why they want to sell so dear, what costs them so little, for taking one and the other, that going out this year should not cost them more than 50s (_sous_), the entries, Tadoussac, and the tax of one fourth, does it not pay the lease with profit. This is in everybody's mind, and everyone looks at it as he fancies.

I was of opinion to arrange the receipts on a basis that these gentlemen got M. Benac to offer, so as to avoid the difficulties on the qualities, and this opinion served to examine the loss this proposition would bring to the country in the general receipt.

I have no other interest than the Prince's service, and to please these gentlemen I should like to know, heartily, of some expedient, because it is absolutely necessary to find one to satisfy the Indian; M. the Earl of Frontenac is under a delusion: I may say it, they will give us the goby, and after that all shall be lost, I am not sure even, if they would not repeat the Sicilian Vespers, to show their good will, and that they never want to make it up. I am so isolated that I do not say anything about it, as I am afraid for myself, but I know well that it is Indian's nature to betray, and that our affairs are not at all good in the upper country.

To a great evil great remedy. I had said to M. de Frontenac that the 25 per cent could be abolished and make it up on something else, as it is a question of saving the country, but he did not deem fit of anything being said about it.

I also told him and M. de Champigny that we might treat with a Dutchman to bring on a clearance English and Dutch goods which are much thought of by our indians for their good quality and their price, that this vessel would not go up the river but stay below at a stated place, where we could go for his goods, and give him beaver for his rightful lading.

The company should have the control of these merchandise, so as to sell them to the indians on the base of a tariff, so as to prevent the greediness of the _voyageurs_ which contributes very much to the discontent of the natives, because at first the French only went to the Hurons and since to Michilimakinac where they sold to the Indians of the locality, who then went to exchange with other indians in distant woods, lands and rivers, but now the said Frenchmen holding permits to have a larger gain pass over all the Ottawas and Indians of Michilimakinac to go themselves and find the most distant tribes which displeased the former very much.

This has led to fine discoveries and four or five hundred young men of Canada's best men are employed at this business.

Through them we have become acquainted with several Indian's names we knew not, and 4 and 500 leagues farther away, there are other indians unknown to us.

Down the Gulf in French Acadia, we have always known the Abenakis and Micmacs.

On the north shore of the River, from Seven islands up we have always known the Papinachois, Montagnais, Poissons Blancs, (White Fish), (these being in what is called limits of Tadoussac), Mistassinis, Algonquins.

AT QUEBEC

There are Hurons, remains of the ancient Hurons, defeated by the Iroquois, in Lake Huron.

There is also south of the Chaudière (River), five leagues from Quebec, a large village of Christian Abenakis.

The Hurons & Abenakis are under the Jesuit Fathers.

These Hurons have staid at Quebec so as to pray God more conveniently and without fear of the Iroquois.

The Abenakis pray God with more fervor than any Indians of these countries. I have seen and been twice with them when warring; they must have faith to believe as they do and their exactitude to live well according to principles of our religion. Blessed be God! They are very good men at war and those who have give and still give so much trouble to the Bostoners.

AT THREE-RIVERS

Wolves and Algonquins both sides of the river.

AT MONTROYAL OR VILLE-MARIE

There are Iroquois of the five nations who have left their home to pray (everyone is free to believe) but it is certain that threefourths have no other motive nor interest to stay with us than to pray.

There are, then, Senecas, Mohawks, Cayugas, Wyandotts, Oneida partly on the mountain of Mont-Royal under the direction of Messrs of St Sulpice, and partly at the Sault (Recollet) south side, that is to say, above the rapids, under the R. F. Jesuits, whose mission is larger than St Sulpice's.

150 leagues from Mont Royal the Grand River leading to the Ottawas; to the north are the Temiscamingues, Abitiby, Outanloubys, who speak Algonquin.

At lake Nepissing, the Nipissiniens, Algonquin language, always going up the Grand River.

In lake Huron, 200 leagues from Montreal, the Mississagues and Amikoués: Algonquins.

At Michilimackinac, the Negoaschendaching or people of the Sable, Ottawas, Linage Kikacons or Cut Tail, the men from Forked Lake Onnasaccoctois, the Hurons, in all 1000 men or thereabouts half Huron and half Algonquin language.

In the Michigan or lake Illinois, north side, the Noquets, Algonquins, Malomini (Menomeenee), or men of the Folle-Avoine: different language.

SOUTH OF PUANTS (GREEN) BAY

The Wanebagoes otherwise Puans, because of the name of the Bay; language different from the two others.

The Sakis, 3 leagues from the Bay, and Pottewatamis, about 200 warriors.

Towards lake Illinois, on River St Joseph, the Miamis or men of the Crane who have three different languages, though they live together. United they would form about 600 men.

Above the Bay, on Fox river, the Ottagamis, the Mascoutins and the Kicapoos: all together 1200 men.

At Maramegue river where is situated Nicholas Perrot's post, are some more Miamis numbering five to six hundred; always the same language.

The Illinois midway on the Illinois river making 5 to 6 different villages, making in all 2000 men.

We traffic with all these nations who are all at war with the Iroquois. In the lower Missipy there are several other nations very numerous with whom we have no commerce and who are trading yet with nobody.

Above Missoury river which is of the Mississippi below the river Illinois, to the south, there are the Mascoutins Nadoessioux, with whom we trade, and who are numerous.

Sixty leagues above the missisipi and St Anthony of Padua Fall, there is lake Issaquy otherwise lake of Buade, where there are 23 villages of Sioux Nadoessioux who are called Issaquy, and beyond lake Oettatous, lower down the auctoustous, who are Sioux, and could muster together 4000 warriors. Because of their remoteness they only know the Iroquois from what they heard the French say.

In lake Superior, south side are the saulteurs who are called Ouchijoe (objibway), Macomili, Ouxcinacomigo, Mixmac and living at Chagoumigon, it is the name of the country, the Malanas or men of the Cat-fish; 60 men; always the Algonquin language.

Michipicoten, name of the land; the Machacoutiby and Opendachiliny, otherwise Dung-heads; lands' men; algonquin language. The Picy is the name of a land of men, way inland, who come to trade.

Bagoasche, also name of a place of men of same nation who come also to trade 200 and 300 men.

Osepisagny river being discharge of lake Asemipigon; sometimes the indians of the lake come to trade; they are called Kristinos and the nation of the Great Rat. These men are Algonquins, numbering more than 2000, and also go to trade with the English of the north.

There are too the Chichigoe who come sometimes to us, sometimes north to the English.

Towards West-Northwest, it is nations called Fir-trees; numerous; all their traffic is with the English.

All those north nations are rovers, as was said, living on fish and game or wild-oats which is abundant on the shores of their lakes and rivers.

In lake Ontario, south side, the five Iroquois nations; our enemies; about 1200 warriors live on indian corn and by hunting.

We can say, that, of all the Indians they are the most cruel during war, as during peace they are the most humane, hospitable, and sociable; they are sensible at their meetings, and their behaviour resembles much to the manners of republics of Europe.

Lake Ontario has 200 leagues in circumference.

Lake Erie above Niagara 250 leagues; lakes Huron and Michigan joined 552 leagues: to have access to these three lakes by boat, there is only the portage of Niagara, of two leagues, above the said lake Ontario.

All those who have been through those lakes say they are terrestrial paradises for abundance of venison, game, fishing, and good quality of the land.

From the said lakes to go to lake Superior there is only one portage of 15 (?). The said lake is 500 leagues long in a straight line, from point to point, without going around coves nor the bays of Michipicoten and Kaministiquia.

To go from lake Superior to lake Asemipigon there is only 15 leagues to travel, in which happen seven portages averaging 3 good leagues; the said lake has a circumference of 280 leagues.

From lake Huron to lake Nipissing there is the river called French River, 25 leagues long; there are 3 portages; the said lake has 60 to 80 leagues of circumference.

Lake Assiniboel is larger than lake Superior, and an infinity of others, lesser and greater have to be discovered, for which I approve of M. the Marquis of Denonville's saying, often repeated:--that the King of France, our monarch was not high lord enough to open up such a vast country, as we are only beginning to enter on the confines of the immensity of such a great country.

The road to enter it is by the Grand River and lake Ontario by Niagara, which should be easy in peaceful times in establishing families at Niagara for the portage, and building boats on Lake Erie. I did not find that a difficult thing, and I want to do it under M. the Marquis of Denonville, who did not care, so soon as he perceived that his war expedition had not succeeded.

I have given you in this memorandum the names of the natives known to us and with whom our wood rovers (coureurs de bois) have traded; my information comes from some of the most experienced.

The surplus of the memorandum will serve to inform you that prior to M. de Tracy, de Courcelle and Talon's arrival, nothing was regulated but by the governor's will, although there was a Board; as they were his appointments and that by appearances, only his creatures got in, he was the absolute master of it and which was the cause that the Colony and the inhabitants suffered very much at the beginning.

M. de Tracy on his arrival by virtue of his commission dismissed the Board and the Councillors, to appoint another one with members chosen by himself and the Bishop, which existed until the 2nd and 3rd year of M. de Frontenac's reign, who had them granted at Court, provisions by a decree for the establishment of the Council.

It is only from that time that the King having given the country over to the gentlemen of the Co'y of West Indies, the tax of one fourth and the Tadoussac trade were looked upon as belonging to the Company, and since to the King, because M. Talon, who crippled as much as he could, this company dare not touch to these two items of the Domain, of which the enjoyment remained to them until cessation of their lease.

So, it was in favor of this company that all the regulations were granted in reference to the limits and working out of Tadoussac as well as to prevent cheating on the beaver tax.

Tadoussac is leased to six gentlemen for the sum of ---- yearly; I took shares for one fourth, as it was an occasion to dispose of some goods and a profit to everyone of at most 20 ---- yearly.

About beavers there is no fraud to be feared, everybody preferring to get letters of exchange to avoid the great difficulties on going out, the entry and sale in France, and of large premiums for the risks; in a word, no one defrauds nor thinks of it. The office is not large enough to receive all the beaver.

The ships came in very late; I could not get M. Dumenu the secretary to the Board to send you the regulations you ask for the beaver trade; you shall have them, next year, if it pleases God. They contain prohibition to embark from France under a penalty of 3000 livres' fine, confiscation of the goods, even of the ships; however, under the treaty of Normandy, I had a Dieppe captain seized for about 200 crowns worth of beaver, and the Council here confiscated the vessel, and imposed a fine of 1500 livres, on which the captain appealed to France, and he obtained at the King's Council, replevin on his ship and the fine was reduced to 30 livres.

As prior to M. Talon nobody sent traders in the woods as explained in this memorandum there was not to my knowledge any regulation as to the said woods before the decree of 1675. On the contrary I remember that those two individuals under M. de Lauzon's government who brought in each for 14. or 15,000 livres applied to me to be exempted from the tax of one fourth, because, they said we were obliged to them for having brought down a fleet which enriched the country.

(Not signed.)

INDEX

[Transcriber's note: Many index entries contain references like the "9 n." in the "Arms" entry. The "n." appears to refer to the footnote(s) that were on their host pages in the original book. In this e-book, all footnotes have been moved to the end of their respective chapters.]

A

Abenaki Indians, the, 363.

Abitiby Indians, the, 364.

Acadia, Indian tribes located in, 363.

Albanel, Charles, Jesuit missionary, 141; overland trip of, to Hudson Bay, 143-146; at King Charles Fort, 147.

Albany (Orange), 32; Iroquois freebooting expedition against, 36-38; Radisson's escape to, 39-41.

Algonquin Indian, murder of Mohawk hunters by a, 20.

Algonquin Indians, Radisson and Groseillers travel to the West with, 73-79; territory of the, 359; wars with the Iroquois, 359-360; tribes of, on Lake Huron, 364.

Allemand, Pierre, companion of Radisson, 154.

Allouez, Père Claude, 142.

Amsterdam, Radisson's early visit to, 42.

Arctic Ocean, Hearne's overland trip to, 257-265; arrival at, 265-266; Mackenzie's trip of exploration to, 281-286.

Arms, supplied to Mohawks by Dutch, 9 n.; desire for, cause of Sioux' friendliness to Radisson, 120, 122.

Assiniboine Indians, origin of name, 10 n., 85; Radisson learns of, from prairie tribes, 85; defence of the younger Groseillers by, 184; De la Vérendrye meets the, 218-221; accompany De la Vérendrye to the Mandans, 223-227; Saint-Pierre's encounter with, 237.

Assiniboine River, 218, 219, 221-222.

Athabasca country, Hearne explores the, 268-269.

Athabasca Lake; Hearne's arrival at, 268-269.

Athabasca River, 277.

Athabascan tribes, Matonabbee and the, 249.

Aulneau, Father, 210, 211; killed by Indians, 214.

B

Baptism of Indian children by Radisson and Groseillers, 92.

Barren lands, region of "Little Sticks," 253-254, 259-260.

Bath of purification, Indian, 14, 268.

Bay of the North. _See_ Hudson Bay.

Bayly, Charles, governor of Hudson's Bay Company, 140; in Canada, 140-142; encounter with the Jesuit Albanel, 141-142, 147; accusations against Radisson and Groseillers, 147-148.

Bear, Lewis's experience with a, 318.

Beauharnois, Charles de, governor of New France, 201, 203, 235.

_Beaux Hommes_, Crow Indians, 232.

Beckworth, prisoner among Missouri Indians, 33.

Belmont, Abbé, cited, 5 n., 98 n.

Bering, Vitus, 195.

Bigot, intendant of New France, 236.

Bird, prisoner of the Blackfeet, 33.

Bird's egg moon, the (June), 279.

Blackbird, Omaha chief, grave of, 311.

Bochart, governor of Three Rivers. _See_ Duplessis-Kerbodot.

Boësme, Louis, 70.

_Boissons_, drinking matches, 280.

Boston, Radisson and Groseillers in, 136.

Bourassa, _voyageur_, 213.

Bourdon, Jean, explorations by, 102, 134 n.

Bow Indians, the, 232-233.

Bridgar, John, governor of Hudson's Bay Company, 166, 169, 171, 173, 174, 175, 180.

Brower, J. V., cited, 88 n.

Bryce, Dr. George, 6 n., 88 n., 187 n.

Buffalo-hunts, Sioux, 92 n., 124.

Button, Sir Thomas, explorations of, 134 n.

C

Cadieux, exploit and death of, 197-198.

Cameahwait, Snake Indian chief, 324-326.

Cannibalism among Indians, 24, 77.

Cannibals of the Barren Lands, 255.

Cape Breton, discovery and fortification of, 350.

Caribou, Radisson's remarks on, 127.

Caribou herds in Barren Lands, 255; Indian method of hunting, 259.

Carr, George, letter from, to Lord Darlington, 136 n.

Carr, Sir Robert, urges Radisson to renounce France, 136.

Carrier, Jacques, 71, 193, 350-351.

Cartwright, Sir George, Radisson and Groseillers sail with, 136-137; shareholder in Hudson's Bay Company, 140.

Catlin, cited, 14 n., 226.

Cayuga Indians, the, 34, 55, 364.

Chaboneau, guide to Lewis and Clark, 312, 326, 332.

Chame, M., commissioner of Company of Normandy, 355, 357.

Champlain, governor in Canada, 351-353.

Charlevoix, mission of, 202.

Chichigoe tribe of Indians, the, 365.

Chinook Indians, Lewis and Clark friends with, 328.

Chipewyans, bath of purification practised by, 14 n.; Hearne's journey with, 257-263; massacre of Eskimo by, 263-265.

Chouart, M., letters of, 335-337. _See_ Groseillers, Jean Baptiste.

Chouart, Médard. See Groseillers, Médard Chouart.

_Chronique Trifluvienne_, Sulte's, 4 n.

Clark, William, companion of Meriwether Lewis, 308-309; exploration of Yellowstone River by, 329; hero-qualities of, 332-333. _See_ Lewis.

Clatsop Indians, Lewis and Clark among the, 328.

Clearwater River, Lewis and Clark on the, 327.

Coal, use of, by Indians, 89.

Colbert, Radisson pardoned and commissioned by, 148; withholds advancement from Radisson, 152; summons Radisson and Groseillers to France, 176-177; death of, 177.

Colleton, Sir Peter, shareholder in Hudson's Bay Company, 140.

Colter, frontiersman with Lewis and Clark, 332.

Columbia River, Lewis and Clark travel down the, 327.

Company of Miscou, the, 352.

Company of Normandy, the, 354-357.

Company of the North, the, 151, 154, 175, 176.

Company of One Hundred Associates, the, 133, 352, 353.

Company of Tadoussac, the, 352.

Company of the West Indies, the, 133, 153; account of formation of, 357.

Comporté, M., letter to, from M. Chouart, 335-336.

Coppermine River ("Far-Off-Metal River"), 245, 249, 252, 262, 267.

Copper mines, Radisson receives reports of, 112, 124; discovery of, by Hearne, 267.

Council Bluffs, origin of name, 311.

Council pipe, smoking the, 16, 29.

Couture, explorations of, 103, 129-130.

Couture (the younger), 143.

Cree Indians, first reports of, 69, 85; Radisson's second visit to, 112-113, 116; wintering in a settlement of, 117; a famine among, 118-119; De la Vérendrye assisted by, 206-208.

Crow Indians, De la Vérendrye's sons among, 232-233.

D

Dablon, Claude, Jesuit missionary, 103, 134 n., 142.

D'Ailleboust, M., governor of Company of Normandy, 354.

Dakota, Radisson's explorations in, 89.

D'Argenson, Viscomte, governor of New France, 99, 129-130, 356-357, 360.

D'Avaugour, governor, 104, 105, 107, 133, 143, 357, 360.

Death-song, Huron, 24, 54.

De Casson, Dollier, cited, 5 n., 96 n., 98 n.

De la Galissonnière, governor, 235.

De la Jonquière, governor, 236.

De Lanoue, fur-trade pioneer, 204.

De la Vérendrye, Francois, 215, 222, 229, 230, 233.

De la Vérendrye, Jean Baptiste, 197, 205, 208-209, 210, 212; murder of, by Sioux, 214.

De la Vérendrye, Louis, 215, 229.

De la Vérendrye, Pierre, 215, 222, 229, 230, 235, 315.

De la Vérendrye, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, leaves Montreal on search for Western Sea (1731), 194-197; at Nepigon, 201; previous career, 201-203; traverses Lake Superior to Kaministiquia, 204; Fort St. Pierre named for, 206; among the Cree Indians, 206-208; return to Quebec to raise supplies, 210; loss of eldest son in Sioux massacre, 214; explores Minnesota and Manitoba to Lake Winnipeg, 215-216; at Fort Maurepas, 217; return to Montreal with furs, 218; explores valley of the Assiniboine, 219-221; visits the Mandan Indians, 224-225; takes possession for France of the Upper Missouri, 225; superseded by De Noyelles (1746), 235; decorated with Order of Cross of St. Louis, 235; death at Montreal, 236.

De Niverville, lieutenant of Saint-Pierre, 236-237.

Denonville, Marquis of, 336, 366, 367.

De Noyelles, supersession of De la Vérendrye by, 235.

De Noyon, explorations of, 204.

Dieppe, merchants of, interested in Canada trade, 352, 353.

Dionne, Dr. N. E., cited, 76 n., 88 n., 106 n., 139 n.

Dog Rib Indians, Mackenzie among, 283-284.

Dollard, fight of, against the Iroquois, 96-98, 198.

Dreuillettes, Gabriel, discoveries by, 70-71, 103, 134 n.

Drewyer, companion of Meriwether Lewis, 331.

Drugging of Indians, 63-64.

Duchesnau, M. Jacques, 149 n., 358.

Dufrost, Christopher, Sieur de la Jemmeraie, 197, 203, 205, 209, 210, 211.

Du Péron, Francois, 47.

Duplessis-Kerbodot, murder of, by Iroquois, 5 n., 19, 45.

Dupuis, Major, at Onondaga, 46, 55-66.

Dutch, arms supplied to Mohawk Indians by, 9 n.; war of, with the English, 137-138.

E

England, arrival of Radisson and Groseillers in, 137; effect of war between Holland and, on exploring propositions, 137-138; Hudson's Bay Company organized in, 139-140; fur-trading expeditions from, 140-149. _See_ Hudson's Bay Company _and_ Radisson.

Erie Indians, the, 34.

Eskimo, massacre of, by Chipewyans, 263-265.

F

"Far-Off-Metal River," the, 245, 249, 252; Hearne reaches the, 262.

Feasts, Indian, 60, 62-63, 67 n.

_Festins à tout manger_, 60, 67 n.

Fields, companion of Meriwether Lewis, 330-331.

Flathead Indians, assistance given Lewis and Clark by, 327, 328.

Floyd, Sergeant, of Lewis and Clark's expedition, 332.

Forked River, term applied to Mississippi and Missouri rivers, 86, 100; Radisson's account of people on the, 86-87.

Fort, Dollard's so-called, at the Long Sault, 97; Radisson and Groseillers', in the Northwest, 114-115.

Fort Bourbon (Port Royal), on Hayes River, 161-175, 182-186.

Fort Bourbon, on Saskatchewan, 229.

Fort Chipewyan, 277.

Fort Clatsop, Lewis and Clark's winter quarters, 327-328.

Fort Dauphin, 229.

Fort King Charles, 139, 146.

Fort Lajonquière, 237.

Fort Mandan, stars and stripes hoisted at, 312.

Fort Maurepas, construction, 209; description, 216-217; De la Vérendrye at, 217.

Fort Orange, Radisson and the Iroquois at, 36-38; Radisson's escape to, 39-41.

Fort Poskoyac, 229, 235.

Fort Prince of Wales, building of, 243; description, 244-245; Hearne becomes governor of, 270; surrender and destruction of, 271-272.

Fort de la Reine, construction of, 222; De la Vérendrye returns to, after visiting Mandans, 228; abandonment of, 237.

Fort Rouge, 221.

Fort St. Charles, 208-209, 210, 215.

Fort St. Louis, of Quebec, first fortification on site of, 351.

Fort St. Pierre, 206.

Fort William, 280, 283, 287.

Fraser River, Mackenzie's explorations on, 294-302.

Frog moon, the (May), 279.

Frontenac, governor of New France, 154, 358, 360, 361, 362, 367.

Fur companies of New France, 130, 133, 151, 153, 175-176, 352-358.

Fur company, Hudson's Bay. _See_ Hudson's Bay Company.

Fur trade, the French, 101-102, 104; regulations governing the, 104, 153 n.; effect of, on development of West, 113.

G

Gantlet, running the, 15-16.

Gareau, Leonard, journey and death of, 70.

Garneau, cited, 5 n., 87 n.

Gillam, Ben, encounters with Radisson, 163-164, 168-175.

Gillam, Zechariah, Radisson's first transactions with, 135-136; Groseillers' voyage to Hudson Bay with, 138-139; at Rupert River with Hudson's Bay Company ship, 148; active enmity of, toward Radisson, 165-167, 168-169, 171, 176, 180.

Godefroy, Jean, companion of Radisson, 154.

Godefroy family, the, 154 n.

Goose month (April), 253-254.

Gorst, Thomas, 140 n., 147 n.

Grand River of the North. _See_ Mackenzie River.

Gray, Captain, 308.

Great Falls of the Missouri, Lewis discovers the, 317.

Great Rat, nation of the, 131, 365.

Green Bay, western limit of French explorations until Radisson, 69; Radisson's winter quarters at, 79-80, 99-100.

Groseillers, nephew of explorer, title of nobility ordered granted to, 142.

Groseillers, Jean Baptiste, accompanies Radisson to Hudson Bay (1682), 154; trip up Hayes River, 158, 161; left in charge of Fort Bourbon, 175; troubles with Indians and with English, 182-183; surrenders fort to Radisson, acting for Hudson's Bay Company, 184; letters to mother, 184, 335-337; carried to England by force, 186; offer from Hudson's Bay Company, 187.

Groseillers, Médard Chouart, birth, birthplace, and marriage, 45; journey to Lake Nipissing, 71; engages with Radisson in voyage of exploration to the West (1658), 71-79; winter quarters at Green Bay, 79-80; explorations in West and Northwest, 80-90; return to Quebec, 99; second trip to Northwest (1661), 103-129; imprisoned and fined on return to Quebec (1663), 130; goes to France to seek reparation, 133; meets with neglect and indifference, 133-134; deceived into returning to Three Rivers and going to Isle Percée, 135; goes to Port Royal, N.S., becomes involved with Boston sea-captain, and reaches England _via_ Boston and Spain (1666), 135-137; backed by Prince Rupert, fits out ship for Hudson Bay, and spends year in trading expedition (1668-1669),138-139; on return to London, created a _Knight de la Jarretière_, 139; second voyage from England (1670), 140; involved with Radisson in suspicions of double-dealing, 147-148; in meeting of fur traders at Quebec, 149; retires to family at Three Rivers, 151; summoned by Radisson to join expedition in private French interests to Hayes River (1681-1682), 153-158; successful trade in furs, 158, 167; jealousy and lawsuits on return to Quebec, 175-176; summoned to France by Colbert (1684), 176-177; petition for redress of wrongs ignored by French court, 179; gives up struggle and retires to Three Rivers, 179.

H

Hayes, Sir James, 180, 181.

Hayes River, Radisson's canoe trip up the, 158-160; Fort Bourbon established on, 161; Radisson's second visit to, 182-186.

Hayet, Marguerite, Radisson's sister, 6 n., 43; death of first husband, 19, 45; marriage with Groseillers, 45; letters from son, 184, 335-337.

Hayet, Sébastien, 6 n., 43 n.

Hearne, Samuel, cited, 14 n.; departure from Fort Prince of Wales on exploring trip, 249-252; in the Barren Lands, 253-255, 259-260; crosses the Arctic Circle, 261; discovers the Coppermine River, 262-263; massacre of Eskimo by Indians accompanying, 264-265; arrival at Arctic Ocean, 265; takes possession of Arctic regions for Hudson's Bay Company, 266-267; returns up the Coppermine River and discovers copper mines, 267; travels in Athabasca region, 268-269; returns to Fort Prince of Wales, 269; becomes governor of post, 270; surrenders fort to the French, 271-272.

Hénault, Madeline, Radisson's mother, 6 n., 43.

Hudson Bay, overland routes to, 71; Radisson's early discoveries regarding, 90-91, 127-128.

_Hudson Bay_, Robson's, cited, 139 n., 140 n., 147 n., 161 n., 166 n.

Hudson's Bay Company, origin of, 139-140; early expeditions, 140-149; distrust of Radisson by, 150; contract between Radisson and, 181-182; final treaty of peace made between Indians and, 185; poor treatment of Radisson by, 188; quietly prosperous career of, 241-242; encroachments of French traders, 242-243; demand for activity, 243-244; possession taken of Arctic regions for, by Hearne, 266-267.

Huron Indians, death songs of, 24, 54; massacre of Christian, by Iroquois, 50-54; band of, with Dollard, against the Iroquois, 97-98; territory of, 359; tribes of, at Michilimackinac, 364.

Husky dogs, 277.

I

Icebergs, Labradorian, 155.

Iroquois Confederacy, the five tribes composing the, 34; characteristics of, 366.

Iroquois Indians, murder of inhabitants of Three Rivers by, 5 n., 19, 45; treatment of prisoners by, 15-16, 25-28, 54; Radisson's life with, 16-39; Frenchmen at Montreal scalped by, 48; hostages of, held at Quebec, 48, 55-56; siege of Onondaga by, 55-67; encounters between Algonquins and Radisson and, 76-78, 79-80; Radisson's fight with, on the Grand Sault, 94-96; Bollard's battle with, 97-98; Radisson's fights with, on second Western trip, 107-108, 109-111; wars between Algonquins and, 359.

Isle of Massacres, 50-54.

Issaguy tribe of Indians, 131 n.

J

Jemmeraie, Sieur de la, De la Vérendrye's lieutenant, 197, 203, 205, 209, 210; death of, 211.

_Jesuit Relations_, cited, 57 n., 69 n., 71 n., 73 n., 80 n., 81 n., 82 n., 91 n., 92 n., 96 n., 141 n.; quoted, 88.

Jesuits, in Onondaga expedition, 44-67; lives of Iroquois saved by, 65; start with Radisson and Groseillers on first Western expedition, 73; turn back to Montreal, 77.

Jogues, Father, 4, 56, 68, 69.

Jolliet, 84 n., 149, 151.

K

Kaministiquia, fur post at, 204.

Kickapoo Indians, location of, 364.

King Charles Fort. _See_ Fort King Charles.

Kirke, Mary, marriage with Radisson, 138; becomes a Catholic, 152.

Kirke, Sir John, shareholder in Hudson's Bay Company, 140; claims of, against New France, 152; forbids daughter's going to France, 152; friendly influence used for Radisson, 180.

_Knight de la Jarretière_, Groseillers created a, 139.

L

La Barre, governor of New France, 176

La Chesnaye, cited, 115 n., 131 n.; backs Radisson in Northern expedition, 152-153; outcome of Radisson's dealings with, 175-176.

Lake Assiniboel, 366.

"Lake of the Castors," the (Lake Nipissing), 76 n., 106 n., 364.

Lake Ontario, tribes about, 366.

Lake Superior, exploration of, by Radisson, 89; explorer's second visit to, 111-112.

Lamoignon, M. de, president of Company of Normandy, 355, 356, 357.

La Perouse, French admiral, 271.

Larivière, companion of Radisson and Groseillers, 105, 106-107.

La Salle, 84 n., 85, 149, 151, 194.

Lauzon, M. de, governor of Company of Normandy, 355-356, 368.

La Vallière, 103.

La Vérendrye. _See_ De la Vérendrye.

Ledyard, John, 308.

_Letters of Marie de l'Incarnation_, cited, 46 n., 58 n., 60 n., 63 n., 81 n., 90 n., 96 n., 98 n., 139 n.

Lewis, Meriwether, starts on expedition to explore Missouri and Columbia rivers, 308-309; reaches villages of Mandan Indians, 311-313; first views the Rocky Mountains, 314-315; discovers the Great Falls of the Missouri, 317; narrowly escapes death from a bear, 318-319; enters the Gates of the Rockies, 321; reaches sources of the Missouri, 322-323; makes friends with Snake Indians, 323-327; crosses Divide to the Clearwater River and travels down the Columbia, 327; arrival on Pacific Ocean, 327; winters at Fort Clatsop (1805-1806), 327-328; return trip by main stream of the Missouri, 329; adventures with Minnetaree Indians, 329-331; arrival at St. Louis, 332; tribute to character and qualities of, 332-333.

Liberte, traitor in Lewis and Clark's expedition, 311.

Little Missouri, Lewis and Clark pass the, 313.

"Little Sticks," region of, 253-254, 259-260.

London, Radisson's first visit to, 137-138.

Long Sault, Rapids of, Dollard's battle at, 96-98, 198.

Lord Preston, English envoy in France, 177, 180, 181.

Low, A. P., quoted, 128 n., 146 n., 149 n.

M

Mackay, Alexander, Mackenzie's lieutenant, 288, 291, 292, 293, 296, 299.

Mackenzie, Sir Alexander, early career of, 276; stationed at Fort Chipewyan, 276-277; exploration of Mackenzie River by, 280-285; crosses the Arctic Circle, 285; reaches Arctic Ocean, 285-286; returns up the Mackenzie to Fort Chipewyan, 286; exploration of Peace River by, 288-294; discovers source of Peace River, 294; crosses the Divide and reaches head waters of Fraser River, 294; travels down the Fraser, 294-298; adventures with Indians, 298-300; reaches the Pacific Ocean, 302-303; return to Fort Chipewyan _via_ Peace River, 304-305; later life, 306.

Mackenzie, Charles, 311.

Mackenzie, Roderick, 278, 279.

Mackenzie River, exploration of, 280-287, 296-302.

Mandan Indians, bath of purification practised by, 14 n.; Radisson discovers the, 86, 88; De la Vérendrye's visit to, 222, 225-227; the younger De la Vérendryes' second visit to, 230-231; Lewis and Clark at villages of, 311-313, 332.

Manitoba, Radisson's explorations in, 113-128.

Marquette, Père, 84 n.

Martin, Abraham, Plains of Abraham named for, 45 n.

Martin, Helen, Groseillers' first wife, 45 n.

Martinière, plan of, to capture Radisson for French, 188.

Mascoutins, "people of the fire," 80, 131 n., 364, 365; location of the, 86; Radisson among the, 100.

Matonabbee, chief of Chipewyans, 248-249; aid afforded Hearne by, 256-263; massacre of Eskimo directed by, 264-265; suicide of, 272.

Ménard, Father, 105, 112.

Messaiger, Father, 204, 205, 209.

Miami Indians, location of the, 364.

Michigan, Indian tribes in, 364.

Michilimackinac, Island of, Radisson; passes, 112; early headquarters of fur trade, 201; Indian tribes at, 364.

Micmac Indians, the, 363.

Minnesota, dispute as to discovery of eastern, 71 n.; Radisson's explorations in, 89; Radisson may have wintered in, on second trip, 113.

Minnetaree Indians, Lewis and the, 329-331.

Mississippi, Radisson discovers the Upper, 80-81.

Mississippi Valley, Radisson first to explore the, 85-89.

Missouri, tribes of the, 86; De la Vérendrye takes possession of the Upper, 225; Lewis and Clark explore the, 313-323.

Mistassini, Lake, Father Albanel at, 146.

Mistassini Indians, the, 363.

Mohawk Indians, murder of French of Three Rivers by, 5 n., 19, 45; adoption of Radisson by a family of, 17; murder of three, by Radisson and an Algonquin, 20; jealous as to French settlement among Onondagas, 47-48; siege of Onondaga by, 55-59; outwitted by Radisson at Onondaga, 59-67; location of the, 364.

Montagnais Indians, the, 363.

Montana, punishment of Indians by scouts in, 25 n.

Montmagny, M. de, governor in Canada, 353-354.

Montreal, expedition for Onondaga leaves, 47; Iroquois scalp Frenchmen at, 48; return of Onondaga party, 66; De la Vérendrye's departure from, 194-197; Indian tribes located in vicinity of, 363-364.

Munck, explorations of, 134 n.

N

"Nation of the Grand Rat," 131, 365.

Nelson River, Radisson on the, 140, 161, 164-167, 170-174, 179 n.

Nemisco River, called the Rupert, 139.

Nepigon, De la Vérendrye at, 201, 202.

New York in 1653, 41-42.

_New York Colonial Documents_, 9 n.

Nez Perces Indians, help given to Lewis and Clark by, 328.

Nicolet, Jean, 68, 69.

Nicolls, Colonel Richard, quoted, 136 n.

Nipissing, Lake, 76 n., 106 n., 364.

Nipissinien Indians, the, 364.

Northwest, the Great, discovery of, by Radisson, 80-85.

Northwest Fur Company, the, 279, 280, 287.

Northwest Passage, reward of L20,000 offered for discovery of, 278.

Norton, Marie, 247, 270, 271-272.

Norton, Moses, governor of Fort Prince of Wales, 244; character of, 246-247; death of, 269-270.

O

Ochagach, Indian hunter, 202.

Octbaton tribe of Indians, 131 n.

Ojibway Indians, 115, 365.

Oldmixon, John, cited, 92 n., 114 n., 130 n., 147 n.

Omaha Indians, Radisson's possible visit to, 86, 88.

Omtou tribe of Indians, 131 n.

Oneida Indians, the, 34, 364.

Onondaga, settlement at, 46; Iroquois conspiracy against, 46-48; garrison besieged at, 55-63; escape of French from, 64-67.

Onondaga tribe, the, 34; Jesuit mission among (1656), 46-47; treacherous conduct of, toward Christian Hurons, 50-54.

Orange. _See_ Albany.

Orimha, Radisson's Mohawk name, 16.

Oudiette, Jean, 154 n.

"Ouinipeg," Lake, 69, 71.

Outanlouby Indians, the, 364.

P

Pacific Ocean, Mackenzie's expedition reaches the, 302-303; Lewis and Clark's expedition reaches, 327.

Papinachois Indians, the, 363.

Parkman, Francis, cited, 5 n., 19 n., 46 n., 87 n., 96 n.

_Pays d'en Haut_, "Up-Country," defined, 201 n.

Peace River, the, 281; exploration of, 287; Mackenzie reaches the source of the, 294.

Pemmican, defined, 223.

"People of the Fire," the, Mascoutin Indians, 80 n., 86 n., 100, 131 n.

Pictured Rocks of Lake Superior, the, 112.

Piescaret, Algonquin chief, 4.

Pipe of peace, smoking the, 121-123.

Plains of Abraham, named for Abraham Martin, 45 n.

Poinsy, M. de, commander at St. Christopher, 353.

Poissons Blancs (White Fish) Indians, the, 363.

Poncet, Père, 41.

Port Nelson, 140, 161-175, 182-186.

Port Royal, Nova Scotia, Radisson and Groseillers at, 135.

Prince Maximilian, 226.

Prince Rupert, patron of French explorers, 138-139, 180; first governor of Hudson's Bay Company, 140.

Prisoners, treatment of, by Iroquois, 15-16, 25-28, 54.

Prudhomme, Mr. Justice, 88 n.

Purification, bath of, Indian rite, 14, 268.

Q

Quebec, Iroquois hostages for safety of Onondaga held at, 48, 55-56; celebration at, on return of Radisson and Groseillers, 99; meeting of fur traders at (1676), 149; Indian tribes located about, 363.

R

Radisson, Pierre Esprit (the elder), 6 n., 43 n.

Radisson, Pierre Esprit, uncle of the explorer, 43 n.

Radisson, Pierre Esprit, date and place of birth, 6; genealogy of, 6 n., 43 n.; captured by Iroquois Indians, 9; adopted into Mohawk tribe, 17; escape to Fort Orange (1653), 39-41; proof of Catholicism of, 41 n.; visits Europe and returns to Three Rivers (1654), 42-44; joins expedition to Onondaga (1657), 47; besieged by Iroquois throughout winter, 55-64; saves the garrison and returns to Montreal, 65-67; goes on trapping and exploring trip to the West (1658), 73-74; reaches Lake Nipissing and Lake Huron, 78; in winter quarters at Green Bay, 79-80; crosses present state of Wisconsin and discovers Upper Mississippi, 80-85; explorations to the west and south, 86-89; in Minnesota and Manitoba, 89-91; encounter with Iroquois at Long Sault of the Ottawa, 94-96; at scene of Dollard's fight of a week before, 96-98; arrival at Quebec (1660), 99; sets forth on voyage of discovery toward Hudson Bay (1661), 105; traverses Lake Superior, 111-112; builds fort and winters west of present Duluth, 113-116; visits the Sioux, 123-124; reaches Lake Winnipeg, 127; returns to Quebec (1663), 129; bad treatment by French officials, 130; goes to France to gain his rights, 133-134; ill-treatment, deception by Rochelle merchant, dealings with Captain Gillam of Boston, and visit to Boston (1665), 134-136; goes to England, 137-138; marriage with Mary Kirke, 138; formation of Hudson's Bay Company (1670), 139-140; trading voyage to Port Nelson (1671), 140-141; recalled to England and poorly treated (1674-1675), 148; receives commission in French navy (1675-1676), 148; complications between wife's father and French government, 152; backed by La Chesnaye, engages in new expedition to Hudson Bay, 152-153; returns to Quebec (1681) and sails to Hayes River (1682), 153-158; troubles with English and Boston ships, 161-175; jealousy and lawsuits on return to Quebec, 175-177; unsuccessfully presses claims in France, 179-180; commissioned by Hudson's Bay Company, 181-182; sails to Hayes River and takes possession of Fort Bourbon and French furs (1684), 182-185; return to England, 186-187; annual voyages to Hudson Bay for five years, 188; distrusted on breaking out of war with France, and neglect in old age, 188-189: consideration of character and career, 189-190.

_Radisson's Relation_, cited, 9 n., 46 n., 63 n., 80 n., 81 n., 98 n., 99 n., 122, 127, 163 n., 179; language used in, 82; time of writing, 138.

Ragueneau, Father Paul, 46 n., 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 59 n., 63 n.

Rascal Village, Indian camp, 305.

Red River, first white men on, 219.

Rhythm as an Indian characteristic, 160 n.

Ricaree Indians, insolence of, to Lewis and Clark, 311-312.

Robson, cited, 139, 140, 147, 161, 166.

Rochelle, Radisson's visit to, in 1654, 43.

Rocky Mountains, Radisson's nearest approach to the, 89; Pierre de la Vérendrye reaches the, 233; Lewis's first view of the, 314-315; Lewis and Clark enter Gates of the, 321.

Rouen, merchants of, interested in Canada trade, 352, 353, 357.

Roy, J. Edmond, cited, 102 n.

Roy, R., translations of documents, 335.

Rupert River, the Nemisco renamed the, 139.

S

Sacajawea, squaw guide to Lewis and Clark, 312, 321, 326, 332.

St. Louis, departure of Lewis and Clark's expedition from, 308-309; return to, 332.

Saint-Lusson, Sieur de, 142.

Saint-Pierre, Legardeur de, 236-237.

Saskatchewan River, exploration of, 229.

Sautaux Indians, the, 89-90, 92 n., 131 n., 365.

Scalp dance, the, 12, 14.

Seneca Indians, the, 34, 55, 364.

Sioux Indians, the, 69; Radisson and the, 85, 88, 120-124; desire of, for firearms, 120, 122; location of the, 365.

Skull-crackers, Indian, defined, 25, 121.

Slave Lake, Mackenzie on, 282.

Slave Lake Indians, the, 280, 282, 290.

Smith, Donald (Lord Strathcona), 275-276.

Snake Indians, Lewis and Clark make friends with, 323-326.

Society of One Hundred. _See_ Company of One Hundred Associates.

Songs, Indian, 159, 160.

Sturgeons, Radisson's river of, 112.

Sulte, Benjamin, cited, 4, 5 n., 6 n., 7 n., 19 n., 43 n., 68 n., 76 n., 86 n., 99 n., 102 n., 139 n., 154 n.

T

Tadoussac (Quebec), Company of, 352.

Talon, intendant of New France, 7 n., 142-143, 357-358, 360, 367, 368.

Tanguay, Abbé, 5 n., 19 n., 88 n.

Tar bed, Mackenzie's discovery of a, in the Arctic, 286.

Temiscamingue Indians, the, 364.

Thousand Islands, massacre of Huron captives by Iroquois at, 53-54.

Three Forks of the Missouri, Lewis and Clark arrive at, 321.

Three Rivers, population of, 7 n.; in 1654, 44-45; De la Vérendrye born at, 201; Indians of, 363.

Touret, Eli Godefroy, French spy, 137.

Torture, Indian methods of, 15-16, 25-28, 54.

_Travaille_, defined, 224.

_Tripe de roches_, defined, 78.

V

Vérendrye. _See_ De la Vérendrye.

Ville-Marie (Montreal), Indian tribes about, 363-364.

Voorhis, Mrs. Julia Clark, Clark letters owned by, 312 n.

W

Wampum, significance to Indians, 17.

War-cry, Indian, sounds representing the, 11 n.

Waste, viewed by Indians as crime, 60.

West Indies Company. _See_ Company of the West Indies.

Windsor, member of Lewis and Clark's expedition, 315-316.

Winnipeg, Lake, first reports of, 69, 71; Radisson arrives at, 127; rumours of a tide on, 216; De la Vérendrye on, 216-218.

Wisconsin, Radisson's travels in, 80-8l, 89.

Wolf Indians located at Three Rivers, 363.

Wyandotte Indians, the, 364.

Y

Yellowstone River, exploration of, by Lewis and Clark, 313, 329.

York (Port Nelson), 140, 161-175, 182-186.

Young, Sir William, champions Radisson's cause, 180, 181, 188.