Part 20

_Therefore be it Resolved_, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

A convention of delegates, representing the Constitutional Union party, met at Baltimore on the 9th of May and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Vice-President. Two ballots were had, as follows:

═══════════════════╤═════════════╤════════════ │ 1st Ballot. │ 2d Ballot. ───────────────────┼─────────────┼──────────── John Bell │ 68-1/2 │ 138 Samuel Houston │ 57 │ 69 John M. Botts │ 9-1/2 │ 7 John McLean │ 21 │ 1 J. J. Crittendon │ 28 │ 1 Edward Everett │ 25 │ 9-1/2 William Goggin │ 3 │ ―― William A. Graham │ 22 │ 18 William L. Sharkey │ 7 │ 8-1/2 William C. Rieves │ 13 │ ―― ═══════════════════╧═════════════╧════════════

Mr. Bell was declared the unanimous choice of the convention, and Mr. Everett was unanimously nominated without the formality of a ballot. The following platform was adopted by this convention:

_Whereas_, Experience has demonstrated that platforms adopted by the partisan conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties, therefore—

_Resolved_, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principle other than the Constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws, and that, as representatives of the constitutional Union men of the country in national convention assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the States re-established, and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fraternity, and equality which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

It will be noticed that the American party had entirely disappeared as a political factor in 1860, and what was called the Constitutional Union party had its origin from a number of old and conservative Americans who could not follow either of the old parties. The movement originated chiefly with the friends of General Houston, of Texas, who had separated from the Democratic party and was elected Governor of his State after he identified himself with the American organization. It was expected by those who did the preliminary work of organizing the Constitutional Union party that Houston would be made the candidate for President, and it will be seen that on the 1st ballot he was within 9 votes of Bell. The movement gained unexpected strength through the North, and when the delegates assembled at Baltimore a majority of them regarded it as a necessity to nominate two of the ablest, cleanest, and most conservative men of the country, and John Bell was taken because it was known that he could command a much larger vote from the old Whigs and Americans of the South, where the Republicans could have no votes, than any other candidate. The American party never reappeared in the political arena after 1856, when it succeeded in carrying the electoral vote of Maryland for Fillmore.

The contest was one of great activity, with much more bitterness exhibited by the Democratic factions toward each other than either displayed toward the Republicans. Douglas took the stump and spoke as far South as New Orleans, throughout the West, in various places in New York and other Eastern States. His speeches were the ablest and most aggressive ever delivered in a national contest. Lincoln, Breckenridge, and Bell took no prominent individual part in the battle. One of the peculiar features of the campaign of 1860 was the development of a war spirit in the North that was quickened by the organization known as “The Wide-Awakes.” They were Republican organizations uniformed by caps and capes, and each one carrying a lantern in night processions. Many of them drilled as military companies, for the threat of war came up with almost every echo from the South. The young men of the North, and especially the young men just from our colleges, entered largely and very enthusiastically into the Lincoln ranks, and in no previous Presidential battle was there such able and general discussion of public questions on the hustings. The slavery question had presented a new phase to the people of the North. It was not a mere battle against slavery, although that appealed very strongly to the convictions of most of the Republicans, but the South had, by the deliverances of its leading men, made the issue directly against the mastery of the free labor of the North. It was denounced by some of the ablest Southern leaders as unworthy of respect or recognition, holding that labor was menial, and that the North was made up very largely of “small-fisted farmers” and “greasy mechanics,” and Senator Chestnut, of South Carolina, who delivered the most honest and one of the ablest speeches on the labor question, compared the slave labor of the South most favorably with the “mud-sills of the North.” This attitude of the South logically brought the most intelligent labor classes of all conditions into the support of the Republican ticket to vindicate their own manhood and independence. The following table presents the popular and electoral vote:

══════════════════╤══════════════════════════════════════════════════════════╦═════════════════════════════════════ │ POPULAR VOTE. ║ ELECTORAL VOTE. ├─────────────┬─────────────┬─────────────────┬────────────╫────────┬────────┬─────────────┬───── STATES. │Abraham │Stephen A. │John C. │ John Bell, ║Lincoln.│Douglas.│Breckenridge.│Bell. │Lincoln, Ill.│Douglas, Ill.│Breckenridge, Ky.│ Tenn. ║ │ │ │ ──────────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼───── Maine │ 62,811 │ 26,693 │ 6,368 │ 2,046 ║ 8 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Hampshire │ 37,519 │ 25,881 │ 2,112 │ 441 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Vermont │ 33,808 │ 6,849 │ 218 │ 1,969 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Massachusetts │ 106,533 │ 34,372 │ 5,939 │ 22,331 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Rhode Island │ 12,244 │ 7,707[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Connecticut │ 43,792 │ 15,522 │ 14,641 │ 3,291 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New York │ 362,646 │ 312,510[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 35 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― New Jersey │ 58,324 │ 62,801[18]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ 4 │ 3 │ ―― │ ―― Pennsylvania │ 268,030 │ 16,765 │ 178,871[18] │ 12,776 ║ 27 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Delaware │ 3,815 │ 1,023 │ 7,337 │ 3,864 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― Maryland │ 2,294 │ 5,966 │ 42,482 │ 41,760 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― Virginia │ 1,929 │ 16,290 │ 74,323 │ 74,681 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 15 North Carolina │ ―――――― │ 2,701 │ 48,539 │ 44,990 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― South Carolina[17]│ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ ―――――― ║ ―― │ ―― │ 8 │ ―― Georgia │ ―――――― │ 11,590 │ 51,889 │ 42,886 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 10 │ ―― Florida │ ―――――― │ 367 │ 8,543 │ 5,437 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 3 │ ―― Alabama │ ―――――― │ 13,651 │ 48,831 │ 27,875 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 9 │ ―― Mississippi │ ―――――― │ 3,283 │ 40,797 │ 25,040 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 7 │ ―― Louisiana │ ―――――― │ 7,625 │ 22,861 │ 20,204 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 6 │ ―― Texas │ ―――――― │ ―――――― │ 47,548 │ 15,438[18]║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― Arkansas │ ―――――― │ 5,227 │ 28,732 │ 20,094 ║ ―― │ ―― │ 4 │ ―― Missouri │ 17,028 │ 58,801 │ 31,317 │ 58,372 ║ ―― │ 9 │ ―― │ ―― Tennessee │ ―――――― │ 11,350 │ 64,709 │ 69,274 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12 Kentucky │ 1,364 │ 25,651 │ 53,143 │ 66,058 ║ ―― │ ―― │ ―― │ 12 Ohio │ 231,610 │ 187,232 │ 11,405 │ 12,194 ║ 23 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Michigan │ 88,480 │ 65,057 │ 805 │ 405 ║ 6 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Indiana │ 139,033 │ 115,509 │ 12,295 │ 5,306 ║ 13 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Illinois │ 172,161 │ 160,215 │ 2,404 │ 4,913 ║ 11 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Wisconsin │ 86,110 │ 65,021 │ 888 │ 161 ║ 5 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Minnesota │ 22,069 │ 11,920 │ 748 │ 62 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Iowa │ 70,409 │ 55,111 │ 1,048 │ 1,763 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― California │ 39,173 │ 38,516 │ 34,334 │ 6,817 ║ 4 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― Oregon │ 5,270 │ 3,951 │ 5,006 │ 183 ║ 3 │ ―― │ ―― │ ―― ├─────────────┼─────────────┼─────────────────┼────────────╫────────┼────────┼─────────────┼───── Totals │ 1,866,452 │1,375,157 │ 847,953 │ 590,631 ║ 180 │ 12 │ 72 │ 39 ══════════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════╧═════════════════╧════════════╩════════╧════════╧═════════════╧═════

[17] Chosen by Legislature.

[18] Fusion electoral tickets.

The election of Lincoln was the second great political revolution in the history of the country, and it came with fearful import. The revolution won by Jefferson in 1800 simply displaced the Federalists, gave authority to the Republicans, and liberalized the policy of the Government. The revolution that brought Lincoln into the Presidency was the first popular expression emphasizing the purpose of the nation to halt the extension of slavery; and while the Republican policy meant no more than to prevent slavery extension, it was well understood in the South that it menaced the safety of slavery even where it was then undisputed. The Southerners had little tolerance for Republicanism. They had seen it grow from the despised Abolition cranks to the Republican party that had dominated Congress before it elected a President. Republicans in Congress were seldom treated with respect by their Southern associates, and often the most wanton and flagrant insults were given them not only on the floor of the House but on other occasions.

Personal encounters disgraced the record of both House and Senate, and the most respectable term the South ever applied to antislavery members was that of “Black Republican.” Even in Philadelphia, that became the most loyal of all cities, nearly the whole commercial and financial interests were arrayed against Lincoln, because they regarded the Republican party as disturbers of national tranquillity and of all the interests of trade. So strong was the conservative element among the old Whigs in that State that the name of Republican had to be discarded. Curtin was elected Governor as the candidate of the “People’s party,” and the delegates to the Chicago convention represented only that organization. When Lincoln’s election was announced the Democrats could not reconcile themselves to the mastery of a party they had so openly and persistently despised.

I witnessed an interesting episode in Philadelphia, on the night of Curtin’s election. The Prince of Wales was then on a visit to this country, and had just arrived at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia. My headquarters as chairman of the Lincoln committee were at the Girard House immediately opposite, and I saw the handsome young Prince, then a picture of manly vigor and beauty, stand on the Chestnut Street balcony for an hour, surrounded by his suite of nobles, watching what he regarded as the dying agonies of the Republic. The main streets of the city were crowded with shouting, wrangling, and rioting partisans, and the Prince obviously congratulated himself that he had just happened in this country in time to see its angry dissolution. He witnessed the riotous enthusiasm of the Republicans, and the much more riotous madness of the defeated party, until he wearied of it, and he was astounded the next morning to discover that the city was as quiet and serene as an average Philadelphia Sunday.

Lincoln brought to the Presidency the strongest personality that has ever adorned the highest trust of the nation. It is studied with increased interest as time passes onward in its flight, and it is worthy of extended notice here. I had not met Lincoln personally until after his election. I had attended the Chicago convention as chairman of the State committee along with Curtin, and bore some humble part in aiding the nomination of Lincoln; and my correspondence with him during the campaign would have made one of the most interesting of Lincoln relics, but unfortunately the letters were destroyed when Chambersburg, including my own house, was burnt by General McCausland.

Pennsylvania was the battle ground, and he naturally tried to keep in close touch with it. His letters were always kind and hopeful, sometimes quaint, and always going directly to the point of winning the State. He communicated with me every week from the time I opened headquarters early in June until after the election, and I prized more highly the Lincoln correspondence of that struggle than any of all the many valued letters I have ever received. I think it safe to say that he was as familiar with the details of the contest in Pennsylvania as I was myself, and knew every element of strength and every element of weakness in our lines. He was never enthusiastic or sentimental, but always thoroughly practical, with occasional flashes of his exquisite Western humor.

After such intercourse with Lincoln, lasting from the beginning to the close of the great battle of his life, I of course had formed what I supposed to be an intelligent and accurate estimate of the character and attributes of the man, but I never had a glimpse of the grandeur of Lincoln’s character until I met him personally at his home in Springfield on the 3d of January, 1861. A contest over the appointment of Cameron to the Cabinet, in which I took part, in opposition to Cameron, made Lincoln telegraph me on the 2d of January to visit him at Springfield. I was then a member of the Senate; the Legislature was just about to meet, and I made as hurried a trip as possible. I reached Springfield about seven o’clock on the evening of the 3d, having telegraphed him in advance that I would arrive at that hour and must return at eleven. I went from the depot directly to his house, and when I rang the bell the door was opened by Lincoln himself, and I saw no other person during my stay.

I think I did not well conceal my disappointment when I stood before him in the dimly lighted hall looking up into the face of the new President. There was nothing in his appearance calculated to make a favorable impression at first sight. He was illy clad, ungraceful in movement, and his rudely chiselled face, that was always sad in repose, clearly portrayed the fretting anxieties which his election to the Presidency to meet the severest trial of the Republic had brought upon him. He had then decided to appoint Cameron to the Cabinet, against which I had protested, and he had sent for me to know whether there were good reasons for a change of judgment. We sat down in his plainly furnished parlor, and for an hour or more he heard me patiently with evident interest. During this part of the conversation he said but little, but gave many incisive questions to be answered. He did not exhibit a single trace of humor, and it seemed to me most of the time as if I were making my appeal to a sphinx. He gave no sign whatever as to whether I impressed him or not, and when I left him I had not a single clue by which to judge what importance he had attached to my arguments, but before he retired that night he wrote a letter to Cameron revoking the appointment, and suggesting that Cameron should regard the position as tendered, and give a letter of declination.

In that letter, which can be found in Nicolay and Hay’s “Life of Lincoln,” he uses this language: “You will say this comes of an interview with McClure, and this is partly but not wholly true.” The result was that the position of Secretary of War was held open until Lincoln arrived in Washington, when Seward and Weed finally prevailed upon the President to give the position to Cameron. He advised me of his purpose after he had decided, and was much gratified for the assurance that no factional hostility would be made against either Cameron or the administration. Seward and Weed were much embittered at Curtin and Lane for defeating Seward at Chicago, and they dealt a retributive blow by securing the appointment of Cameron, as Cameron and Curtin were never in political accord after the bitter struggle they had for Senator in 1855.

It was not until after the question of the Cabinet appointment was dismissed that I had an opportunity to see something of Lincoln as he was. It was my part to do the talking on the Cabinet issue; after that it was his part to talk, and he gradually developed all the great and grand qualities of his character. He was appalled at the prospect of civil war being the sequel of his election to the Presidency, and above all things, he wanted peace if consistent with the line of duty. He fully appreciated that he was confronted by graver problems than had ever beset American statesmanship, and that he was compelled to meet the great issue of the threatened dismemberment of the Republic.

He was painfully and profoundly impressed with the fearful responsibility that devolved upon him, but the first great attribute of his character developed by this discussion, or rather by his statements of the situation, was his unswerving fidelity to duty regardless of all personal or political interests, and even regardless of life itself. He well understood that armed rebellion was apparently inevitable, and that he must meet the most appalling peril that ever confronted our free government, and one for which neither the history of this Government nor of any other Government of the world furnished precedents to guide him in his course. The right of secession had been claimed and denied since the formation of the Constitution with almost equal ability and integrity, and there he was, crowned with the laurels of the highest trust of the civilized world, with the prospect of a nearly united South in rebellion, and the North divided—and intensely divided—as to the power of the Government to maintain the unity of the States by force. I heard Lincoln in this conversation but a short time before I discovered that he had but one purpose, from which no interests could swerve him, and that was to perform his duty with fidelity and accept the consequences. He felt that as a Republican President he would owe it to his party to give it the advantages of power; yet he understood that the Government could not be maintained without the co-operation of the Democrats.

My next meeting with Lincoln was under circumstances well calculated to study his true character intelligently. I was one of a dozen or more who dined with him at what is now the Commonwealth Hotel in Harrisburg on the evening of the 22d of February, 1861. The dinner was given by Governor Curtin to the President-elect, and I believe that none of the guests are now living but myself. The story of Lincoln’s sudden departure on the memorable midnight journey to Washington from Harrisburg on that night has been many times told, and in no instance with entire correctness. He arrived in Philadelphia on the evening of February 21, and the published programme of his journey to Washington was from Philadelphia to Harrisburg on the 22d, and from Harrisburg to Washington by the Northern Central Railroad through Baltimore on the 23d. He was met in Philadelphia by Mr. Fenton, President of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, and by Pinkerton’s detectives, who informed him that he could not pass through Baltimore according to his published programme without inviting assassination, that had been deliberately planned; and the son of Senator Seward brought Lincoln a letter signed by Seward and General Scott, insisting that he should change his route, because he could not safely pass through Baltimore if the time of his coming were known.

He was earnestly urged to omit his Harrisburg appointment and take the eleven o’clock train from Philadelphia to Washington that night, but he peremptorily refused, and left the question to be determined at Harrisburg. He hoisted the flag on Independence Hall early on the morning of the 22d, and delivered an address that betrayed none of the serious emotions which must have agonized him at the time. He arrived at Harrisburg early in the afternoon, where I was one of the legislators to receive him, had a reception and delivered a brief address in the hall of the House, and soon after five o’clock he sat down to the dinner at the hotel as the guest of Governor Curtin, who was there advised by Colonel Lamon and Colonel Sumner of the information received in Philadelphia the night before, and of the necessity of considering the question of changing his route.