Part 24

════════════════════════════════╤══════╤═══════╤══════╤═══════╤═══════ │First.│Second.│Third.│Fourth.│Fifth. ────────────────────────────────┼──────┼───────┼──────┼───────┼─────── Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio │ 147 │ 170 │ 178 │ 206 │ 38 Reuben E. Fenton, of New York │ 126 │ 144 │ 139 │ 144 │ 69 Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts │ 119 │ 114 │ 101 │ 87 │ ―― Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana │ 115 │ 145 │ 165 │ 186 │ 541 Andrew G. Curtin, of Penn. │ 51 │ 45 │ 40 │ ―― │ ―― Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine │ 28 │ 30 │ 25 │ 25 │ ―― James Speed, of Kentucky │ 22 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― James Harlan, of Iowa │ 16 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― John A. J. Creswell, of Maryland│ 14 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas │ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― William D. Kelley, of Penn. │ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ════════════════════════════════╧══════╧═══════╧══════╧═══════╧═══════

The swift mutations in American politics were strangely illustrated in the nomination for Vice-President at that convention. Senator Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, who was about closing a term of eighteen years in the service of the Senate, who was then President _pro tem._ of that body, and who was expected to reach the Presidency for a period of eight months by the impeachment and dismissal of President Johnson, was the prominent candidate for Vice-President before the meeting of the convention. It was generally believed that Johnson would be successfully impeached; that Wade would become President for the remainder of the term, with illimitable patronage, and that his nomination for the Vice-Presidency was apparently assured. But when many delegates were on their way to Chicago on Saturday, the 16th, the trained lightning sped the message westward that Johnson had been acquitted by a single vote in the Senate, and that ended Wade’s candidacy. He had many friends independent of the prospective power that had made him formidable, and they made a stubborn battle for him, but though he was highest of all on the 1st ballot, on the 5th and final vote he had but 38 votes to 541 for Schuyler Colfax and 69 for Senator Fenton, of New York. Thus two crushing disasters had befallen Wade in a single week. He had the Presidency apparently within his grasp—and this would have carried the Vice-Presidency for another term—but he was smitten in both efforts, and these crowning disasters closely followed his defeat for re-election to the Senate. He was the sturdy, bluff, uncompromising patriot of the Senate during the war, and after these three disasters came upon him in quick succession, the old man groped his way along for a few years in solitude and then slept the dreamless sleep of the dead.

The Democratic National Convention met in New York on the 4th of July, and there was a strong sentiment among the delegates favorable to the nomination of a liberal Republican for President. The Republicans had nominated a Democrat, and Chief Justice Chase, who was an old-time Democrat, and who had won a very large measure of Democratic confidence by his rulings in the impeachment case of President Johnson, was a favorite with a very powerful circle of friends, who had quietly, but very thoroughly, as they believed, organized to have him nominated by a spontaneous tidal wave after a protracted deadlock between the leading candidates. I have every reason to believe that Chase would have been nominated at the time Seymour was chosen, and in like manner, had it not been for the carefully laid plan of Samuel J. Tilden to prevent the success of Chase. Horatio Seymour, the ablest Democrat of that day, was president of the convention, and he had no more idea of being nominated for President than he had of becoming the Czar of Russia. It was generally supposed that Seymour left the chair of the convention because some votes had been cast for him for President, but he really left the chair because he expected to aid in the nomination of Chase, and when Seymour called another to preside, the Tilden strategy completed its purpose by an able Democrat demanding the nomination of Horatio Seymour, and delivering a most eloquent and impressive eulogy upon the confessed leader of the Democracy. In vain did Seymour give a peremptory declination. The convention had been organized for its work, and men in nearly every delegation who had been assigned to their task rose and swelled the hurrah for Seymour. When he found the tide was likely to be overwhelming, he declared with equal earnestness and pathos, “Your candidate I cannot be;” but the wave sped on and Seymour was made the candidate by a practically unanimous vote.

He was prevailed upon to consider the subject, and that meant, of course, that he could not decline. There had been twenty-one ballots before the nomination of Seymour, in which Pendleton, Hancock, and Hendricks were the leading competitors. It was then that the nomination of Chase was expected to be made just as the nomination of Seymour was made, and Tilden’s was the master hand that shaped the action of the convention.

Tilden was a master leader, as subtle and sagacious as he was able, and he thoroughly organized the plan to nominate Seymour, not so much because he desired Seymour as the candidate, as because he was implacable in his hostility to Chase. It was well known by Chase and his friends that Tilden crucified Chase in the Democratic convention of 1868, and this act of Tilden’s had an impressive sequel eight years later, when the election of Tilden hung in the balance in the Senate, and when the accomplished daughter of Chase decided the battle against Tilden.

The convention met on the 4th of July, which was Saturday, and nothing beyond organization was accomplished until Monday. The supporters of Pendleton were altogether the most aggressive of all the candidates. They represented the “Greenback” issue that had then taken form, and exhibited considerable popular strength, not only in the Democratic party, but to some extent in the Republican party. The two-thirds rule was reaffirmed, and on Tuesday the committee on platform reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:

The Democratic party, in national convention assembled, reposing its trust in the intelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the people, standing upon the Constitution as the foundation and limitation of the powers of the Government and the guarantee of the liberties of the citizen, and recognizing the questions of slavery and secession as having been settled, for all time to come, by the war, or the voluntary action of the Southern States in constitutional conventions assembled, and never to be renewed or reagitated, do, with the return of peace, demand:

1. Immediate restoration of all the States to their rights in the Union under the Constitution, and of civil government to the American people.

2. Amnesty for all past political offences, and the regulation of the elective franchise in the States by their citizens.

3. Payment of the public debt of the United States as rapidly as practicable; all moneys drawn from the people by taxation, except so much as is requisite for the necessities of the Government, economically administered, being honestly applied to such payment, and where the obligations of the Government do not expressly state upon their face, or the law under which they were issued does not provide that they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in right and in justice, to be paid in the lawful money of the United States.

4. Equal taxation of every species of property according to its real value, including Government bonds and other public securities.

5. One currency for the Government and the people, the laborer and the officeholder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bondholder.

6. Economy in the administration of the Government; the reduction of the standing army and navy; the abolition of the Freedmen’s Bureau, and all political instrumentalities designed to secure negro supremacy; simplification of the system, and discontinuance of inquisitorial modes of assessing and collecting internal revenue, so that the burden of taxation may be equalized and lessened; the credit of the Government and the currency made good; the repeal of all enactments for enrolling the State militia into national forces in time of peace; and a tariff for revenue upon foreign imports, and such equal taxation under the internal revenue laws as will afford incidental protection to domestic manufacturers, and as will, without impairing the revenue, impose the least burden upon and best promote and encourage the great industrial interests of the country.

7. Reform of abuses in the administration, the expulsion of corrupt men from office, the abrogation of useless offices, the restoration of rightful authority to, and the independence of, the executive and judicial departments of the Government, the subordination of the military to the civil power, to the end that the usurpations of Congress and the despotism of the sword may cease.

8. Equal rights and protection for naturalized and native-born citizens, at home and abroad; the assertion of American nationality which shall command the respect of foreign powers, and furnish an example and encouragement to peoples struggling for national integrity, constitutional liberty, and individual rights, and the maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens against the absolute doctrine of immutable allegiance, and the claims of foreign powers to punish them for alleged crime committed beyond their jurisdiction.

In demanding these measures and reforms, we arraign the Radical party for its disregard of right, and the unparalleled oppression and tyranny which have marked its career.

After the most solemn and unanimous pledge of both Houses of Congress to prosecute the war exclusively for the maintenance of the Government and the preservation of the Union under the Constitution, it has repeatedly violated that most sacred pledge under which alone was rallied that noble volunteer army which carried our flag to victory. Instead of restoring the Union, it has, so far as in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in the time of profound peace, to military despotism and negro supremacy. It has nullified there the right of trial by jury; it has abolished the _habeas corpus_, that most sacred writ of liberty; it has overthrown the freedom of speech and the press; it has substituted arbitrary seizures and arrests, and military trials and secret star-chamber inquisitions for the constitutional tribunals; it has disregarded, in time of peace, the right of the people to be free from searches and seizures; it has entered the post and telegraph offices, and even the private rooms of individuals, and seized their private papers and letters without any specific charge or notice or affidavit, as required by the organic law; it has converted the American Capitol into a bastile; it has established a system of spies and official espionage to which no constitutional monarchy of Europe would now dare to resort; it has abolished the right of appeal, on important constitutional questions, to the supreme judicial tribunals, and threatened to curtail or destroy its original jurisdiction, which is irrevocably vested by the Constitution, while the learned Chief Justice has been subjected to the most atrocious calumnies, merely because he would not prostitute his high office to the support of the false and partisan charges preferred against the President. Its corruption and extravagance have exceeded anything known in history, and, by its frauds and monopolies, it has nearly doubled the burden of the debt created by the war. It has stripped the President of his constitutional power of appointment, even of his own Cabinet. Under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Government are rocking on their base, and should it succeed in November next and inaugurate its President, we will meet, as a subjected and conquered people, amid the ruins of liberty and the scattered fragments of the Constitution.

And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British crown the privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political power of each State respectively, and that any attempt by Congress, on any pretext whatever, to deprive any State of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power, which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and, if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single centralized and consolidated government, in which the separate existence of the States will be entirely absorbed, and unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal union of coequal States. And that we regard the Reconstruction Acts (so-called) of Congress, as such, as usurpations, and unconstitutional, revolutionary, and void.

That our soldiers and sailors, who carried the flag of our country to victory against a most gallant and determined foe, must ever be gratefully remembered, and all the guarantees given in their favor must be faithfully carried into execution.

That the public lands should be distributed as widely as possible among the people, and should be disposed of either under the pre-emption or homestead lands, or sold in reasonable quantities, and to none but actual occupants, at the minimum price established by the Government. When grants of the public lands may be allowed, necessary for the encouragement of important public improvements, the proceeds of the sale of such lands, and not the lands themselves, should be so applied.

That the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the powers of his high office in resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the constitutional rights of the States and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people, and in behalf of the Democratic party we tender him our thanks for his patriotic efforts in that regard.

Upon this platform the Democratic party appeal to every patriot, including all the conservative element and all who desire to support the Constitution and restore the Union, forgetting all past differences of opinion, to unite with us in the present great struggle for the liberties of the people; and that to all such, to whatever party they may have heretofore belonged, we extend the right hand of fellowship, and hail all such co-operating with us as friends and brethren.

_Resolved_, That this convention sympathize cordially with the workingmen of the United States in their efforts to protect the rights and interests of the laboring classes of the country.

_Resolved_, That the thanks of the convention are tendered to Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase for the justice, dignity, and impartiality with which he presided over the court of impeachment on the trial of President Andrew Johnson.

The ballots for President began on Tuesday and ended Thursday. The following table gives the ballots in detail:

════════╤══════════╤════════╤═══════════╤══════════╤═══════╤═══════╤════════╤══════════╤══════════╤════════╤═════════╤════════╤═══════════ │ Geo. H. │ Andrew │Winfield S.│ Sanford │ Asa │ Joel │James E.│ James R. │ Thos. A. │Horatio │ Francis │Reverdy │ BALLOTS.│Pendleton,│Johnson,│ Hancock, │E. Church,│Packer,│Parker,│English,│Doolittle,│Hendricks,│Seymour,│P. Blair,│Johnson,│Scattering. │ Ohio. │ Tenn. │ Penn. │ N. Y. │ Penn. │ N. J. │ Conn. │ Wis. │ Ind. │ N. Y. │ Mo. │ Md. │ ────────┼──────────┼────────┼───────────┼──────────┼───────┼───────┼────────┼──────────┼──────────┼────────┼─────────┼────────┼─────────── 1 │ 105 │ 65 │ 33-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 16 │ 13 │ 2-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 10-1/2 2 │ 104 │ 52 │ 40-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 15-1/2│ 12-1/2│ 12-1/2 │ 2 │ ―― │ 10-1/2 │ 8 │ 1/2 3 │ 119-1/2 │ 34-1/2│ 45-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 7-1/2│ 12 │ 9-1/2 │ ―― │ 4-1/2 │ 11 │ 1 4 │ 118-1/2 │ 32 │ 43-1/2 │ 33 │ 26 │ 13 │ 7-1/2│ 8 │ 11-1/2 │ 9 │ 2 │ 16 │ 1 5 │ 122 │ 24 │ 46 │ 33 │ 27 │ 13 │ 7 │ 15 │ 19-1/2 │ ―― │ 9-1/2 │ ―― │ 1 6 │ 122-1/2 │ 21 │ 47 │ 33 │ 27 │ 13 │ 6 │ 12 │ 30 │ ―― │ 5 │ ―― │ ―― 7 │ 137-1/2 │ 12-1/2│ 42-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 39-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― 8 │ 156-1/2 │ 6 │ 28 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 75 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― 9 │ 144 │ 5-1/2│ 24-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ 6 │ 12 │ 80-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― 10 │ 147-1/2 │ 6 │ 34 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 82-1/2 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― 11 │ 144-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 32-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12-1/2 │ 88 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ ―― 12 │ 145-1/2 │ 4-1/2│ 30 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12-1/2 │ 89 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ 1-1/2 13 │ 134-1/2 │ 4-1/2│ 48-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 13 │ 81 │ ―― │ 1/2 │ ―― │ 1-1/2 14 │ 130 │ ―― │ 50 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 13 │ 84-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― 15 │ 129-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 79-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 82-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― 16 │ 107-1/2 │ 5-1/2│ 113-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ ―― │ 12 │ 70-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― 17 │ 70-1/2 │ 6 │ 137-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― │ 12 │ 80 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3-1/2 18 │ 56-1/2 │ 10 │ 144-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 31-1/2│ ―― │ 12 │ 87 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 3-1/2 19 │ ―― │ ―― │ 135-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ 22 │ 6 │ 4 │ 107-1/2 │ ―― │ 13-1/2 │ ―― │ 5 20 │ ―― │ ―― │ 142-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 16 │ 12 │ 121 │ 2 │ 13 │ ―― │ 9 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ 135-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 19 │ 12 │ 132 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 5 22 │ ―― │ 4 │ 90-1/2 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 1 │ 4 │ 140-1/2 │ 21 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ════════╧══════════╧════════╧═══════════╧══════════╧═══════╧═══════╧════════╧══════════╧══════════╧════════╧═════════╧════════╧═══════════

Before the 22d ballot was announced delegations began to change their votes to Seymour, and the changes were continued amid great enthusiasm until he received the unanimous nomination. The twenty-one votes given him on the last ballot were all cast by Ohio delegates.

It was charged that the nomination of Seymour had been carefully planned by his friends before the meeting of the convention, in imitation of the nominations of Polk and Pierce, but in point of fact the nomination of Seymour was not planned by his friends nor had they any idea of nominating him when the convention met, as his name was not before the convention at all until the 22d ballot and the third day of balloting. He was most earnestly averse to accepting the nomination. His health was impaired, he had had many and very earnest political conflicts, and he felt himself physically and mentally unequal to the exacting duties of a campaign. His nomination was, as I have stated, conceived and executed for the purpose of defeating Chase.

Having failed to nominate a Republican for President, the convention unanimously nominated General Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, for Vice-President without the formality of a ballot. He was one of the most radical and aggressive of Republicans when the Republican party was organized in 1856, and brought the first important victory to that party when, in the early fall of 1856, he was elected to Congress from St. Louis, being the first Republican who ever represented a Southern State in the national Legislature. I remember meeting him in Washington just before the clash of arms began, after the bombardment of Sumter. He was impatient with Lincoln for not precipitating the war, and told me that he would go back to Missouri the next day, and that the country would soon hear of battles fought in that State. He executed his purpose, for it was through him chiefly or wholly that the early and bloody battles of Missouri were fought. He was one of the most brilliant of the corps commanders of the army, but had evidently fallen into disfavor with Grant, and Blair was as tireless a fighter as Grant himself. In a public letter, directed to J. C. Broadhead a short time before the convention met, General Blair denounced Grant as aiming at imperialism, and declared that his election to the Presidency would date the downfall of our Republican institutions.

General Blair spoke frequently during the contest, but his speeches were so violent that they gave offence to many conservative Democrats; and after the October elections, which were disastrous to the Democrats, the New York _World_, the leading Democratic organ, came out in a leader demanding that he be retired from the ticket; but Blair was not the man to retreat under fire. Seymour took the stump, to present the party in a more conservative attitude, and delivered a number of speeches, which rank among the ablest popular addresses of American politics; but he could not halt the tidal wave that swept Grant into the Presidency. The following table gives the electoral and popular vote: