Part 3

What notions of heaven and of hell did the Greeks and Romans have? This inquiry is often made. The reply is easily given. Man has always painted hell and paradise after his own conception of suffering and of happiness, just as truly as he has made God after his own image. Consequently the ancient’s ideas of the future life ranged all the way from the grossest materialistic concepts to highly spiritualized beliefs. Plato in the Republic makes Adeimantus say that some seem to think that an immortality of drunkenness is virtue’s highest meed.[35] But Socrates conceived the future state to be something very different; a place in which he could hold high discourse with the great ones of the past.[36] In general, however, punishment and rewards were of a material sort, for such are most easily imagined and understood. Has it been otherwise with Christians? The answer is to be found in Christian apocalypses, medieval monuments, renaissance art, and in our own minds. Of course there developed in Greek thought what we might call an orthodox geography and scheme for the other world, of which Virgil gives us a just picture. Interesting as it might prove to examine the details of this picture, we will rather turn to other matters.

When Christianity spread among the Gentiles, it at once came under influences which inevitably left their marks in its thought and practice. Let me offer two illustrations.

Early in the hour I spoke of Aeneas’ journey through the lower world as an initiation by which he was enlightened and strengthened for the great task that lay before him; and we have now seen that in all the mysteries, both Greek and oriental, there were initiatory rites, in which the novice symbolically died to the old life and was born again into a new existence. Moreover, through his emotional experience he received assurance that his salvation was secure forever. The idea of the new birth belongs to Christianity also from the first. Paul held that it was brought about by faith; the author of the Fourth Gospel taught that it was secured by love and belief. Baptism in primitive Christianity was at first symbolical--an act of ritual purification, which was believed to indicate the remission of sins and the bestowal of the Holy Spirit.[37] But by the second century Christianity had become a mystery in the Greek sense, into which the novice, after a period of preparation, was duly initiated by baptism; and indeed the act was believed to have a magic power to secure immortality, closely parallel to that of the pagan initiation.[38] We all know that the ecclesiastical confidence which such belief inspires is far from unknown today.

Again you will recall that when Anchises’ shade was instructing Aeneas in the meaning of life and death, he said:

“Nor when to life’s last beam they bid farewell May sufferers cease from pain, nor quite be freed From all their fleshly plagues; but by fixed law, The strange, inveterate taint works deeply in. For this, the chastisement of evils past Is suffered here, and full requital paid. Some hang on high, outstretched to viewless winds; For some their sin’s contagion must be purged In vast ablution of deep-rolling seas, Or burned away in fire. Each man receives His ghostly portion in the world of dark.”

Thus the sojourn of the soul in the world below for the thousand years which must elapse before it could be born again, was a period of cleansing from ancient sin. This idea of purification we have already seen to be as old as the Orphics; it was made an important element by Plato; and indeed all who held to the doctrine of rebirths regarded the periods between earthly existences as times of moral punishment and cleansing. There were certain analogies in Mithraism. Orthodox Christianity could not adopt the doctrine of metempsychosis, although some Gnostics found this possible, by rejecting the resurrection of the body. But beyond question the Greek doctrine of post-mortem purgation from sin, combining with ideas inherited from the Old Testament, has been influential in the development of a Christian belief in purification, especially by fire, in an intermediate state between death and paradise. The doctrine of purgatory, in somewhat different forms, has been held by both the Eastern and the Western Churches. Although this doctrine did not become a definite part of the theology of the Western Church until the time of Gregory the Great (590-604), nevertheless traces of it can be found in the earlier Church writers. Origen held that even the perfect must pass through fire after death;[39] St. Augustine was less confident, but he thought it not past belief that imperfect souls might be saved by cleansing flames.[40] The Western Church, from St. Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth to Bellarmino in the sixteenth century held the doctrine that the cleansing fire was as material as that of any Stoic; but today that view has in large part been abandoned.[41]

These two illustrations must suffice to suggest the ways in which Christian thought was influenced by its pagan environment.

Finally we will consider an example of parallelism between pagan and Christian ideas. It is evident that the Greeks, who made such large use of successive rebirths, following periods of punishment and purification below, thought of these repeated lives and deaths as forming a moral series, so that moral progress, or degeneracy, at one stage was inseparably connected with both the preceding and the following stages. To them life here and life in the other world were indissolubly bound together. This was also as true of Stoicism with its limited reward for uprightness, as it was of Platonism. The Greek mysteries, which did not concern themselves with metempsychosis, by the fifth century before our era likewise made future happiness depend in part at least on righteousness in this life; the oriental mysteries too made this existence the condition of the next. In short, we may say that wherever men believed in any kind of a future existence, they almost universally held to the common belief that future happiness was to be the reward of a virtuous life on earth. But this is one of the fundamental principles of Christianity. Paganism, therefore, was in accord on this point with its enemy, and thereby favored the propagation of the new religion; moreover, the superior ethical demands of Christianity and its humanitarian principles no doubt found a ready response, especially in enlightened circles.

So we have returned to that which seems to me most important in the relations of paganism and of early Christianity. In many ways paganism provided an environment favorable for the spread of the religion which Jesus founded. The two were at many points irreconcilable, and the former has not always benefited the latter by its influence; but it is a grave historical error not to recognize the areas in which the thought of the two ran parallel. Is the nobler faith the poorer because its paths were made broad by the pagan in his search after Immortality?

NOTES

1. Eduard Norden, _Aeneis_, _Buch VI_, Leipzig, 1903, is most useful for its commentary, especially on religious and philosophic matters.

2. W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experience of the Roman People_, Macmillan Co., 1911, pp. 419 ff.

So Dante’s journey through Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise secured his conversion and salvation, bringing him finally to freedom and to knowledge. _Paradiso_, XXXI, 85-87 and XXXIII entire.

3. Metempsychosis was the subject of the Ingersoll lecture by Professor George Foot Moore in 1914. Therefore that theme is not discussed here.

4. Cf. Friedländer, _Roman Life and Manners_, Routledge, London, 1910, iii, chap. II.

5. On the pre-Hellenic periods, see Schuchhardt, _Schliemann’s Excavations_, New York, 1891, passim; Lagrange, _La Crète Ancienne_, Paris, 1908, chap. II; Baikie, _The Sea-Kings of Crete_, London, 1910, chap. XI.

6. Cf. Fairbanks, _Greek Religion_, New York, 1910, pp. 168-188; Stengel, _Griechische Kultusaltertümer_, 2d ed., Munich, 1898, § 80; Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der Römer_, 2d ed., Munich, 1912, § 36; W. Warde Fowler, _Religious Experience of the Roman People_, London, 1911, passim; and especially Lecture XVII, “Mysticism--Ideas of the Future Life;” C. Pascal, _Le Credenze d’Oltretomba_, 2 vols., 1912.

7. B. I. Wheeler, _Dionysos and Immortality_, Ingersoll Lecture for 1898-99. The classic work on Orphism is Rohde, _Psyche: Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen_, 3d ed., Tübingen, 1903, vol. ii.

8. _Frg._ 154 Abel.

9. Apparently Orphism was already established at Croton in southern Italy when Pythagoras arrived there about 530 B.C.; but the matter is very uncertain. It is clear that Orphism and Pythagoreanism soon coalesced, even if they were originally distinct.

10. _Rep._, vi, 508 f. It should be said that the identity of Plato’s supreme idea with God is denied by some Platonists; but cf. _Phil._ 22C; _Tim._ 28A-29E, 57A, 92C.

11. The doctrine of ideas is developed in the _Phaedo_, _Phaedrus_, _Meno_, _Symposium_, and especially in the _Republic_. In the _Sophist_ and the _Parmenides_, Plato criticizes his own views acutely.

12. _Metaphys._, i, 9; vi, 8; xii, 10; xiii, 3.

13. _Phaedrus_, 245 (cf. _Laws_, x, 894B ff., xii, 966E); _Phaedo_, 72 ff., 86, 105; _Meno_, 81 ff.

14. _Diss._, i, 14, 6; ii, 8, 11.

15. Cf. E. V. Arnold, _Roman Stoicism_, University Press, Cambridge (Eng.), 1911, chap. XI.

16. Rohde, _Psyche_, ii^3, 379 ff.

17. _CIL._, ii, 1434; cf. 1877, 2262.

18. _CIL._, v, 1939.

19. _CIL._, vi, 14672 = _Ins. Graec._, xiv, 1746.

20. Call., _Epig._, 13, 3 ff.

21. _CIL._, iii, 5825; vi, 9280, 10848; x, 6706; etc.

22. _Aen._, vi, 723-751. Translation by Theodore C. Williams, Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1908.

23. On these mysteries, see Rohde, _Psyche_, i^3, pp. 278 ff.; Farnell, _Cults of the Greek States_, iii, 126-213; A. Mommsen, _Feste der Stadt Athen_, pp. 204-277, 405-421.

24. 480 f.

25. _Frg._ 137.

26. _Frg._ 753.

27. 454 ff.

28. _Eph. Arch._, iii (1883), p. 81, 8.

29. On these and other oriental gods, see F. Cumont, _The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism_, Chicago, 1911; also G. Showerman, _The Great Mother of the Gods_, 1901; Hepding, _Attis_, 1903; W. Budge, _Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection_, 2 vols., 1911; G. A. Reisner, _The Egyptian Conception of Immortality_, Ingersoll Lecture for 1911; F. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra_, 2 vols., 1894-1900; Id., _Les Mystères de Mithra_, 2 ed., 1902; English translation, 1910.

30. Apuleius, _Metamorphoses_, xi, 23.

31. _Enn._, iv, 7.

32. Cf. Plato, _Rep._, 364 B ff.; _Demosth._, xviii, 259; Apul., _Met._, viii, 24 ff.

33. R. H. Charles, _A Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life in Israel, in Judaism, and in Christianity_, London, 1899, is a convenient book, but one which must be used with caution.

34. A. Harnack, _Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte_, i, 4th ed., 1909; English translation from the third German edition, 1901; G. B. Stevens, _The Theology of the New Testament_, 1903; H. Holtzmann, _Lehrbuch der neutestamentlichen Theologie_, 2 vols., 2d ed., 1911.

35. _Rep._, ii, 363 D.

36. _Apol._, 41.

37. It should be said that even in the earliest period Christian baptism had certain magical notions attached to it; not, however, the belief that it secured immortality.

38. Cf. Hatch, _The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages on the Christian Church_, X, B; Anrich, _Das antike Mysterienwesen in seinem Einfluss auf das Christentum_, 1894, pp. 168 ff., especially 179 ff.

39. _Hom. in Num._, xxv; _in Ps._ xxxvi, 3.

40. _C. D._, xx, 25; xxi, 13 (where Virgil’s verses given above are quoted), 26; _de octo Dulcitii Quaest._, _Qu._ i, 13; _Enchiridion_, lxix.

41. St. Thomas, _Opera_ (Venice, 1759), xii, p. 575, _Distinctio_ xxi, _Quaes._ 1, _Sol._ 3; xiii, p. 347 ff., _Distinctio_ xliv, _Quaes._ 3, _Art._ 4, _Quaestiunc._ 3; Bellarmino, _de Purgatorio_, II, x-xii.