Letter I before mentioned to Mr. Burnet.[226] Then sett out for
Doit, and on tuesday the 2d of October met with 1443, 1721, 530, 1489, 699, 1051, 1798,[227] a young Gentleman of a very large fortune, who I acquainted in general with my having seen Mr. Fisher[226] and what he proposed, upon which he very frankly offered to raise a sum of Money provided the others who I told off were to be applyed he would agree to it and that he would stay some time longer than he proposed, having intended to go to London, and is now in this place but of Opinion that nothing can be done without either a foreign force or the concurrence of Sidley.[228] Upon tuesday the ninth of October, I sent an Express to Mr. Bright,[229] then at the Earl of Nidsdales, and upon thursday morning he came to my house where I acquainted him with everything I had done from my Arrival at London. He seemed very much concerned that so many years and so much money had been spent to no purpose, but as he was obliged to return early nixt morning would not give his Opinion of the present footing things were on till his return home. Upon the 16th, I went with an intention to see Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 1948, 1679, 1778,[230] and inform him fully of Mr. Burnets[226] resolutions, but found he was in fife, and his family uncertain of his Return, so proceeded to Edinburgh from whence I wrote the 18th of October to Mr. Fergus,[231] begging he would meet me at Mr. Brights[229] house about the 26th, and one inclosed to Mr. Dan,[232] desiring him to come immediately. I soon received a letter informing me that Mr. Dan was come, and desired to see me, but as at this time my wife was taken very ill, I sent a servant that same night to town desiring the favour of a visit from him in the Country, which he declined, thinking it would look too suspicious as I was so lately come home and he only two days in Town, so rather choose to delay it for som little time. I likewise received a letter from Mr. Fergus,[233] telling me he could not for some weeks see me. I was now become very uneasy to think I had been for above a moneth in the Country without being able to do any thing, when luckily, about the of the moneth Mr. Bright[234] called on me in his very home and promised to be in town 3 or 4 days after, which determined me to go nixt day, and that night I mett with Mr. Bright (who had been called by express) and Mr. Dan, when I read them a journal of what had passed from my leaving Diepe the 7th of July, and acquainted them with Mr. Burnets[235] Resolutions in case the french failed him. They were both well pleased with the proposal of Sidly and Sanderson[236] acting in conjuncion, but Equally against Mr. Fisher’s[235] relying upon Sanderson alone. I nixt day gave Mr. Dan the Letter designed for Nicolson,[237] which he delivered to him, and made an apointment to meet with me the same night which he accordingly did; but as he had drunk a little too much we differred having any positive answer from him. I told Mr. Dan there was a necessity for the other Letters being delivered immediately and that I depended upon him to do it. Found, as he was then about getting his Charter from the Duke of Argyle, and had given that for the reason of his coming up, it was impossible for him to Return without giving Suspicion. I for the second time had the misfortune to miss Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 948, 1679, 1778,[238] being gone to his house in the West, nor have I yett been able to see him, as I have almost ever since been obliged to Stay in this place. I left town munday 12 and returned thursday the 15th, where Mr. Dan came to me before dinner and told me that young Kinny[239] desired to speak with me, so I agreed to meet him that Evening Att 4 o’Clock, where he informed me that Lord Semple[240] and Mr. Drummond had refused to do Business any longer, that they had sent John Drummond[241] to him att Dunkirk to acquaint him that I had made Mr. Burnet[242] believe they were not trusted by his friends, and that they had then a prospect on the _Tapis_ but had given it up, and told him that I had at the same time perswaded Mr. Fisher[243] to come ovir with the intent to make himself 1357[244] and leave his father att _Harfleur_,[245] which I take God to Witness I never since mentioned to him as indeed it is one of the things in the world most against my principles upon which alone I have always acted in Mr. Ellis’s[246] affairs. Kinnys opinion of them, together with what I told him, easily convinced him of the folly of their Story.
Some few days after this Mr. Fergus[247] came to town and stayed for near two weeks, he has procured the small Vessel by which this comes, and will order it to and again so often as Occasion shall offer. I had several conversations with him on the present State of affairs, but shall confine them all to his Answer, we shall he Subjoin with that of the rest, having gott them to putt their several Opinions in writing. I shall there putt down Mr. Fergus, Mr. Bright[248] and Mr. Dans[249] opinion with regard to some of the Articles I was charged with in the memorandum. Which notwithstanding they were (save Fergus) against Mr. Burnets[243] coming over, at any rate to Doit,[250] I nevertheless insisted upon it to show that I had not neglected any particular of my orders, and first as to Mr. Brights[248] going to London he proposes being there before the end of January, 2ndly The letters wrote to the several persons for money should be delivered with an Apology, that they could be wrote to in no other stile in case they had miscarried, 3rdly, The place Mr. Burnet[243] was to meet should be some small distance from Aberdeen, upon that part of the Coast lying towards Dundee, and that we should here be acquainted by one sent over a moneth before, of the day he determined to sail, providing the weather favoured him, and the moment he landed to send an express to Mr. Fergus,[249] and one to Mr. Dan[247] with instructions what day they were to ...
[_Hiatus in MSS._]
4ly as to providing of Swords it is what they dayly do, but the number to be had so small as not to be regarded. 5tly The making of Hilts and Targets impossible to be done without a Discovery and that a few days only is required to make the Targets so that they can be provided without trouble. 6thly, As to a ship for Arms, Mr. Fergus engaged to provide it.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M. MINISTER OF INVERNESS
_Inverness, 10 Octr. 1746._
The Islands of Orkney and Shetland I know little about.[251]
The Shire of Caithness is inhabited chiefly by StClairs and Dunbars. The Earl of Caithness is Chief of the StClairs who are by far more numerous than the other. I know not the precise number of men they can raise but I have heard that at the Battle of [252] fought by them against the late Earl of Breadalbin, I think in the reign of King William, they had about 1500 men Horse and Foot. But several gentlemen of that name living in the Orknies would on such ocasion with their men join their friends on the Continent. Mr. James Gilchrist, Minister at Thurso,[253] happened to be walking with a gentleman in Summer 1744 who found a letter on the road which when opened was found to be writ in Cypher by a gentleman of the name of StClair to a correspondent at Edinburgh mentioning that Shuch and Shuch would be ready at a Call each with his number of men plainly exprest; all the names were in Cypher nor could I learn the precise number. Mr. Gilchrist could not prevail with the gentleman to let him have the keeping of the letter, however this discovery was useful as it put the Lords Sutherland and Reay on their guard. ’Twas talked here in time of the Rebellion that the StClairs would have joined the Pretender but that they durst not pass through Lord Sutherland’s country[254] as his men were in arms joined by the McKays, some of the ministers of Caithness can inform you particularly about this and about Sir James Stewart of Burrows[255] who lives in the Orknies.
_Dunbars of Caithness_
I could not as yet be informed how the Dunbars of Caithness behaved, Sir William Dunbar of Hemprigs their Chief, is the principle man. He was reckoned well affected to Church and State.
_McKays of Strathnavar_
Next to Caithness, Southward and on the Western coast, is Strathnavar the country of Lord Reay, Chief of the McKays,[256] a zealous Presbyterian and revolutioner; with all his Clan he can raise as near as I can guess about 600 men. The part he acted last year is well known. It will be always mentioned to his honour that by his zeal and diligence he got the large Parish of Diurness divided into three and Stipends made for each of them by a general Collection through Scotland and his own liberal assistance though his estate be but 10,000£ scots there is scarce a family in this country but has been brought to have Family Worship, though that People was of old very rude and barbarous.
_Sutherland of Sutherland_
Next to Caithness, Southward on the East coast, is the Earl of Sutherland’s country, Chief of the name of Sutherland. His Lordship’s affection to our Constitution in Church and State is well known;[257] he can raise ’twixt 1200 and 1500 men; his Estate is reckoned about £3000 scots but somewhat under burden.
_McLeods of Assint_
As the Shires of Sutherland and Caithness make a Peninsula formed by the Firth of Tain from the east Sea and an arm of the Western Ocean, that I may describe the People and the Country more distinctly I will travel along the Western Coast and then return Eastward.
Next to Lord Reay’s country on the south side of the Firth called Edrachaolis and on the west coast is the country of Assint, belonging of old to a branch of the McLeod Family. This country fell into the hands of the McKenzies for debt in Charles the Second’s time.[258] McLeod kept possession violently till Letters of Fire and Sword were executed against him by the Earl of Seaforth. The Commons there are chiefly McLeods. McLeod of Ginnies in east Ross is the heir male of that family. He raised one of the independent Companies last year and continued in the Government’s service till dismissed a few weeks ago. His dwelling is about 30 miles east from Assint. After the battle of Preston McDonald of Barisdale[259] with a few men went to that country and recruited about 60 men, but the Lord Reay’s or Lord Sutherland’s people--I’m not sure which--fell upon him and [recaptured] the men. He and his company were obliged to take to their heels. This country is an entire parish, and prodigious rough and mountainous but famous for good pasture and good cattle. A few of the Earl of Cromarties family lived here and were obliged to go with him to the Rebellion. Viz. McKenzie of Ardloch.
_McLeods of Cogach_
To the south of Assint is the country of Cogach, a part of the parish of Loch-Broom formerly belonging to another family of the McLeods. [Margaret] McLeod of Cogach, the heiress of the family, was married to George, the first Earl of Cromarty.[260] This Earl, who was an antiquary, alleged that McLeod of Cogach was Chief of the whole clan, and consequently he as their representative, in right of his wife, procured the Title of Lord McLeod from Queen Anne as his secondary title, and this country continued the property of the family till now. Out of Cogach and some branches of his family in Loch-Broom together with the few I have mentioned from Assint, the Earl of Cromarty raised above 200 men for the late Rebellion. What number he had altogether will be mentioned when I come to the East Coast where he dwelt.
_McKenzies of Loch-Broom_
Next to Cogach is Loch-Broom, belonging to several small Heritors of the name of McKenzie. John McKenzie of Ardloch and James McKenzie of Cepoch, the only Papists that I know in all that tract of ground except the Lady Assint, bred their children Protestants.
Next is the Country of Gairloch, belonging mostly to McKenzies of Gairloch.
_McKenzies of Applecross and Loch-Carran_
To the south of it is Applecross a new erection in the year 1720. And next to it Loch-Carran. To this last place, the Earl of Seaforth,[261] as we call him here, retired when the Rebels retreated North and gathered 600 or 800 of his men about him by which he kept them in readiness for any service proper for him to do and preserved them from straggling companies of the Rebels who went about recruiting men. This last is the property of the Earl.
_Mathesons and Murchisons of Loch Ailsh_
Next to the South is the country of Loch Ailsh the property of the Seaforth Family. The McDonalds of Glengarry of old pretended right to the country and had many battles and skirmishes with the McKenzies about it. The last was a Sea-fight in Birlins and Boats, with long poles, corn forks and Lochabyr axes, in which the McDonalds were defeated, and Glengary with many of his company killed.[262] This happened before the Reformation. Most of the Commons are Mathesons and Murchisons but they join the McKenzies.
_McRaes of Kintail_
Next to the South is the Parish of Kintail and the Parish of Muick[263] a new erection in the year 1726 taken from the old Parish of Kintail. The whole country goes under the name of Kintail. The bulk of the inhabitants are of the name of McRae, descended from the Campbells,[264] but they follow the Seaforth Family. Here lies Glen Shiel.
In all this tract of ground, viz., from Lord Reay’s country on the north to Glenelg on the south, the people are but late converts to Presbytery. The old Episcopal Incumbents having lived long, some of them till the year 29, I could not find that any of them took the oaths to the Government. The gentlemen are most Episcopal and they or their predecessors were at Shirefmoor and Glen Sheil with the late Seaforth.[265] But by the good disposition of the present Seaforth to our happy establishment, they did not think fit to join in the late Rebellion, excepting a few younger brothers who had nothing to lose and are now prisoners in London. The first Presbyterian Minister was planted in Assint in the year 1727 at Loch-Broom. He landed much sooner, but though married to a native he was so miserable that he could not live in the country.
After him Mr. James Smith, now Minister at Creich in Sutherland, was ordained for the place by the Presbytery of Dingwall. The first night he came to his Parish both the eyes were plucked out his horse as his welcome to the country. Applecross, Kintail and Muick were not planted till the year 1730; Loch Carran in the year 1725. Mr. John McKilikin was ordained at Dingwall for the parish of Loch Ailsh a good time ago and though he lived for several years, he never durst enter his parish, and after his death, the Presbytery who went there to command the people about filling the parish in the year 1721 or 1722, were made prisoners in the house where they met, by men in women’s clothes, and their faces blackened. A pledge was demanded of them that they should never come to that country, which they refusing, they sent a Guard of this black crew with each of them towards their respective homes. But in the year 1727 a minister was planted there who got peaceable possession. In all or most of these parishes the Sacrament of the Supper has been lately administered and the Commons are already much recovered from their blindness and bigotry, and some of the gentlemen.
[_The Long Island_][266]
In all this tract of ground there are no Papists but what I have named. I know the country minutely, and ministers are tolerably well accommodated in Stipend, Manse, and Glebe. I will speak of the number of men Seaforth can raise when I come to the east side of the country where his seat stands.
Opposite to the coast I have been describing is the Long Island. That part of it to the North, called Lewis, belongs to the Seaforth Family. It was formerly the property of McLeod of Lewis, now extinct.[267] The People here are Protestants and do not dislike the present Clergy; there were two new erections made here, Anno 1726, before the estate of Seaforth was sold by the Government; so that this country is in a tolerable state of reformation.
The next district of the Long Island is called Harris. The people Protestants: it belongs to the Laird of McLeod. The next portion southward is called North Uist. The people Protestants; Sir Alexander [Macdonald] of Slate, Proprietor, South Uist belongs to McDonald of Moidart, or the Captain of Clanranald, as they call him. The present Clanranald lived here: he and his People are Papists, as is McNeil of Barra,[268] and his People. In the Uists and Barra are one or two new erections of late; but by the influence of the Gentry, the diligence and insolence of the Priests, and the bigotry of the people, the ministers had little success till now. Old Clanranald was not in arms in the late Rebellion nor could many of his people in Uist get over to the Continent, for the ships of war that cruised upon the coast.
[_The Macdonalds_]
As I have mentioned two families of the McDonalds, I will say something of them in general. They would be a great Clan and next to the Campbells in strength and number, if united under one head: but the several families of them, viz.: Clanranald, the Slate family, the Glengarry family, the Keppoch family, and even the Glencoe family, all pretend to be the lineal heir of McDonald of the Isles, Earl of Ross, who was forfeited in the time of James the Second, for joining with the Duglases and others in the Great Rebellion that then happened; and this division makes them less potent and formidable than otherwise they would be.[269] I once made an abstract of the several Rebellions and Insurrections of the McDonalds against the Kings of Scotland, and especially against the Stuart Family; by which it was very evident this people was seldom loyal to any King on the throne. If they could find no Pretender, they would find some pretence or other for war and plunder. But this paper I have lost.
[_Skye_]
The next Island to the South and East is Skye, the property of McDonald of Slate, McLeod and McInnin,[270] The people Protestants, the Commons and most of the Gentry better disposed than those in Seaforth’s country, on the opposite continent. Here is a new erection or two made Anno 1726. Egg, Rum, Muick and Canney, etc., are little Isles adjacent to Sky; the inhabitants Popish. But about 30 years ago, McLean of Coll is said to have converted a pragmatical, forward fellow, who misled the rest, by insulting him in their presence, and on this the inhabitants of that Island became Protestants.[271] These Isles were erected into a Parish in Anno 1726.[272]
[_Glenelg and Knoydart_]
The next country southward on the continent is Glenelg, the property of the Laird of McLeod. The people Protestants and honest, and generally well disposed: here are Barracks built for two or three companies of soldiers near the Strait that divides Sky from Glenelg: this country is fertile in grass and corn. Here are two famous Danish Forts of dry stone built very high which I have seen.
To the south an arm of the sea called Lochiurn, _i.e._, Helsloch[273] runs up ’twixt this country and Cnoidart. This last is the property of Glengarry, and the most mountainous, craggy, and coarse of all the Highlands: the roads are so eminently bad that there is no thought of riding in it, and in some places so steep and rocky, that they have ropes of withs tied to trees to take hold of, lest passengers should fall and break their bones. The people all Papists and mostly thieves. ’Tis a part of the parish of Glenelg, but they never give the minister any trouble, except in collecting his Stipend. Here lived those famous Cadets of Glengarrie’s family, Barisdale, and Scotos,[274] who had almost the whole country in bondage, and the people their slaves.
[_Moidart and Arisaig_]
To the south of Knoidart lies Moidart and Arasag, the property of Clanranald. The people Popish but not so thievish as in Knoidart. Next it lies two great glens called Moroirs; the one of them belongs to Glengarry and the other to McDonald, commonly called McDonald of Moroir. The Inhabitants Popish. The two principal Cadets of the Clanranald family are Kinloch Moidart and Moroir, and their branches,[275] all Popish. These four last countries, viz., Moidart, Arasag and the two Moroirs are in the parish of Ardnamurchan, and they with Knoidart are commonly called the Highlands by the other Highlanders. The people of Lochabyr, Glengarry, and Stratherrick reckoning their own country level in comparison of these.
Next lies Ardnamurchan in which is the famous Lead Quarry, Strontian, the property of Murray of Stanhope:[276] it belonged till of late to Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell: and was taken about the time of the Reformation by Sir Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, a natural son to Calder, from McDonald the old Proprietor. The people are generally Protestants, but with a mixture of Papists. Many of the inhabitants are Camerons and McLachlans, and violently Episcopal.
[_Ardnamurchan, Morvern and Maclean’s Country_]
As I am now arrived at the Cape commonly called Ardnamurchan, I turn back to the north east, where on the Sound of Mull lies the country of Morven the property of the Duke of Argyle. The people Protestants; many of them Camerons, McLachlans and McLeans: much inclined to Episcopacy, and consequently Jacobites. There are few or no Papists: of old this country belonged to the McLean family.
The next country on the north east and still on the Sound of Mull is Kingairloch, the property of McLean of Kingairloch. He himself was not in the Rebellion but I saw two or three of his brothers there. The people Episcopal, and Jacobite.
Next, still north east, and on an arm of the sea lies Ardgour, the property of McLean of Ardgour; his country lies ten or twelve miles along the sea-coast till you come to the head of Locheil. He is a well disposed old man, but as his estate is much out of his hand, his influence was not great; the people Protestants. Here lived Ludovick Cameron,[277] Uncle to Locheil, who brought out many of the inhabitants to the Rebellion, especially the Camerons who lived here.
Having now travelled on the north side of the Sound of Mull as far as the sea goes up, the last five miles of which is called Locheil, I go back to the islands in the Sound, and then will come along the south coast, and describe the countries inhabited by Rebels; I will afterwards describe the rest of Argyle if you require it.
[_Lismore, Mull, Strathlachlan_]
The first island of any note is Lismore; a most fertile soil; all founded on Limestone, and like garden ground, which the name of the island imports. Here was the seat of the Bishop of the Isles: it lies in the Sound opposite to Lorn and Appin; the people Protestants and well disposed. It is but eight miles long and one broad, and is the property of ten or twelve heritors. To the west hereof lies Mull, a large island containing three Parishes, mostly the Property of the Duke of Argyle; formerly the property of McLean of Dowart. McLean of Lochbuie has still an estate here, of about 6000 Merks: the people Protestants mostly and well affected; but from this island, Morvern and Kingairloch there came about nine score McLeans to the Rebellion, of whom returned but 38 as a McLean told me.[278] The islands of Tyree, Coll, Jura, Colonsay, Islay, Gigha, etc. I omit as there were no men from them in the Rebellion. Only before I come to the southeast coast of the Sound of Mull, I must not omit a gentleman who rose with his men from the heart of the country of Argyle, I mean the Laird of McLachlan;[279] his small country called Strathlachlan lies to the south of Inverary and on the south side of Lochfine. He is Chief of the McLachlans, and had as I am informed, near 300 men in the Rebellion, but of the number I am not quite sure; Mr. Alexr. Campbell, minister of Inverary, must know.[280] His people of a long time profest to be of our Communion, but one Mr. John McLachlan,[281] a most violent Episcopal minister poisoned his Chief and the gentlemen of his name to a strange degree, and indeed did more mischief among other clans than any three priests I ever knew.
[_Appin and Glencoe_]
I now come as I promised to the coast on the south east side of the Sound of Mull. The first dissaffected country is Appin, inhabited by the Stuarts. The Laird of Appin[282] keeps quiet at home but the gentlemen of his clan and his tenants were in the Rebellion. The people here are Protestants, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. Adjacent to Appin is Glencoe; a small place; McDonald of Glencoe is Superior.[283] He can raise of his tenants and followers 100 men. He and his people the same as to religion as his neighbours of Appin.
[_Lochiel’s Country_]
To the north east of Glencoe, an arm of the sea runs up from the Sound of Mull called [Loch Leven], which I now cross to describe the country of Mamore, inhabited by Camerons and belonging heritably to the Duke of Gordon, but a good part of it feued off to Locheil. The people all Protestants, but of the same kind with Appin and Glencoe. To the north east of Mamore lies Fort-William and a small Glen called Glennevis, above which stands the largest and the highest mountain in Scotland, called Ben Nevis.
On the north side of the River Lochy lies the rest of Locheil’s estate, viz., Locheil, Strathlochy, and Locharkaig. The first and second of these, six miles long each; the last, twelve miles.
On the north side of the Loch of Arkaig (the south side being all wood and desert) mostly inhabited by thieves, the minister of Killmaly preaches to them once a quarter or twice at most, and then the half of them cannot be present if they were willing to attend. In Winter the snow and storm hinders, and in Summer they are scattered through the hills with their cattle. The Camerons boast of their being Protestants, and Locheil hindered his brother the priest[284] to preach among them, when he told him he would bring them from that villainous habit of thieving, if he would allow him to preach, and say Mass among them: his answer was that the people of Glengarry, Knoidart, Arisag, etc., who were profest Papists, were greater thieves than his people, and if he would bring these to be honest and industrious, he would then consider his proposal as to the Camerons, and till he would bring that good work to a bearing he positively forbad him to middle with his people. But Locheil and the gentlemen of his clan were great encouragers of the Nonjurants and as far as they could they perverted the Commons.
[_Keppoch_]
The South of the River Lochy is the property of the Duke of Gordon for 6 miles benorth Fort William: inhabited mostly by Camerons. And then begins the country of McDonald of Keppoch, partly the property of the Duke of Gordon; and partly the Laird of M‘Intoshes, Keppoch having but a small interest in it. Anno 1687 McIntosh wanting a great arrear of rents of Keppoch, and getting no satisfaction, went to that country to poynd their cattle, and brought in his train above 500 men. Keppoch, with the assistance of Glencoe and others, his good friends, paid him his rents by giving him battle,[285] killing great numbers of his men, and taking himself prisoner, and getting such good conditions as he pleased before he released him. The whole ended in a famous Highland song, mocking McIntosh, and placing the true property of the country in Keppoch, as worthier to possess it. Next year Keppoch and his men came northward within 4 miles of Inverness, and sent a message to that town, to find him and his men, money, clothes, and provisions; with a threatening if they scrupled this, he would plunder the town. The town sent out three or four of their Top Burghers to commune with him. These he detained close prisoners, and sent another message demanding 4000 Merks in Specie, and a suit of their finest scarlet mounted with gold for himself with a certification that if this was not done next day, which happened to be the Sabbath, he would hang up their ambassadors, and then plunder their town. Accordingly the town redeemed themselves at the rate he was pleased to prescribe, and his fine and rich suit was finished on Sunday. Then the Ambassadors were released after a severe reprimand for their insolence in prescribing anything to him further than to ask his pleasure.
Keppoch’s people and the Duke of Gordon’s tenants in the neighbourhood are mostly Popish;[286] the greatest number of them were perverted in the Reigns of Queen Anne and George the first. They deal pretty deep in the thieving trade.
[_Glengarry_]
The next country to the north east is Glengarry, the people Papists and better at thieving than the worst of the other tribes. Their gentlemen found a way to put most of their neighbours under Black Mail which raised them some hundreds of pounds Sterling, for several years back.
[_Abertarff and Stratherrick_]
The next country still eastward is Abertarff, mostly the property of the Lovat Family: some of it feued out to Glengarry: all betwixt Fort Augustus are Popish: the few villages of Abertarf, be-east the Garrison, are inhabited by a mixture of Papists and Protestants: the people not free from theft.
Here lies Lochness, the country on the South side is called Stratherrick the property of the Lovat Family. The people Protestants: they submitted to the Established Clergy for many years back. The Commons went to the late Rebellion with great reluctance, and most of them violently compelled. The first country on the north side of the lake is called Glen Morrison, the property of Grant of Glen Morrison.[287] The old man with his men were in the Rebellion: the young Laird is an Ensign in Lord John Murray’s Regiment.[288] The people a mixture of Papists and Protestants, much given to theft.
[_Urquhart and Glenmoriston_]
Forward to the north east is the country of Urquhart, belonging to the Laird of Grant. Their neighbours, the McDonalds and Frasers, raised most of the men and carried them off to the Rebellion.[289] These and the Glen Morrison men after the Battle of Culloden surrendered to the young Laird of Grant, and were brought by him to the Duke of Cumberland to Inverness to deliver their arms; but by some mistake in the Report, as if they were taken in arms rather than surrendered, they were made prisoners and sent off by sea to England. The people are Protestants, though none of the most civilized.
[_The Aird_]
Next is the country of the Aird belonging to Lord Lovat, and where his house stood. The people Protestants, and of our Communion, save very few.[290] The Commons here are an honest, civilized sort of people if left to themselves.
[_Strathglass_]
Next, to the North, is the country of Strathglass, mostly inhabited by Papists. I do not hear much of their thieving, though they suffer much by the Glengarry thieves. This country belongs mostly to Chisholm of Comar (whose men were in the Rebellion, though he himself was not)[291] and partly to the Frasers.
[_Seaforth, Munro, and Cromartie’s Country_]
Next is Seaforth’s country, all along pretty low and level, till you come to Ferrindonall, the country of the Munro’s; (the Highland part of his estate, I described on the first sheet as it lies on the North Sea). The Gentlemen and Commons of the McKenzies are Protestants save very few, but very much devoted to the Nonjurant Episcopal Clergy. The Seaforth family embraced the Reformation in the Minority of James the sixth. Coline, then Earl, entertained the famous Mr. Robert Bruce[292] at his house with great respect and esteem when he was banished to Inverness and the country beyond it. I saw the subscription of Earl George, brother to the said Colin, to an original copy of the Covenant ingrossed on parchment, but he was afterward excommunicated by the Church for breach of trust. I am not sure if this family turned Popish before James the seventh’s time, but the then Earl, whose name was Kenneth, was Popish, as was his son the late Earl. The present Earl was very faithful to the Government all the time of the Rebellion.[293] The Munros and Rosses, I say nothing of, as their good affection to Church and State is well known.
Next is the Earl of Cromartie’s Estate. In the low country the people well affected to our Constitution in Church and State; and very few of his Low Country tenants went with their Lord to the Rebellion.
[_Mackintosh Country_]
Having in the first sheet described all be-north the broad Ferry of Sutherland at which I have arrived, I come to McIntoshes country, viz., Strathnairn, Strathdearn,[294] and Badenoch. The people are all Protestants, not given to thieving, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Clergy. Their dissatisfaction has sufficiently appeared by their rising with the Lady against the King, rather than with the Laird, their Chief who was a captain in the King’s pay, yea, McIntoshes own company, which he had newly levied, deserted from him and listed in what was called the Lady’s Regiment.[295]
[_Strathspey, Strathavon and Glenlivat_]
The next country, Strathspey, the property and seat of the Laird of Grant: this Clan raised a Regiment at the Revolution and were firm to the interest of King William, but they suffered so much by the depredations of the Camerons and McDonalds that they became rather too cautious in time of the late Rebellion; the truth is they were ’twixt two fires, Lord Lewis Gordon to the east, and McIntoshes, Camerons and MacDonalds to the west, so that their country must have been severely plundered if they had been more than Neuters.[296] Besides the emulation ’twixt Grant and the President in former Elections for a member of Parliament was said to have made the Grants too [cautious]; however their good affection to the Revolution Interest has not been questioned, and they are firm Presbyterians. Theft is scarcely known in this country, though they have been great sufferers by the thieving clans to the West.
To the east of Strathspey is Strathdown[297] and Glenlivat mostly the property of the Duke of Gordon: the people mostly Popish, also the Enzie and Strathbogy, a mixture of Papists and Protestants. From these countries Lord Lewis recruited the most of his men, and in their neighbourhood is Braemar and Cromar the country of the Farquharsons: the people Protestants, with a small mixture of Papists: the Gentlemen much devoted to the Nonjurant Clergy. I am not particularly acquainted with this country; therefore, though it be large and populous, I say little about it.
I can say little of the country of Angus and Mearns, only I know dissaffection prevails there: nor am I much known to the country of the Duke of Atholl; the Stuarts and Robisons there are bigoted Jacobites, as are some of the Murrays. And as little do I know of the Drummonds and McGregors, but their Dissaffection is _Notour_. Therefore I conclude this paper with two lists as near as I can guess of the strength of the Dissaffected, and Well affected Clans in the Highlands and North Country. Which Lists you have in another sheet of this date.
[_Caetera desunt_]
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND WRITTEN BY DANIEL MUNRO MINISTER OF TAIN
We had notice in this country of the Young Pretender’s arrival in Lochaber, about the middle of August 1745. The friends of the Government generally despised the Attempt, and the Jacobite party showed then no open disposition to join him. It is said the first notice of his arrival was sent by the Laird of McLeod to the Lord President,[298] and that the President wrote insolently to Locheil (at whose house the Young Pretender was said to be, dissuading him from a Rising to Rebellion). Locheil was under great obligation to the President, on account of the President’s endeavours to get him reponed to his estate, which had been forfeited in the year 1715. The return Locheil made was, that he had been long in search of an important paper relating to that affair, which he now sent him enclosed: this is all he wrote, and the paper enclosed was the Pretender’s Declaration.
The first Rising in this Country was under the Earl of Cromartie, the Earl had waited on Sir John Cope at Inverness with others: he professed a steady adherence to the Government, for though he had been bred a Jacobite, yet he married young into a Whig family.[299] He had a post and pension of the Government, and was universally thought a Government Man in grant of interest, and was so looked upon in point of Principle, having so often qualified to the Government. He and family joining the Established Church and having educated his eldest son in Revolution Principles.
The first step he took towards joining the Rebels (though it was not so construed at the time) was declining to accept of a Commission for his son Lord McLeod[300] to be Captain of one of the independent companies, offered him by the Lord President. He pretended for so doing a disobligement, being refused by the President the nomination of the Subalterns of said companie. After this he was observed to associate with Lord Lovat, and in the meantime Lord McLeod, his eldest son, repaired to the Highlands of Lochbroom and Cogach, where his Lordship has a considerable estate, vassalage, and superiority, being Heritable Sherriff. Lord McLeod raised the men there; but it was yet pretended this rising was for the defence of his house and person, as Lord Lovat had raised his people and kept them about him under the same pretext.
Soon after the Battle of Preston, McDonald of Barisdale[301] came to this country and was with my Lord openly at his house at Newtarbet, which gave the first rise to any suspicion about the Earl, especially as there was such preparation, as the making of Highland clothes, providing of Arms, and ammunition: but to cover this, it was pretended his Lordship intended a journey to Edinburgh, and must have a strong guard. However early in November he openly declared himself, and went from his house at Newtarbet to West Ross, where a part of his estate lies, and was joined by his son Lord McLeod, with twixt two and three hundred of his men, taken from Lochbroom and Cogach and off his Estate in West Ross, having got none to follow him from his estate about Newtarbet which is in East Ross, but about ten men who were his menial servants and a young gentleman Roderick McCulloch of Glastalich,[302] one of his vassals, and whose family and friends had no connection with Jacobitism, and whom it is generally allowed the Earl decoyed into the Rebellion. He then marched to the Lord Lovat’s house, where he was joined by the master of Lovat, with 300 Frasers and both went to Perth.
Upon the Rebels coming North after their retreat from Stirling and their arrival at Inverness, they were joined by the whole Posse of the Frasers, who were formed into three Regiments under the command of the Master of Lovat,[303] Fraser younger of Inverallachie,[304] and Fraser of Foyers;[305] by the Chisholms,[306] all of them under the command of two younger sons of their chief[307] the Chisholm of Strathglass; by considerable numbers of the McKenzies reckoned about 400, besides the Earl of Cromartie’s own Regiment. These McKenzies were of the Estates of Redcastle, Culcoy, Lentron, Applecross, Coul, Fairburn, Gairloch, Balmaduthy and Allangrange. Under the leading of McKenzie of Lentron, a younger brother to McKenzie of Fairburn[308] and a brother to McKenzie of Culcoy formed into a regiment under McDonald of Barasdale with some of the Banditti Highlanders formerly with him. The Earl of Cromartie when Commander in Chief benorth Beullie affected to be chief of the McKenzies. It is certain the men of the above estate were actually in arms under him and I am well assured he threatened Military Execution against McKenzie of Scatwell (a loyal family of that name) if he did not give his men also, which he absolutely refused at all hazards, and reckons himself happy his Lordship did not return with the same power from Sutherland. It is also fact that when the Rebels were exacting Cess and Levy money of all the estates of the gentlemen in Ross in the most vigorous manner, the gentlemen of the name of McKenzie whose men were in arms were excused from paying their proportion of Levy money. The Rebels were joined by the McIntoshes who had not joined formerly, by the McIlivraes and McBeans under the command of McIlivrae of Dunmaglass,[309] commonly called the Ladie McIntoshes Regiment,[310] as she was known to be extremely active in raising them:[311] there were also a mixt multitude from Aberdeen and Banffshire under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon and Mr. More of Stonnywood.
The arts and methods by which the Jacobites endeavoured to raise and spirit people into the Rebellion, and by which they were too successful, were the spreading all sorts of false news to the advantage of their own cause and party; particularly such as related to a French landing, and a junction in England; the venting gross misrepresentations and slanders against the King, Royal Family and Administration; pretending intolerable grievances and confident promises of relief from them: but above all, the indefeasible right of the family of Stuarts, the native interest all Scots men had in them, with the Pretender’s Declaration, were most commonly insisted upon, and this was done with all possible zeal and address, by those Jacobites of power and station who did not think it safe to risk their persons or estates in the cause; though their brothers or sons or other relations and tenants had joined openly. In this view we have been told the Rebellion was a well conducted scheme not like that in the 1715; when all the Jacobite Grandees took the field, but now when their common men were only exposed, though the attempt should not succeed the same Jacobite interest would still subsist.
As to characters all above mentioned whose relations or tenants had joined were regular Jacobites, the Earl of Cromartie, Lord McLeod and the Master of Lovat excepted.
As to the well affected: Mr. Harry Munro Younger of Foulis now Sir Harry who had been newly nominated a Captain in the Lord Loudon’s Regiment having speedily raised a company of Munroes to serve in the said Regiment met Sir John Cope at the Water of Nairn and upon their arrival at Inverness, Capt. George Munro of Culkairn,[312] Sir Harry’s Uncle, waited on them, where it was concerted that the Munroes should instantly take arms and join the King’s Troops, which was done accordingly. Three Companies were raised under the Leading of Culkairn, Hugh Munro of Teaninich and William Munro of Achany, and marched with General Cope as his advanced guard to Aberdeen, where they stayed till the Army took shipping. Sir Harrie and his company went along and were at the Battle of Preston where they were taken prisoners with the other Highland Companies there. At the same time Captain Alexander M‘Cay, son to Lord Reay and Captain in Lord Loudon’s Regiment, raised a company of McCays in Strathnavar and upon notice of General Cope’s arrival at Inverness marched speedily to join him and missing the General at Inverness followed him and being informed that Gordon of Glenbucket was in arms for the Pretender, took boat upon the Murray Coast and came up with the General at Aberdeen, was at the Battle of Preston and taken prisoner, none of his men or the Monroes when prisoners would be prevailed upon to enlist for the Pretender.[313]
Culkairn upon his march homeward from Aberdeen was apprised by a friend from Banff that Glenbucket with 400 men waited to intercept him. He made his best preparation and resolutely went on; when Glenbucket thought proper to withdraw, which must have been owing to the known bravery of Culkairn.
_Lord Loudon and the President_
Immediately after the Battle of Preston, the Earl of Loudon took post for London, and without loss of time came down in a King’s Sloop to Inverness, where he took upon him the Command for the North, and acted always thereafter in concert with the President. The President disposed of the independent companies for raising of which he had blank commissions, in the following manner: A company to Captain Munro of Culkairn, two companies to the Earl of Sutherland, two to my Lord Reay, four companies to the Laird of McLeod, one company to Hugh McLeod of Guineas, four companies to Sir Alexander McDonald whereof only two came to Inverness, a company of Grants, two companies to the Lord Fortrose, a company to the Master of Ross, and a company from Inverness, commanded by Mr. McIntosh, late baillie here. The Munroes, Sutherlands, McCays, and McLeods came to Inverness upon the first call: there was difficulty in raising the McKenzie companies, though Lord Fortrose[314] exerted himself all he could to get it done and showed abundance of zeal for the Government. The best service he was able to do was preventing a more general rising of his numerous Clan, in which he was successful, there being only about 700 of them in Rebellion including Cromartie’s Regiment. The Clan will at least amount to 1500.
As the Master of Ross was not in the country, the Laird of Inverchasley bestirred himself much to raise a company of Rosses for the Master, and a company of the Highlanders of the name of Ross were accordingly raised; but Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie,[315] Ensign in Sir Harrie Munroe’s Company of Loudon’s Regiment, and who had been taken prisoner at the Battle of Preston, having come to the country upon pretence of being on his parole, but in reality to serve the Rebel interest, as sufficiently appeared afterwards, got the said company dismissed in the following manner. Mr. Bailey, factor to the Lord Ross in this country, ordered the company to attend at his house at Ardmore, in order to be received by Mr. Ross of Inverchasley and others. The night before the Day of the Review the said Pitcalnie lodged at the house of Mr. Baillie (Mr. Baillie not being in the knowledge of his design) and when the men appeared ready for the intended Review, Mr. Ross younger, of Pitcalnie, ordered them to follow him, which they did, and he lead them back to the Highlands. Mr. Ross of Inverchasley coming up soon thereafter, and joined by Mr. Baillie went after them and having come up with them, very seriously expostulated with Pitcalnie for his conduct, and dealt earnestly with the men to return, and engage in the intended service for the Government; which Pitcalnie refused and the men also at that time (but they absolutely declined entering to the Rebellion and when the Master of Ross came to the Country they appeared for the Government), upon which Pitcalnie repaired to Lord Lovat’s, openly joined the Rebels attended only by his servant, after the President who is his grand uncle had been at the utmost pains to reclaim him. He was debauched with the hopes of being made Laird of Balnagowan, nor were his family formerly tainted with Jacobitism.
The President’s house of Culloden was attacked in October by a body of Frasers, commanded by Fraser of Foyers, to the number of about 150 in the night time: they were repulsed and one of their number found wounded in an adjacent wood next day, who was brought to the President; and upon examination he discovered who were of the party. After which the President ordered him to be carried to Inverness to be cared for by a surgeon, gave him a piece of money and liberty after his cure to go where he had a mind. Some time thereafter the Earl of Loudon marched from Inverness with a body of 800 men, and apprehended Lord Lovat at his house of Castledownie and carried him prisoner to Inverness, where he was kept under a guard in a private house and in a few days found means to make his escape.
My Lord Loudon by the junction of the independent companies and the remains of his own Regiment, made up a body of about 2000 men at Inverness. Lord Lewis Gordon, who had been an officer in the Fleet, was at the same time very active in raising men for the Pretender in Aberdeen and Banffshire, and the Earl of Loudon being informed by intelligence from Aberdeen, and called upon by the friends of the Government there, ordered seven of the Independent Companies, viz., the four McLeod Companies commanded by the Laird of McLeod in person, the Munro and Inverness Companies, and that commanded by Captain McLeod of Guineas;[316] who accordingly marched for Aberdeen and were joined by 400 Grants at the Water of Spey who marched with them to Strathbogie 18 miles from Spey; where they again left them, and returned to their own country. The Companies continued their march for Aberdeen, and having upon the [23rd] day of December come to Inverury within 10 miles of Aboin, they were attacked in the night by Lord Lewis Gordon and his party, who had been reinforced by some companies of Lord John Drummond’s French Regiment sent for that end from the North. The attack was sustained by the Laird of McLeod and Culkairn with great bravery, who finding the superior number of the enemies, and then first observing the French Reinforcement they had got, ordered a retreat, which was managed with good advantage, having only seven private men killed and a few taken prisoners, among whom was Mr. Gordon younger of Ardoch, Culkairn’s Lieutenant. There was considerable execution done upon the Rebels as our men had the favour of the houses, garden dykes, etc., and the Rebels made no pursuit.[317]
The Master of Ross, having come by sea to Inverness, was joyfully received by the loyal Clan of the Rosses, when he immediately repaired to this country with the concurrence of the gentlemen of his name, particularly the Laird of Inverchasley, he raised an independent Company with which he joined Lord Loudon.
Upon the Young Pretender’s retreat Northward, Lord Loudon being informed of his being at the House of Moy, the Laird of McIntosh’s seat, within 8 miles of Inverness, he marched from Inverness in the dead of the night with about 1200 men with a view to surprise the Pretender, but as to the particulars of this attempt and how it came to miscarry, it is referred to a more particular information.[318]
The Rebels being upon their march to Inverness both those who came the low way by Aberdeen and those who came by the Highland Road with the Young Pretender; the Earl of Loudon furnished the Castle of Inverness, which Major Grant commanded,[319] with a company of Red Coats, with stores of provisions, and added two independent Companies, the Grants and that commanded by the Master of Ross, and by the defences he made about the town he seemed disposed to maintain Inverness against the Rebels: but upon their approach and considering their numbers and that the place was not tenable, he made a well conducted retreat over the Ferry of Kissack towards Ross-shire. When the retreat was a-making the Rebels carried a field piece to the shore below Inverness and having planted it upon a rising ground within flood mark, they discharged it several times, at the Boats on their passage, without doing any execution, though the bullets lighted very near the Boats, particularly that in which was Lord Loudon which was the last that passed, and one of them among the men drawn up on the other side after their landing.
The Rebels immediately took possession of Inverness, and laid siege to the Castle, which was surrendered the third day; but as to the particulars of this sort of siege you are referred to the proceeding of the Court Martial which condemned and cashiered the Governor.
Before Lord Loudon left Inverness, and upon the approach of the Rebels, he called upon the Lord Sutherland, Lord Reay and the Master of Ross, to get up to Inverness all the men they could make. Whereupon my Lord Sutherland marched in person at the head of 400 men. The Master having called upon the Laird of Inverchasley and his other friends, four companies of Rosses were ready and upon their march to Inverness their advanced party met Loudon immediately as he landed in Ross. They were astonished to find the Master of Ross their leader had been pent up in the Castle of Inverness, however they waited Lord Loudon his orders: some of them he advised home, to others he gave arms and pay, and they were with him in Sutherland. My Lord Sutherland by Loudon’s orders retreated to his own country, his four hundred men last mentioned, continued under arms. The McCays, by reason of the distance of their country, would not come up with Lord Loudon, till they found him retreated to Sutherland where they joined him.
The day after Loudon’s retreat from Inverness, he marched down from East Ross where he continued for three or four days: and upon intelligence that a strong body of the Rebels under the Earl of Cromartie, Commander in chief benorth Beully had come to West Ross and were upon their way to attack him. He with the Lord President and several gentlemen who had taken flight from Murray to Ross, and all the men under his command (excepting the two McKenzie Companies who dispersed themselves immediately after the retreat from Inverness and not one of them having followed him) he retreated to Sutherland with a resolution to guard the Passes to that country against the Rebels. Several gentlemen of this country, particularly Inverchasley and ministers who had been so active in raising men to join Loudon, thought fit to repair at the same time to Sutherland. Lord Fortrose left his troup at Brahan and took flight to the Highlands of his own country,[320] where he remained with a body of his men about him till after the Battle of Culloden.
The Earl of Loudon when he got into Sutherland posted his men along the Firth of Tain which divides Sutherland from Ross: from Dornoch to Lairg the difference of ten miles.
The remains of Loudon’s Regiment being about 200 were posted at Dornoch: the McCays being 300 at the Muckle Ferry, three miles above Dornoch: the two McDonald Companies at Pulrossie, a mile above the Ferry: the Inverness Company at Spengadale, two miles above the McDonalds: the Munroes at Criech, two miles above Spengadale: McLeod of Guineas his Company at the Bonar, a mile above Criech: the Laird of McLeod with his 400 men at the Pass of Invershin, three miles above the Bonar; and the Sutherlands to the number of 600 at Lairg and thereabout.
TAYNE, _Feb. 13, 1747_.
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745 AND 1746, SO FAR AS IT CONCERNED THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF
_Gordon of Glenbucket rises_
The first man in these countys that rose in this rebellion, was John Gordon, Elder of Glenbucket. Immediately on the Young Pretender’s landing, he went to the Highlands to meet him and returned directly with a Commission as Major-General and some money to raise men, and he soon got together about 300 mostly from Strathdawn[321] and Glenlivet and some too from Strathboggy, all parts of the Duke of Gordon’s Estate.
_Is assisted by Skeleter in Strathdon_
His son-in-law, Mr. Forbes of Skeleter,[322] also brought him some of this Corps from Strathdon, a country belonging mostly to gentlemen of that name, formerly vassals of the Earl of Mar, now of the Lord Braco.[323] In consequence of this vassalage most of this country had been engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and formed a very good body of men, and as their new Superior, Lord Braco, had not yet acquired great authority over them and Mr. Forbes of New (a family all along well affected to the Government)[324] was abroad, being an officer in the army, the Rebels flattered themselves that by Skeleter’s means the rising at this time would be no less considerable; but in this they were greatly disappointed. For Mr. Leith of Glenkindy, who had lately come to that neighbourhood, being a very firm friend of the Government, and Mr. Forbes of Inverernan (whose predecessor in the 1715 was known by the name of Black Jock) much contrary to the Rebels’ expectation, declaring the same way; and Mr. Lumsden, minister of Towey, who had a small estate in that country, managing the whole with a great deal of address, as he was entirely well-acquainted with all their tempers and situations, Skeleter found his measures so effectually traversed, that he had difficulty enough in raising his own Tenants. Mr. Gordon of Avochy, Glenbucket’s Nephew, a very resolute, active lad, assisted him considerably in his Levys about Strathboggy, where he had a small estate. He, Glenbucket, had also two sons joined him, but the eldest having drunk himself blind could not attempt to march along and was of little use to him at home: the other, too, was but an insignificant creature.
Glenbucket was at Strathboggy when General Cope came to Aberdeen,[325] where the Jacobites gave out that his numbers were at least triple of what they were in reality, and there was so great apprehension of his surprizing the town, and the Magazines there, provided for the Army, that the General thought proper to order most of his Highland companies to march from Old Meldrum in the midst of the night and take possession of Aberdeen. Why General Cope was so many days at Aberdeen before he embarked, why he refused the most expeditious way of embarking his troops which was proposed by the Magistrates, of bringing about their Fish Boats from John’s Haven, and as well as using the Torry and Foothy[326] boats which would have gained him a day at least (as the Transports when the Soldiers came not out to them in boats, behoved to come up to the harbour with one tide, and go out with another) let those that know the reasons, give them. Meantime his dallying gave several of his men an opportunity of deserting to Strathboggy.
_Glenbucket declines Fighting the Munroes_
When the 200 Munroes under Culkairn who had accompanied General Cope to Aberdeen were returning from thence, there were great apprehensions lest Glenbucket, who was superior to them in numbers, should have intercepted them and cut them off; but Culkairn himself was under no dread, as his men were good and better armed than Glenbucket’s, and therefore marched on very briskly the way of Banff. Glenbucket had gone down to that country on an expedition for horses and arms, and was in Banff that very day the Monroes came there, but, not choosing to wait their coming up, he sheered off the way to Strathboggy.
Soon after this he had a call from the Young Pretender to hasten up, and accordingly marched South, keeping the westerly roads, and not coming near the towns of Aberdeen or the low parts of the country, but did not join the main Army of the Rebels, till after the Battle of Preston.
_Glenbucket’s Character_
Glenbucket was a man very singular in his way, and is perhaps the only instance of a Gentleman of a low country family and education, that both could and would so thoroughly conform himself to the Highland Spirit and manners, as to be able to procure a following among them without a Highland estate or any of the attachments of Chieftainry. He always discovered a great deal of personal courage and particularly behaved well in the 1715 when he commanded some men raised by the Duke of Gordon, in that Rebellion, and after that time kept up a great intercourse with the Highland Chiefs, which was much increased by the marriage of one of his daughters to one of them, McDonald of Glengarry, and it is generally believed he was very serviceable to the court of Rome, in keeping up their correspondence with the Chiefs of the Clans, and was certainly once and again of late years over at that court, when his Low Country friends believed him to be all the while in the Highlands. He had sold the estate of Glenbucket, from whence he has his designation, a good while ago, and at the breaking out of this Rebellion, had not a foot of property, and yet those creatures in Strathdawn and Glenlivet were so attached to him that a number of them rose voluntarily with him. He was however by this time so old and infirm that he could not mount his horse, but behoved to be lifted into his saddle, notwithstanding of which the old spirit still remained in him.
_More of Stonnywood_
Very soon after the Young Pretender landed, More of Stonnywood[327] prepared to join him, at first very privately, as his estate lay within three miles of Aberdeen, where all in appearance was for the Government. This gentleman very early imbibed the Jacobite principles and was entirely educated in that way; his fortune also was greatly embarrassed, so that his going off was no great surprise. He was a man of little note or interest and of no great genius, but yet by his activity, diligence, and application, and his thorough acquaintance with the circumstances of Town and Country, he was very serviceable to the Rebels in those parts. He slipped away at first alone, and came up with his Pretended Prince, as he was about to enter Edinburgh, and having immediately got a Commission to raise men, he left them before the Battle of Preston, and had the assurance to enter the town of Aberdeen supported by a couple of broken merchants and York Street Cadys[328] all in white cockades, and to enlist men for the Pretender. The well affected people in town seemed only to make a jest of Stonnywood and his procession, and the magistrates found it convenient to overlook it, since any ill-usage of him might have been severly revenged by a very small party, for as Cope had carried off the Town’s Arms lest the Rebels should have seized them, a very few armed men might have come and plundered the whole town; but from this small beginning thus neglected, the Rebels very soon became masters of the place in reality and so continued till the army arrived under His Royal Highness.
_Farquharson of Monaltry rises at the head of Dea_
Much about the same time Mr. Farquharson of Monaltry,[329] age 35, a gentleman of no great estate, Nephew and factor to the Laird of Invercauld, began to move at the head of Dea. This gentleman was educated in Revolution principles, but was unhappily seduced and debauched into the Jacobite scheme by the Duke of Perth, who both the times that he was obliged to conceal himself from the Government made that country his retreat,[330] and Mr. Farquharson, being a sweet-tempered, agreeable lad, was his chief companion in his exile. As Invercauld gave Monaltry no countenance in his rebellion, but immediately turned him out of his Factory, he was not at first very successful in his levys, but as Farquharson of Balmurral,[331] Gordon of Blelack and some others, all of small estates, rose some time after from that country, there were at length a good many men brought from thence.
_Hamilton and Tulloch in Strathboggy_
John Hamilton, Factor to the Duke of Gordon for the lands about Strathboggy, and afterwards Governor of Carlisle,[332] resolved also very early to join this Rebellion, and being a very haughty man would not act under Glenbucket, but set up on his own footing, and this stopped both their progress for a while, as their misunderstanding made them counteract one another. However Hamilton, being much assisted by one David Tulloch, a considerable tenant of the Duke’s,[333] soon got together 100 Men, thirty of whom he mounted on gentlemen’s horses which he seized through the County. Hamilton undoubtedly was a noted Jacobite, but reckoned too selfish to meddle in such undertakings, so that the reason of his commencing adventurer was generally imagined to be owing to the disorder of his affairs, which indeed was not apprehended till this step brought it to light. He marched from Strathboggy to Inverury the Monday after the Battle of Preston, where he obliged the Magistrates to attend while the Pretender’s Manifesto was being read over the Cross, and next day using the same ceremony as he marched through Kintore, he came to Aberdeen just as the Council were about electing their Magistrates, which he immediately stopped unless they’d take their oaths to the Pretender (so that the Town wanted Magistrates all the time of the Rebellion), and forced the then Provost and some of the Bailies to attend the reading of their Manifestos over the Cross which was done by Sheriff Depute Petry,[334] he pretending at that time to be forced to it, though he afterwards joined them openly, and then when the Provost refused to join in their disloyal healths Hamilton poured a glass of wine down his throat, and all along behaved very insolently, but happily for Aberdeen he soon marched south with his corps.
_Lord Pitsligo moves in Buchan_
The unhappy Battle of Preston soon put several in motion who till then were quiet. The Lord Pitsligo[335] who had also been engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and had received both his life and fortune from the Government, still retained his old affection for that cause, and never qualified to the present Government. He was justly esteemed a polite and learned gentleman, and of great integrity and honour in private life, but entirely enthusiastic on the Jacobite principles. As the Young Pretender had wrote letters soon after his landing to most of those whom he thought would favour his design, Lord Pitsligo was not neglected; and though he was now old and might have had merit enough from the party for former services, yet he could not withstand this address, but immediately began to stir and rouse the friends of the Cause. In his letters on that subject he usually called the young Pretender by the name of the Amiable young Stranger. It was not however imagined that in such an infirm state, as he then was, he would have thought of undergoing the fatigues of a Winter Campaign, especially as he had a very small estate, and no Vassalages or Following to his Family, and so could not in that way make any considerable accession to the Party. But now that the family of Marischall was out of the country, and the Earl of Kintore, the next representative of that family, was in the interest of the Government, the gentlemen of Buchan who were friends of the cause and used formerly to follow Marischall, immediately had their eyes fixed on Lord Pitsligo to head them. But all these that appeared in Buchan would not probably have been of consideration enough to have determined him, if soon after Preston, a set of gentlemen in Boyne and Enzie[336] set agog by this victory had not made this an express condition to their going out, that Lord Pitsligo should go as their head. It was generally believed that this condition was insisted on by one or two of them who had been rash enough to be always speaking of their going out if they had an opportunity, and now that it came to the push, repented of it and thought still of getting off and some honour, by offering to go only if Lord Pitsligo went at their head, which they reckoned themselves sure one of his age never would; and if he did not they might then pretend they had no confidence in any attempt of this kind for which Lord Pitsligo would not venture all. But if this was their view they were disappointed in it, for the rest of these gentlemen consenting to join them in making the same proposal to Lord Pitsligo, he accepted of it and so there was no retracting. The gentlemen who from this country joined his Lordship, or who were in concert with them, were Sir William Gordon of Park, Gordon of Carnusy, Gordon of Cupbairdy, Mr. Hay, Younger of Ranas, Forbes of Brucehill, Gordon of Glastirrum, Abernethy, brother to Mayen, and several other gentlemen of lesser note. Carnusy and Cupbairdy’s journey was a great surprise. The latter had no manner of tincture that way, but being a rambling young lad was determined mostly by comradeship and something too by the high regard he had for Lord Pitsligo. Carnusy was esteemed a wise, solid man and some one not at all wedded to Kingscraft. But as many debts of his never heard of formerly are appearing, this somewhat unravels the mystery.
_Joined by Buchan Gentlemen, and Aberdeen’s etc._
Immediately on Lord Pitsligo’s resolution being known there appeared also to join him, Sir William Dunbar of Durn, from Boyne, Mr. Gordon of Hallhead and Mr. Mercer, gentlemen of considerable note that resided usually in the town of Aberdeen: Mr. Gordon of Mill of Kinkardine, Mr. Petrie, Sheriff Depute, Mr. Sandilands and several gentlemen of the lower class from that place; from Buchan, Mr. More of Lonmay,[337] Factor to the Countess of Errol,[338] Cuming, younger, of Pitully, Gordon younger, of Logie, Cuming of Kinninmuth, Ogilvie of Achirris, (all gentlemen of considerable estates), Thomson elder and younger of Fachfield, Turner younger of Turnerhall, Fraser brother to Inveralachy and some others of less note; also from the country about Aberdeen, Mr. Irvin of Drum, two sons of Menzies of Pitfodels, [Charles] More brother to Stonnywood, etc. But none of these gentlemen raised any number of men, but all rendevous’d at Aberdeen on horseback, with their servants, and made a pretty enough appearance. Mr. Sandilands only raised a Company of Foot which joined them there, as also did two companies raised by Stonnywood, the one commanded by himself, and the other by his brother; the whole not amounting to 200 men. These did indeed march south with Lord Pitsligo, but were afterwards incorporated in the Duke of Perth’s second Battalion. Lord Pitsligo and his friends were but short time in Aberdeen, but while they stayed, conducted with great discretion.
_Rebels favoured by Commons_
Hitherto the Rebellion was favoured by almost all the common people. The promise of freeing them from the Malt Tax had a surprising influence upon them, this being a tax the Farmers are especially sensible of, as they themselves pay out the money in the first instance being all Maltsters, at least for their own use. The Rebels therefore hitherto behaving civilly, listing only volunteers, paying freely, taking but some few good horses and arms as they met with them, and freeing the country people from the eternal dread they were under of the Malt Gaugers, were looked on by them as the deliverers of their country.
_Why no Opposition made by the Friends of the Government_
It may at first seem surprising that no steps were taken in two such countys by the friends of the Government to stop this procedure. But let it be considered that after Preston people were really in a consternation for some time, and nobody knew (as the intelligence from the south, meeting with so many interruptions, was very uncertain) how soon the Government might be in a situation to force the Rebels from Edinburgh so that they might have had leisure enough to have sent north Detachments and destroyed all that would attempt to disturb their friends.
Besides it was requisite to have a man of rank and quality at the head of such a thing (as the Government thought not fit to give anybody the authority of a Lord Lieutenant) to give a proper weight to it. But such was the situation of the Nobility of these countys, that no such thing could have been expected of any of them except the Earl of Aberdeen, whose undoubted attachment to the Government as well as his large estate and high rank might indeed have made him very serviceable had he thought it prudent to have tried to raise the friends of the Government.[339] The Duke of Gordon, had it not been prevented by his indisposition, might have been of great use not only in keeping these Counties quiet, but even in suppressing the Rebellion altogether. The Earl of Findlater’s[340] sickly constitution quite disabled him, and though the Earl of Kintore[341] had had a greater relish for military matters than he has, yet the incumbrances on his fortune would have been a drawback on him. The Lord Forbes[342] had by no means an Estate suited to his ability though he had inclined to appear. The Lord Salton[343] had no weight in the county, and the Lord Braco[344] had a great estate, yet the newness of his family would have marred any project of his forming.
_Gentry_
Had the gentry that did not engage been all hearty, they might indeed have come together without any of the nobility’s appearing to head them, but undoubtedly a third of them were dissaffected though they were wise enough not to embark in so desperate an enterprise; and of those that were not so, many were selfish, many were careless who governed, and many were timid and fearful, so that the few who were resolute had not sufficient strength nor influence to make a stand. The most remarkable of these in Buchan and Fortmartine[345] were Lord Strichen, Mr. Maitland of Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shevis, Mr. Garden of Troup and Mr. Buchan of Achmacoy. On Don side, Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Patan, Grandam, Sir Arthur Forbes, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay, Sir Archibald Grant and Mr. Leith of Glenkindy. In Garrioch, Mr. Horn of Westhall, Mr. Leith of Freefield, Sir Alexander Reed of Barra and Mr. Forbes of Blackfoord. On Deeside, the family of Leys[346] with Mr. Duff of Premnay. (_N.B._ a great part of Deeside is in the shire of Mearns.) As to the towns, Banff and the Seaport towns betwixt it and Aberdeen were mostly all dissaffected. Full two-thirds of the two towns of Aberdeen were very well-affected to the Government. All the Magistrates, or rather those who had been such, before Hamilton came to town, and all the old Provosts and Bailies (which makes a considerable number of the principal merchants), and both the colleges behaved in an exemplary, steady manner. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland were to a man firm in the interest of the Government in these counties and indeed everywhere else, and neither force nor flattery could alter them. The Rebels at the beginning were at great pains to coax them, and to see if possible to make the face of a party among them, and would have been excessively fond of the least compliance, had it been only the not praying for the King by name, however minutely he should have been described otherways, well-knowing that if any would go into a different way from their brethren in any thing however trifling at first, that difference might be blown up to make a more considerable opposition. They had particularly hopes of the young Clergy, as they had used to keep company with them more freely in times of peace, and not carry with so much reserve as their elder brethren, and so they thought they should have much influence with them. But they were excessively baulked when they saw them maintain with vigour and zeal those principles of liberty which formerly they thought they spoke of only for amusement, when they saw them at such extraordinary pains to raise worthy sentiments in the people, and sparing neither purse nor persons in the service of the Government as far as they had opportunity; and by how much they expected more friendship from them than from the old folks, so much the more were they incensed against them than against the others from whom they expected nothing.
_Synod meets_
The Synod met as usual in October in Old Meldrum, and though in the 1715 they would venture to do nothing, but immediately adjourned, yet now amidst no less danger they acted with much more vigour. They ordered a very dutiful and warm address to his Majesty which was afterwards very highly resented by the Jacobites, not only as it showed the loyalty of the Clergy, but confuted the lies published by the Rebels in their Edinburgh _Courant_, that the whole gentlemen in the county except four had engaged in the Rebellion, whereas the Clergy thought themselves obliged not only to vindicate the county in general, but particularly to do justice to the gentlemen of the Church of Scotland, by asserting that few or none of them had engaged in this wicked Rebellion. And indeed some gentlemen then in London owned themselves very happy in this Address, that came very seasonably, and had a very good effect, not only in taking off the bad impressions the friends of the Government had of these counties, but also in discouraging the Jacobites by undeceiving them of the vain expectations they had from there. The Synod also had a public diet for Prayer to Almighty God to put a speedy stop to the Rebellion, which had a good effect not only on such of the laiety as were near enough to be present at it, but also tended to confirm and spirit up several that only heard of it. They also resolved, that whereas some ministers in their public prayers used formerly to think his Majesty sufficiently distinguished from the Pretender by calling him our Protestant Sovereign or some such other appellation, but as the omitting to name him expressly even though thus characterised was looked on as a compliance by the Rebels, who deluded many of the people with a story of their pretended Prince being a Protestant, that therefore all in time coming should pray for him by name, as they would be answerable. They also appointed that Presbyteries should meet often, and members be sent as correspondents betwixt neighbouring Presbyteries that they might advise with one another at this critical time and act with the greatest harmony. All this was punctually executed.
_Nonjurant Clergy_
There were but two Clergy of the Church of England in all these Counties who were qualified to the Government, both at Aberdeen, but here was a very considerable number of that persuasion who were Nonjurants, which is to be sure the same thing with avowed Jacobites, and though most of them had the address to keep themselves free from open acts of Rebellion yet they were excessively instrumental by every sly act to poison the people and debauch them to rebellion, and accordingly all their hearers, almost without exception, were rank Jacobites, and the being so, was by them esteemed so very essential to salvation, that even before the Rebellion they have been known to refuse to admit some of their hearers to the Communion not only if by going to a Presbyterian Church, but even if by going to a qualified meeting of the Church of England they had heard King George prayed for, unless they solemnly professed their repentance for this crime. After the Rebellion broke out, several of them turned so insolent as to pray for the Pretender by name. All of this persuasion as they all along had a most unaccountable enmity against the Church of Scotland, so they failed not to show it with a deal of rancour during the Rebellion, to all of that persuasion.
_Papists_
It was but natural to expect that the Papists should favour the Rebellion to their utmost, but they are but inconsiderable in these Counties. Their meetings were quite barefaced, the Pretender openly prayed for, and a very great and good understanding there was betwixt the Nonjurants and them, so that Seaton, a priest, and Law, a Nonjurant minister,[347] were very commonly joined together among Lord Lewis Gordon’s council, who was made Governor of these counties by the Pretender. The Papists however generally had the cunning to be rather more tolerable in conversation with the friends of the Government than the Nonjurants were.
_Lord Lewis Gordon joins the Rebels_
Before the Rebels marched from Edinburgh to England they very wisely thought of means of retaining these counties under their subjection, while they should be marching south and of having reinforcements from thence ready for them against any emergence. For this purpose they wheedled over to their party Lord Lewis Gordon,[348] a younger brother to his Grace the Duke of Gordon, imagining that the very name of one so nearly connected to the Duke would have a great influence on the tenants and dependants of that family, and they well knew that His Grace’s indisposition at that time would prevent any effectual measures being taken to stop this procedure. Lord Lewis was a Lieutenant in the Fleet, and had unhappily come down at that time to visit his Mother, the Duchess Dowager, who stayed near Edinburgh.[349] There he met so many old friends and acquaintances engaged in the Rebellion, who laid all oars in the water to gain him; and this indeed was no hard matter to a forward young lad like him, especially as he was to have a Feather in his cap, and to be made Lord Lieutenant of Aberdeenshire and Governor of the Towns of Aberdeen and Banff, with power of disposing of all places in them. Along with him is set down More of Lonmay, More of Stonnywood, Gordon of Avachy and Sheriff Petrie to assist him in his Government and Levys. There were also a number of Towns Burgesses named as a Council with them for the Town of Aberdeen and to manage under him in his absence but they all refused to accept; on which Mr. Moir of Lonmay was made Deputy Governor of Aberdeen, much indeed against his own inclination. He was a sensible man, but turned out very positive and arbitrary in his Government, which he had frequent opportunities of showing as Lord Lewis did not reside much at Aberdeen, and when he did, was always much advised by Lonmay. Mr. Bairde of Achmeden[350] was at the same time made Depute Governor of Banff. This gentleman had shown his affection to the cause so far as to wait for the Young Pretender at Edinburgh with his white cockade, but it seems was not so far militarily disposed as to think of marching with them into England, but having a considerable estate in Banffshire, they thought he might be of service to them in this sphere; but though he at first accepted of this commission, yet he seldom if ever acted in consequence of it, and very rarely made any public appearance.
_Men Raised by Force_
The Lord Lieutenant began with his recruiting about Strathboggy, but as the waifest kind of people had mostly gone off in the first Levys, this was not so successful as he expected. Nay, on his first coming there, his summonses to his brother’s tenants to rise were so slighted, and volunteers so backward, that he was obliged to write to Blelack[351] and some of the gentlemen of Deeside who had a number of men with them, begging of them for God’s sake to send him a command of their men that he might not be affronted. How soon he got these, then he went to work quartering on the tenants about Strathboggy till they either rose or furnished men according to the proportions he had settled. But this was tedious, as he had but a small party to quarter with, and therefore he soon took a more expeditious way, threatening to burn the houses and farmyards of such as stood out. This soon had the desired effect, for the burning a single house or farm stack in a Parish terrified the whole, so that they would quickly send in their proportion, and by this means, with the few that joined as volunteers, he raised near 300 men called the Strathboggy Battalion in the country thereabouts. The same method of military execution (a discipline till then unknown in these counties) was used in most of the high parts of the shire for forcing out men, especially on Deeside, where a great many were raised in this manner. Stonnywood however found people enough about the town of Aberdeen and places adjacent without force, to form another corps for Lord Lewis called the Aberdeen Battallion consisting of about 200 men, which with the Strathboggy Batallion formed what was properly Lord Lewis’ own Regiment; Avachy being Lieutenant of the latter; Stonnywood of the former.
_Auchengaul raises a Company_
About the same time Crichton of Auchengaul, a Popish gentleman of a very small estate, but representative of the Viscount Frendraught, raised a company and joined Lord Lewis. There were also several little people in Banffshire and Buchan, etc., who raised a few men each, and joined the Lord Lieutenant and all got commissions of one kind or other, which was by no means hard to be obtained. And thus the whole of this second Levy in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff, under Lord Lewis would have amounted to near 800 men.
_Comparison with 1715_
As the above is a view of the whole course of the Rebels from these Counties, it may not be amiss to compare it with what it was in the 1715, from which it will be evident that for all the noise they made about their strength in these parts it was nothing now in comparison with what it was then.
In the 1715 they were supported by most of the Nobility. The Duke of Gordon (then Marquis of Huntly), the Earls of Mar, Marischall, Panmure, and Kintore, and the Lords Fraser and Pitsligo, who had all great estates, connections and dependencies in these Counties, raised their whole force and exerted themselves to the utmost in favour of the Rebellion. Whereas now Lord Pitsligo was the only nobleman that joined them unless Lord Lewis be reckoned. As to the landed gentry the difference is full as considerable. Though the most be from Banffshire and Buchan, yet even there they are not one fourth of what they were in the 1715. Not one gentleman from Fortmartine unless Mr. Smith of Menie be to be reckoned, who indeed appeared with them at Edinburgh, but left them or they entered England. Not one gentleman that resided in Garrioch,[352] though in the 1715 most of them were concerned. Only five on Deeside from the head to the foot. And though there were several gentlemen of small estates on Deeside, yet all of them put together were not equal to the Laird of Invercauld who engaged in the former Rebellion. The Commons must always bear Proportion to the interests of the Gentry engaged, and though indeed this rule failed in so far at this time as that considerable numbers were raised from the estates of the Duke of Gordon, Earl of Aboyne, and Laird of Invercauld, where the Rebels had properly no interest, yet as almost none of the gentlemen that went with Lord Pitsligo raised so much as the men on their own estates, this will in good measure balance the other. There were several merchants of note appeared from the towns in the 1715, but now none but a few smugglers, and a very few tradesmen.
As the Rebels had thus a considerable number of men in these Counties, they next fell to work to raise money for their maintenance. And first of all they resolved to levy the Cess that was due for the current year, and all arrears, and accordingly the Lord Lieutenant named a collector, and without further intimation ordered partys to quarter for it. As it was soon moving from one house to another in the towns and country about them, as the quartering money was very exorbitant, their partys numerous and costly to maintain, and the Cess being levied only according to the valued rent, and not being anything considerable in comparison of the real rent and few being willing to bear the stress any time for a small sum, it was quickly levied in the towns of Aberdeen and from the adjacent estates. But in the country it necessarily took up longer time so that they never got parties sent to some estates that were most out of the way, and some gentlemen, particularly Mr. Burnet, Kemnay, and Mr. Horn, Westhall, bore the stress with great firmness and wearied them out of it at this time, as indeed Mr. Horn at length did altogether.
_The French Land_
In the month of December there arrived six transports at Peterhead, Aberdeen, Stonehaven, and Montrose with Lord John Drummond’s Regiment on board and the Piquets from the Irish Brigade in the French Service; all under the command of Lord John Drummond.[353] This greatly elevated the Rebels, was magnified hugely to their friends in other places, and looked upon by them all as the certain prelude of a great invasion from France. The two Lord Drummonds[354] and the Lord Lieutenant had an interview at Aberdeen, the great result of which, seemed to be the forging a letter from Lord Martial commanding his friends to join Lord John Drummond (_vid._ printed Copy) and a Proclamation in which his Lordship, also to show him how well he was acquainted to the French Government, threatens to punish those who did not join him according to their intentions. The letter from Lord Martial was soon suspected to be forged, from its being altered while a-printing, and from the style of it, it being very unlike Lord Martial to speak of Commanding his Friends, but after Culloden it was put out of doubt by one Mr. Halyburton, who had been sent from France by Lord Martial, how soon he knew of it, to disclaim the thing entirely, to let Lord John know how much he took it amiss, and to warn his friends not to be seduced by it.[355] The Rebels were on the other Speyside before this gentleman reached them, and how soon he informed Lord John of his errand, he was either closely confined or then discharged on the severest penalty from speaking of it, so that it was but little known, till the Flight, when he acquainted several gentlemen of it, who after that made it no secret. The French that landed at Peterhead, Aberdeen, and Stonehaven, stayed not above a week or so to refresh themselves, but marched south to the Camp at Perth.
_Levy Money_
The Cess went but a short way to answer their demands, next therefore they resolved to demand what was called Levy Money, or Militia money; accordingly Stonnywood by order of the Lord Lieutenant wrote Circular letters to the several gentlemen or their factors, demanding an able bodied man sufficiently accoutred in the Highland Dress[356] for each £100 Scots of valued rent, or then £5 Sterling to raise one. The man was but a pretext, it was the money they wanted. This indeed would have amounted to a very considerable sum; no less than about £12,000 Sterling for the County of Aberdeen alone, which will be 5_s._ Ster. in the pound off the real rack’d rent, which exorbitant demand would at any time have been very hard upon Lairds and Tenants but after two bad crops and so many other losses, was indeed more than they could bear. However these reasons availed nothing to the Lord Lieutenant, or his Depute (who was by no means ignorant of the state of the counties) but to work they went, how soon they had got in most of the Cess, to quarter for it. This began at length to open the eyes of many of the people, who had been formerly cheated by promises of freedom from taxes, especially the Malt Tax, but now they saw how delusive these were, and this not a little confirmed the few who had all along wished well to the Government. Even the selfish among the gentry who professed not to care who reigned, were not now quite so indifferent, and even many secret Jacobites were disgusted.
_Lord Loudon Invited_
The friends of the Government seeing no end of this oppression, while the Rebels were their masters, sent several messages to the President and Lord Loudon[357] to send some men to their relief. They were especially instant from the town of Aberdeen, this being the seat of their Government, and consequently most exposed to their tyranny, which was so great that the usual freedom of conversation was entirely banished, at least none could promise how long they could call anything their own, and even already they were speaking of imposing a Loan, how soon the Militia money was levied. But their keenness to obtain relief and to persuade Lord Loudon to undertake it, probably made them represent the strength of the Rebels as more insignificant than it really was, which no doubt has been one reason why the party sent was not more numerous.
_Burning Order_
The Levy money coming in but slowly, for all the stress of quartering, which stress alone induced some to pay it, but some few that were such hearty friends as to need only the pretence of force, the Lord Lieutenant grew quite impatient and issued what was called the Fire Ordinance (vid. _Gent. Mag._ for January 1746, p. 29th).[358] Party’s were sent to several Districts of the country, with orders to quarter on the gentlemen’s houses (not on the tenants’ as usual) and if against such a time the money was not payed, to begin with burning the gentleman’s house and Planting, then the tenants’ houses and cornyards and so on through the district. But notwithstanding of these dreadful threatenings, none but some very timourous people paid, till they should at least see what would be the consequences of the Northern aid which now began to be spoke of and pretty confidently expected.
_Old Aberdeen Distressed_
As the old town of Aberdeen had in proportion to such a place discovered a more than ordinary zeal for the Government so that the Rebel Governors distinguished it accordingly by a demand of £215 Ster. of Levy money, a very great sum for so small a village, and by beginning with them these new methods of raising it. They impudently proposed it among the Whigs without ever regarding whether or not they had any property in Lands or houses and particularly the Masters of the Kings College had their small stipends very severely cessed. But when they could not even thus get their full demand answered, Lonmay ordered about £40 Ster. of it to be taken from the Poor’s Box and from some small funds that belonged to an hospital for poor widows and some other such charitable funds. Large parties were quartered through the town in the gentlemen’s houses for several days, but even this severe stress not proving effectual, intimation was made by Tuke of Drum, that if the money was not paid against a certain hour the Town was to be burnt. This indeed alarmed them and the gentlemen were forced to seem in so far to comply as to beg only delays till the money should be got, and this they had the art to obtain from time to time for two or three days, till at length they had pretty certain information that McLeod and Culcairn’s men were come the length of Banff and Strathboggy, on which most of the gentlemen of note in the place, slipped out of town or concealed themselves, without paying a farthing, and leaving the Rebels to do with the town what they pleased. But as they too were sensible by this time of the enemy’s approach they would not venture on such a severity till they should see the event.
_McLeod Marches_
As for McLeod’s March (vid. _Gents. Mag._, Jan. 1746, p. 23). It was Gordon of Avachy and Gordon of Aberlour that opposed them at the passage of the Spey, but they quickly retreated. They had the Strathboggy Batallion under their command and had been quartering for Cess and Levy money about Strathboggy and Banff. They marched to Aberdeen the day appointed for the Public Fast by his Majesty, December 17th, which however was very punctually observed even where they passed and in general was so both by Clergy and people both in town and country, though the Clergy indeed did meet with some insults in a few places. Immediately on McLeod’s passing the Spey, the Rebels called in all their Quartering parties, and the Deeside men to the town of Aberdeen and sent expresses to their friends in Angus and Mearns to send them assistance.
The McLeods joined the two companies under Culkairn,[359] at Inverury, upon Saturday, December 20th, the whole body being 700 men complete. 400 of those under McLeod were quartered in the town of Inverury, the rest of that name and Culkairn’s two companies were cantonned in farmers’ houses along the Ury to the north west of the town, many of them more than a mile and a half’s distance though there was no worldly necessity for this, as the town of Inverury contained two regiments of the Duke’s army for some weeks without a man of them going a stone cast from it. Against night the Rebel Reinforcements were come to Aberdeen consisting of about 150 of the French Picquets who had remained at Montrose and more than 200 Angus and Mearns Militia, so that there would have been in whole about 1200 men at Aberdeen. All the Saturday the Rebels were exceeding careful to prevent any intelligence coming to the McLeods, securing as far as possible all the Avenues coming from the town, and sending out scouts to scour between Kintore and Inverury to the very water-side, these seized Mr. Bartlet an Aberdeen writer who had come along with McLeod and had ventured to Kintore (2 miles from Inverury), where also Mr. Dingwall, an Aberdeen merchant and some others coming with intelligence from Aberdeen were snapt up and carried in prisoners. The McLeods had immediate notice of this, but Culcairn (by whom McLeod was directed as he himself did not pretend to understand military matters) could not be prevailed on to allow any men to come over and drive them off, no doubt fearing as they were strangers in the country lest they should be surprised. But as by this means at length all intelligence stopt, this proved their ruin in the end. Whereas by keeping some advance guards, or at least sending out patroles now and then, for a mile or two, they might indeed possibly have lost a man or two in Rencountres with the enemy’s parties, and possibly the reverse might have happened, but still they’d have secured the main chance and prevented the whole being surprised. However by this conduct though frequently things of considerable importance were known at Kintore, it was impossible to send the intelligence the remaining two miles. Nevertheless Sir Archibald Grant[360] who had come over the hill from the south, without touching at Aberdeen, and was certainly informed on his way that a reinforcement of French would that night be in town, fell on a way late that night to let McLeod know so much, and this intelligence probably prevented their marching to attack the Rebels the next morning, till they should know their situation more exactly. There was no body more alert or serviceable in getting exact intelligence to the Rebels than Stonnywood, as he knew the country and the people exactly, and as his estate lay betwixt Aberdeen and Inverury, he had all his tenants employed on the same service, so that on Saturday night they had perfect intelligence of everything that concerned the McLeods.
_Volunteers_
There were some Aberdeen gentlemen who had been either driven from town by the tyranny of the Rebels, or they had been sent on messages to the President, that came all along from Inverness as Volunteers in this expedition: among these were Mr. Forbes of Echt, Mr. Logie a merchant, and Mr. Thomson, General Superviser of Excise, which last gentleman especially was exceeding serviceable both on this, and several other occasions to the Government. The number of volunteers was increased at Inverury by Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of Shieves, Forbes of Echt, Mr. Chalmers, the now Principal of the King’s College, Mr. Gordon, Professor of Humanity in the College, some merchants and tradesmen, several students of Divinity and Philosophy and Prentices from both towns of Aberdeen, and many more would have come if it had not been the difficulty of getting out of town. But as McLeod had no spare arms, and the volunteers could get nothing but pistols they proved of no service. Mr. Horn, of Westhall, by promises of great rewards and encouragement, had got his tenants to engage to follow him and join the McLeods, and as he foresaw he could not get fire-arms, had caused make a number of spears with iron heads, for them. But when it came to the push, they all drew back, their hearts failed them and they refused to rise. On which, on Monday he was sending an Express to McLeod for a party to force them out, but his express met them retreating.
_A Detachment sent out_
On Sunday McLeod was prevailed on to send a large detachment of his own company over the water for three miles, which had a very happy effect, driving off all the enemy’s Scouts and facilitating their intelligence, so that they met with no less than three persons from town that had come out in disguises and by byeways who brought letters giving an exact account of the enemy’s numbers and situation, which people otherways would all have been intercepted by their Scouts. This so entirely convinced the Lieutenant that commanded the detachment, of the necessity either of constant patroles, or then of an advance Guard at Kintore, that he had everything settled for one or other, never doubting but his representation would prevail, but there was no convincing Culkairn, so that next day there came not a man over the water at all.
_The Enemy Alarmed_
The Enemy’s Scouts on being thus driven off, having seen the party but imperfectly, alarmed their friends in town with an account that the whole of the McLeods were marching to attack them, on which they drew together, but were soon undeceived. The same night after it was dark they convened their men and marched three miles out of town, as if to surprise the enemy, but whether it was only a feint to see if their men would stand by them, or if it was owing to any wrong notion that the McLeods were apprised of them, they returned to town again without doing anything.
_Rebels’ Artifice_
This day too, they had tried a strategem to raise a mutiny among the McLeods by bribing a tenant’s son of McLeod’s (who had been staying with a Nonjurant Minister, teaching his children Latin and so had imbibed all the Jacobite notions) to go to Inverury and see to persuade the men that they were engaged in an unjust cause, that their enemies were very numerous and powerful, and that Lord Loudon had purposely sent them up to be cut off in a strange country. As this fellow had their language, was their namesake and countryman, they readily listened to him and it was taking among them like lightening, till the fellow was found out and apprehended, but the impression still stuck to them, till McLeod drew them all out, and very particularly showed them the roguery.
_The Rebels march_
On Monday the 23rd, about 9 of clock in the morning, the Rebels marched from Aberdeen, in order to surprise the McLeods in two columns. The main body being about 900 was commanded by Lord Lewis (though one Major Cuthbert,[361] a French Officer, did all the business), crossed the Bridge of Don, and took a round about and indirect road on the North side of the Don. The other column consisting of their Strathboggy Battallion, and commanded by Major Gordon, a French Officer, and Avachy, took the high road on the south side of the river. As they had all along guarded the avenues from the town very carefully, they did it now so effectually that there was no possibility of sending any intelligence of their march, till they were actually gone. When they were marching they all along kept advance parties before their main bodies came in sight, so that when they were observed, these parties prevented any persons getting past with information. As the body that marched the high road had by far the nearest way, they halted and concealed themselves in the Church and church-yard of Kinellar about three miles from Inverury, till the corps on the other side were suitably advanced, and meantime had their advanced party concealed in some houses in a low part of the road near Kintore.
This party seized the minister of Kintore, who had got some confused notice of their march, and going out for more certain intelligence, and observing nothing on the road, had come that length where he was made prisoner, as also at the very same time were no less than three people with intelligence of the Rebels’ march from the town, who had got out when their Guards were taken off, and escaped the main body by byeways, till being so near Inverury they had (to shorten the way) come in there to the high road, never doubting but they’d have met with some of the McLeods advanced parties to protect them, as those had done that came out the former day. The column that marched on the north side of Don had Scouts concealed among Planting of the Earl of Kintore’s on a rising ground that overlooked Inverury, and though some while before the enemy came up they were observed going backwards and forwards from the Park, and pointed out to McLeod and Culkairn as looking very suspicious, yet by some fatality they neglected to send up and see what they were doing. Immediately as they marched, the minister of Rayne, who happened to be in town, rode out by the Deeside Road, the only one left unguarded, to see if it was possible this way to get before them; but this was so greatly about, and the road when he came to cross the country so excessively bad that the firing was begun or he reached Kintore. So that the first intelligence they got of them was the Main Body being observed by their sentry, marching down by the Earl of Kintore’s parks within a quarter of a mile of Inverury.
_McLeods draw out_
McLeod, Culkairn, and all the officers with the few men they had in town got together very resolutely, and all of them discovered a great deal of courage on this occasion, nay, to think at all of standing against such superior numbers bespoke no little bravery. And indeed had they thought of sending down a party to line the Church yard of Inverury, and had others rightly posted on a little hull, called the Bass, both which were within a pistol shot of the Boat and Ford of Ury where the Main body behoved to pass, and also on the Ford of Don where Avachy, etc., passed, they certainly had done great execution among them in their passages, and if they had not stopped them altogether, would at least have retarded them till the men that were canton’d at a distance had got up to their assistance, for the Rebels had no cannon, but two old rusty ones they had taken from ships, which got not up till long after the skirmish was over, and though they had, would not probably have done great execution. But the confusion and surprise of the McLeods at the unexpected coming of the enemy made them neglect all these advantages, and stand on the Rigs on the east side at the south end of the town, at almost an equal distance from the Foords of Don and Ury, but at so great a distance as to be able to do execution at neither; and their standing here too was probably not a little owing to their then discovering the other body of the enemy coming upon the other side of Don, which made them irresolute how to dispose of themselves till so many of the Rebels crossed the Ury as put it out of their power to stop their passage there. It was also a vast loss to these Highlanders, who were none of them disciplined, that they had only firelocks and bayonets, and wanted their darling weapon, the Broadsword, which is always their chief confidence.
_Rebels pass the Foords_
The van of the Rebels’ main body consisted of the French and some picked men and was lead only by Major Cuthbert, these with all the gentlemen, the volunteers, and some of the common men crossed the Ury, very alertly, and as they passed, drew up behind the Bass, and the Churchyard. But many of their common men ran off and skulked by dike-sides till the action was over and could neither be brought out by threats nor entreaties till then. Major Gordon and Avachy with about 50 or 60 of their men crossed the Don very briskly, and behaved well, but the rest of the Corps took shelter among the Broom, till they saw the event.
The action began near an hour after sunset with a clear moonshine, by some passing shots from some ten or twelve of the McLeods who advanced so far, some to the one Foord and some to the other, and fired on the enemy as they were passing and killed two or three men in the water, and immediately retired. The Body that crossed Ury moved up first to attack, but were received with two or three fires from the McLeods, which they returned indeed two for one, but both were at too great a distance to do great execution. But as the party from Don was by this time coming to attack them in flanks, and as the French were advancing with a close regular fire and like to bear very hard on them, the McLeods found themselves unable to stand this shock, and accordingly gave way; yet not so but that a party of them loaded their pieces retiring, and finding some of their men, especially the wounded, like to fall in the enemy’s hands, they wheeled about before they were half way up the town, and made another fire, but immediately ran off. On this the French advanced through the town with an incessant street fire, and the rest divided themselves and went firing up each side of it, being too by this time joined by most of their skulking companions. After this, as some of the McLeods were running off on the stubble ground on the North end of the town, some person gave a cry that McLeod was taken, on which they turned about again and made another fire but immediately marched off. The Rebels meanwhile being at a considerable distance and not observing them so exactly going off, but seeing a ridge with a few furrows in it, amidst a great deal of unploughed stubble ground, and taking it by the moonlight for a row of men, they fired once or twice into it very successfully. And thus in whole the firing continued for more than twenty minutes. The companies of McLeods and Monroes that were cantonn’d out of the town, had unluckily no Officers with them; these happened to be with McLeod in Inverury, and went out to engage along with the men that were there (which by the bye as there were thirty of them on guard, and many straggling through the country seeking provisions did not much exceed three hundred), these therefore having no body to draw them together, ran up different ways on hearing the firing till they met some of their friends flying, or were informed of the event, and then they ran off. But had their officers been with them to bring them together, and lead them up in a body to meet their friends at the north end of the town and support them, they very possibly might have turned the scale in their favours.
_Loss on both sides_
The Rebels for a while concealed their loss, but ’tis now generally allowed they had at least ten or twelve killed, several of these French, but all common men. It is indeed generally believed that one of them was a French Officer, as he was put in a grave by himself with several Popish Ceremonies, though not certain. But the Rebels still refuse that it was an Officer. They had also a good many wounded, among whom was Mr Gordon of Birkenbuss, a gentleman of a small estate, very dangerously.
The McLeods again had only five killed dead on the spot, which was well known, as their bodies were left exposed for some days or they allowed them to be buried. One also died of his wounds in the retreat, as did another that was taken prisoner, but they were all common men. About thirty were taken prisoners (many of which were wounded) including ten or twelve Humlys (Colones)[362] that they had picked up. Among the prisoners were Mr. Gordon, Ardvach, Lieutenant of Culkairn’s Company, Mr. Chalmers, Principal of the King’s College, and Mr. Forbes of Echt; McLeod’s own piper, McGrimman,[363] happened also to be taken, and the piper is always looked on as a person of importance in a Highland Chief’s retinue, but McGrimman especially was a respectable person being esteemed the best piper in the Highlands, having had most of the Clan pipers as his scholars, and being looked on by them as a kind of chief, and the veneration they had for him appeared when he was carried prisoner to their army at Stirling, for it is said not a Highland piper would play a tune till McGrimman was allowed to be on his parole, and he himself behaved with so much state that he would play to none of them till their prince himself desired him. Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, escaped to Keithhall, the house of the Earl of Kintore, the night of the engagement, where he concealed himself all next day, but unluckily venturing to show himself to Petry, the Sherriff Depute, who intruded himself that night on the Earl, and Mr. Maitland, and he squabbling over drink, Petry not only in violation of the laws of hospitality, and of many obligations he was under to the Earl of Kintore, but also of his own promise to the contrary, basely went off next morning and sent a party of the Rebels who seized him.
_The Rebels do not venture to pursue_
The McLeods passed the Ury about a quarter of a mile from the town and refreshed themselves at Rayne and Strathboggy, but stopped not a night till they got over Spey, where McLeod waited the coming up of such of his men as had gone other roads, and continued guarding the passes for some while after. But the Rebels were so apprehensive what might be the consequences when for ought they knew, they were joined by the Monroes, etc., that they would not venture to pursue them over the Ury. McLeod lost most of his baggage, but the greater part came not into the Rebels custody but was secreted and pilfered by the townsfolks.
_Mr. Horn stress’d_
As the Rebels were informed of Mr. Horn’s design of joining the McLeods, they were exceeding keen in their resentment against him, and immediately sent a party to seize him, but he luckily had gone out of the way. The party lived a good while at his house at free quarters and made very free with everything, demanding the arms he had made, and the Cess Levy money, but Mr. Horn had left positive orders though they should burn the house to give them neither, and as their Officers had by this time got pretty certain information that their affairs were wrong in England and their Prince retreating, they did not choose in these circumstances to do such a shocking thing. And it was certainly a lucky thing that they got this intelligence to calm them after the flush of their Inverury victory, or then the Fire Order had undoubtedly been put in execution in these counties.
_Quartering for Levy Money_
The towns of Aberdeen having now no relief were obliged to pay their Quota of Levy money, that of the New town amounted to about £500 Sterling. A party of the Clan Chattan (Mclntoshes, Shaws and McGilavrys) under McGilavry of Dunmaglass, being now come up from Dundee to support their friends in Aberdeen in case of a straight, these for the greater terror were employed as far as possible for quartering in the gentlemen’s houses in the country for the Levy money. But the Rebels finding it would take longer time to get people forced to give the whole of their exorbitant demands than they could bestow, as they foresaw that in a week or so they must march to reinforce their friends in the South, they were therefore willing to compound the matter and take half in hand, and a bill for the other half payable at Candlemass, and in this way they gathered in a good deal of money. But still there were several gentlemen stood out for a good while under all the hardships they imposed, especially Mr. Leith of Freefield (whom they also kept a while Prisoner), Mr. Patan of Grandsam, and Mr. Burnet of Kemnay. Mr. Burnet’s zeal for our constitution, and the endeavours he used to awaken the British spirit among his neighbours, had rendered him excessively obnoxious to the Rebels, they hunted him for some weeks from place to place, to seize him, but he at length got to Edinburgh, where he was obliged to stay till his Royal Highness marched for Aberdeen.
_Rebels called up_
The resolute delays of some few gentlemen, and the great number they had to quarter upon, made it impracticable for the Rebels to collect their Levy money from much more than one half of these counties, before they were called up and obliged to march and reinforce their friends in the South, so that almost all Buchan, and most of the more remote estates in both Banff and Aberdeenshire escaped at this time.
_Elsick’s Men, and McGregors come to Aberdeen_
Soon after Lord Lewis marched up with the whole of the Rebels from this country, there arrived a Spanish ship at Peterhead with arms and money, which brought a party of Elsick’s[364] men from the Mearns to possess Aberdeen and bring up this loading; but they being looked on as weak, a party of the McGregors joined them. None of these parties however ventured to the country but only while they were bringing up their cargo from Peterhead. Lord Lewis had been abundantly arbitrary in his Government, Horses and Arms had been everywhere seized throughout the counties, under the pretence of searching for arms; in houses both in town and country many things had been pilfered with impunity, and he himself treated everybody with a great deal of insolence, but all this was but a jest in comparison with these McGregors. They went to people’s houses through the town and always behaved so very rudely as to make them forced to give them money to go away. They would stop gentlemen on the streets openly, and either take their silver buckles and buttons from them, or oblige them to give so much to redeem them. Without the least provocation they would beat and abuse people; and whenever they took it into their heads to enquire about any gentlemen’s principles they met with, they came up with their broadswords drawn and asked what King they were for? If they hesitated the least in answering ‘King James,’ they were sure of a slap, and never got away till they sat down on their knees and swore to the Pretender, and cursed King George in any terms the ruffians pleased. But happily they soon went off with the arms and left Elsick’s men only to guard the town. These continued mostly till the retreat of their army and behaved pretty civilly; indeed though they had inclined to do otherwise, yet the town’s people not being under so much restraint as formerly, began to show themselves so keenly, that they made them glad to be peaceable, for fear of their being mobbed.
_Rebels retreat from Stirling_
The whole Rebel Army, except the Clans that went the Highland road with their Prince, passed through Aberdeenshire on their retreat from Stirling. They marched in two columns (the clans making a third), Lord Lewis Gordon’s men, the Deeside men, Glenbucket’s men and some other body’s forming one column and marching in the high road to Strathboggy. The rest of their army formed another column and marched with such baggages as they had got off from Stirling, or the Clans had left them, through the town of Aberdeen. They were commanded by Lord George Murray and consisted mostly of the Athole Brigade, French, Lord Ogilvies men,[365] Cromarty’s, Kilmarnock’s, Kelly’s,[366] Elsick’s, Lifeguards, Hussars, and all their other Lowland Corps. They stayed but short while in Aberdeen and so had not great opportunity of doing much mischief, though they seemed not at all averse to do it. For the ill situation of their affairs and their marching in such cold stormy weather, put them in a great fret. They threatened dreadful things against they should return Conquerors, particularly against the Clergy of the Church of Scotland, on which subject none was more violent than Lord John Drummond, who once and again proposed the hanging of some of them for examples; and indeed the Clergy were so sensible of their danger, that if the Duke had been obliged to retreat again, most of them had resolved to prepare to leave the country. They divided at Aberdeen and marched to Spey, some by Old Meldrum and Banff and some by Inverury and Strathboggy. At Speyside they all joined and met there with the other column. There was a good deal of pilfering by their stragglers in this march, but when the country people had the resolution to oppose them, they behaved very cowardly. The minister of Clate[367] in particular and a few of his parishioners unarmed, took the guns and bayonets from two Strathboggy men who fired on the people for finding fault with their robbing a dyeing woman of her bedclothes.
_Hussars and Stonnywood’s men left in Aberdeen_
Stonnywood’s men though they had marched so far in the Highroad, yet came off from the rest of their corps and marched down by Deeside to Aberdeen, where they remained after the main body had left it, along with the Hussars under one Colonel Baggot,[368] a French Officer, and a very rough sort of man and so exceeding well fitted to command the Banditti of which that Corps was composed, and to distress a country. The Lord Lieutenant was along with their Prince, so Lonmay, the Depute Governor, had the chief direction, though both he and Stonnywood pretended that most of the extravagant things done by the Hussars, was owing to Baggot. They immediately fell to work to collect the remains of the Levy money. And now they had a new contrivance to force it. These fellows, the Hussars, went galloping about, and seized the gentlemen that were refractory, or their factor, or then the principal tenants, if none of the former could be found, and brought them in prisoners to Stonnywood and Baggot, the last of whom was sure to use them very roughly. But most of the gentlemen absconded, and some of the few they got stood out against all their bad usage, as particularly Mr. Innes, Factor to the Earl of Kintore. The Tenants which they seized had not the money to give so they were obliged at length to let them go and made but very little of this method. The Hussars were vastly rude and expensive wherever they went, and failed not to pick up any horses as they come along that were remaining. But for all their roughness, people that would venture to stand their ground, would sometimes get the better of them. One instance of which was at New Dear when two of them armed with pistols were taking a gentleman’s horse and money, the minister of the place[369] being only with the gentleman, and both of them only with staves in their hands; the minister first knocked down one of the fellows and the gentleman the other, and disarmed them both and set them off.
_Some of Fitzjames Dragoons land_
The Saturday before his Royal Highness came to town, a French ship landed some of the Dragoons of Fitzjames’ Regiment at Aberdeen with their riding furniture.[370] There had come afore about the same time another French ship with the money for the Pretender’s use, but the Master thought it dangerous to land it at Aberdeen as the Duke was so near, and so sailed about for Peterhead where it was received by Lonmay.[371] Fitzjames’ Dragoons marched off next day, as did also Stonnywood and his men with the Hussars, and thus the town of Aberdeen at length got free of the Rebel Government, after it had been about five months subject to it.
_Duke of Cumberland comes to Aberdeen_
The Tuesday thereafter General Bland arrived in town with the van of the Army under the Duke of Cumberland, and his Royal Highness on the Thursday thereafter. The Burgesses lined the streets all the way from the Duke’s entry into the town to his lodgings. He was immediately waited on by the nobility and gentry of town and county, and next day by the Colleges and Clergy who had assembled in a Synod _pro re nata_ and had all the honour to kiss his hand. Mr. Osborne, Principal of the Marischal College, made a short congratulary speech to his Highness in name of the colleges, as did Mr. Theodore Gordon, Moderator of the Synod in name of the Clergy, and both had gracious returns.
_More of Fitzjames’ Dragoons land in Buchan_
Soon after this another of the Transports with Fitzjames’ Dragoons having got information on the coast, of the Duke’s being at Aberdeen, landed in Buchan[372] and then very narrowly escaped from the Duke’s Picquets who were ordered out to intercept them.
_Lord Ancrum[373] marches to Curgaff_
As to Lord Ancrum’s expedition to Curgaff, a house belonging to Forbes of Skeleter in Strathdon (vid. _London Gazette_, March 11th), Glenbucket was then with a few men within a few miles of Strathdon. But his numbers were greatly magnified, and his being actually at hand was so artfully insinuated to a minister’s wife in the neighbourhood, that with the honestest intention in the world, she gave a false alarm which made his Lordship in such a hurry that though he destroyed the powder, yet he only scattered the ball, broke a few of the arms, and carried off a very few, the rest falling all into the hands of the country people. And yet one might imagine that, as his dragoons were not to gallop off and leave the Foot, there had been no miss in making them dismount and walk for a few miles and loading their horses with the Arms, till they should come to some place where country horses might have been got.
_Bland[374] at Old Meldrum_
When part of the army under General Bland advanced to Old Meldrum, Barrels and Price’s under Lieutenant Rich[375] lay at Inverury which is on the ordinary Post Road to Strathboggy (where about 3000 of the Rebels under Roy Stuart were with the Hussars) and about 100 Grants that came to escort their Laird to Aberdeen[376] formed an advance guard on this road, as the Campbells did from Old Meldrum, where they were very alert and watchful, so that the Rebels never once offered to disturb either the Generals or Lieut. Rich’s Quarters. And indeed if they had, all possible care was taken to give them a warm reception. There was a bridge of boats thrown over the Ury on the road from Inverury to Old Meldrum, and a Guard midway betwixt the two Garrisons who could observe a blaze in the night time at either of them or anything happening extraordinary, and by a blaze could give information of it to the other, and the Light Horse, too, were quartered betwixt so as to form a line of communication.
_Rebels attempt to surprise the Grants_
The night before General Bland marched for Strathboggy, the Grants came first to the Kirk Town of Clate, which is about six miles south of Strathboggy and off from the high road to Aberdeen. As there were many disaffected people thereabouts, the Rebels at Huntly had notice of it that night, though it was late before they came there, and they immediately formed a scheme of surprising him next morning. But Grant, suspecting such a thing might be done, wisely advanced a mile further the same night to Castle Forbes, a house belonging to Lord Forbes, and by the strength of its old walls alone not easily to be taken without cannon, so that next morning when the Rebels under Roy Stuart missed them at Clate, they returned without meddling with the Castle.
_Bland marches to Huntly_
Meantime General Bland had kept his orders for marching that morning so very closely that the Rebels had not got the least intelligence of it. The two corps from Inverury and Old Meldrum met at Rayne, and had it not been for a small accident, had intercepted the Rebels who were on the Clate Expedition and got to Strathboggy before them. For they, dreaming of no such thing, breakfasted very leisurely at Clate and stopped also at a public house betwixt it and Huntly. There was an exceeding great fog on the Hill of the Foudline, so that some senseless, idle people that were running up before the army, imagined that a plough that was going in the midst among some houses on the side of the hill, was a party of men; on which they gave the alarm that the Rebels were at hand, this was immediately forwarded by the liger Ladys[377] with a deal of consternation, so that some people of better sense gave credit to it and came up to the General with this false alarm. Whatever might be in it, he judged it safest for the men to halt and form, while proper persons were sent up to see what the matter was, who soon found out the mistake. But this trifle occasioned a stop for near half an hour or three quarters, and the Rebels were scarce so long in Strathboggy before the General came there.
The Enemy knew nothing of them till they came within sight of Strathboggy. They had but just come there, and ordered dinner, but they thought proper to leave it in a great hurry on Bland’s approach. Their Hussars and some gentlemen on horseback brought up the rear. Among these last, was Hunter of Burnside,[378] who for a good way kept within speech of the party under Major Crawford and the volunteers that pursued them; but managed his horse with so much dexterity, turning so oft and so nimbly, that they could not aim at him rightly; at length one of the Campbells shot so near him as made him start aside and gallop off, and as the forces took him for Roy Stuart, this gave occasion to the story of that gentleman being either killed or wounded. The soldiers were incensed, and not unjustly with a notion that Strathboggy was extremely disaffected: coming in to it therefore under this impression after a long march in a bitter bad rainy day, it was no surprise that they used some freedom with a few peoples houses, who, conscious of their own demerit, had locked their doors and run off, leaving nobody to care for the soldiers that were to quarter in them.
_Captain Campbell surprised at Keith[379]_
Next day the General sent up seventy Campbells, and 30 Light Horse to Keith, a little town six miles from Huntly, and half way betwixt it and Fochabers where the Rebels had retired. One Alexander Campbell, a Lieutenant, had the command, who had been all along very alert on the advanced guard and had met with no check, though oft in as dangerous a situation, but next night had the misfortune to have his party surprised. This was chiefly owing to the dissaffection of the inhabitants, who conducted the Rebels at dead of night, not by any set road, but through the fields so as not to meet with the Patroles, and then having fetched a compass about, and entering the town on the south, by the way from Huntly, were mistaken by the Sentrys, to whose calls they answered in a friendly way, for a reinforcement they had some expectation of. The Guard was conveniently posted in the Church and church yard which was very fencible, and the Lieutenant, who had not thrown off his clothes, on the first alarm ran out and fought his way into them, and behaved very gallantly with his guard for a while. But the rest of his men, being mostly all taken asleep, and having himself received several wounds, he was at last obliged to surrender. The enemy suffered considerably, but carried off their slain, so that their numbers were not known. The Lieutenant was left a while with only one Sentry to guard him, on which he very resolutely grappled with him, disarmed him and got off; but being retarded by his wounds he was soon retaken and then they hashed him miserably and left him for dead; yet he afterwards recovered.
_Popish and Nonjurant Meetings destroyed_
His Royal Highness on coming to Aberdeen immediately stopped all the Nonjurant Ministers, and soon after ordered their Meeting Houses and the Mass Houses to be destroyed, which was accordingly executed both in town and country as the Army marched along, and indeed none were surprised at this piece of discipline, as these houses were not only illegal, but had in fact proved such Nurseries of Rebellion. The Priests had mostly gone off, and such as could be got were seized and confined, but neither ministers nor people of the Nonjurants met with any other disturbance unless they were otherways concerned in the Rebellion. The Army also had orders to seize the Corn, Horses, and cattle and Arms belonging to those in the Rebellion, but to touch none of their other effects, and the generality of the Rebels had foreseen this and either sold or sent off these things, so that there were but few that suffered much in this way. If any parties of soldiers used further freedom in these houses, which was not oft, the Duke, on complaint made, not only obliged the Officers to be at pains to recover the plundered effects from the soldiers, but generally gave a compliment himself to make up the loss; as particularly to Mrs. Gordon, Cupbairdy,[380] he ordered £100 Sterling. His protections were easily obtained till a piece of the Rebels extravagance not only made this more difficult, but also obliged his Royal Highness to recall some protections he had granted, and gave up some houses to be plundered.
_Cullon House plundered by the Rebels_
The Earl of Findlater was at Aberdeen attending his Royal Highness, when his factor gave him notice that the Rebels who were thereabouts had intimated, that if the Cess and Levy money for his Lordships Estate was not paid against such a day, his house at Cullon would peremptorily be plundered. This intimation the Earl showed to his Royal Highness, who ordered him in return to certify them that if they took such a step, it would oblige him to alter his conduct, recall his protections and give up their houses to be plundered. Notwithstanding this threat, the Rebels actually pillaged Cullon House[381] at the time appointed, and his Royal Highness was in consequence obliged to withdraw his protections from Lady Gordon of Park,[380] and Lady Dunbar of Durn,[380] for their houses; and indeed the last of these suffered considerably, but most of the effects were carried off from Park that were of any value.
_Thornton Disgusted_
The famous Squire Thornton[382] who had raised the Yorkshire Company, his Lieutenant Mr. Crofts, and Ensign Mr. Symson, Minister at Fala (who had been both taken prisoners at Falkirk), had come as volunteers with the Army to Aberdeen, though they had never met with very civil usage from the regular officers who seemed not at all to affect volunteers. When Pultney’s Regiment was ordered from Old Meldrum to Buchan on a command one day, these gentlemen who declined no fatigue, and had usually joined that corps, marched along. But coming the first night to a little village called Ellon, the Quarter Master would not assign Quarters to the volunteers as Officers, and none of the Officers would give orders for it, which and some other things of this kind effectually disgusted them, so that they immediately left the army and returned home. His Royal Highness in order to preserve the town of Aberdeen from any surprise after he should leave it caused fortify Gordon’s Hospital and placed a garrison in it under Captain Crosby, and in honour of the Duke it was called Fort Cumberland.
_Duke marches from Aberdeen on Foot_
When the Duke marched from Aberdeen[383] he endeared himself exceedingly to the soldiers (if it was possible to increase their affection for him) by walking most of the way with them on foot, generally using one of the soldiers Tenttrees for a staff and never going a yard out of the way for a bridge or any burn they met with, but wading through at the nearest.
On a long march of near 20 miles from Old Meldrum to Banff the following little accident much delighted the spectators. A soldiers wife carrying a young child, grew quite faint and entreated her husband, who was near with the Duke, to carry the child for a little way; the fellow said he could not as he was burdened with his arms. The Duke overheard, took the soldier’s gun and carried it himself for some way and ordered him to ease the poor woman of the child for a while.
_Rebels not expecting his March_
The Duke being stopped so long at Aberdeen, made his march at length as great a surprise on the Rebels as if he had not halted a day, for by this time they were grown very secure. The Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, Roy Stuart, etc., were all lodged in the minister’s house of Speymouth, and had more than 2000 men along with them. They were sitting very securely after breakfast, when a country man came over the River in great haste and told them that the Enzie was all in a ‘vermine of Red Quites.’[384] But they were so averse to believe it, that when they ran to an eminence and observed them at a great distance they swore it was only muck heaps: the man said it might be so, but he never saw Muck heaps moving before. And after they were convinced it was a body of men, still they would only have it to be some of Bland’s parties, till their Hussars, whom they had sent over to reconnoitre, returned and assured them the whole Army under his Royal Highness was coming up.
_Duke crosses the Spey_
As to the Duke’s passing the Spey (vid. _London Gazette_, April 19th):--The Soldiers had got a notion that all on the other side Spey were rank Rebels, and so immediately seized a number of the sheep and other cattle as soon as they got over. But as the case was quite otherways and the people of that Parish had been longing for the Army as their deliverers, on the minister’s representing this, and what had happened, to his Royal Highness, he immediately ordered all to be restored that could be got unkilled, and gave the minister £50 Ster. to divide among the people for their loss, and if that did not do it directed him to demand whatever would, and it should be ordered. His Royal Highness took up his quarters in the minister’s, where the Duke of Perth, etc., had been but a few hours before.
_Aberdeen Militia_
Immediately after the Duke’s leaving Aberdeen the two towns raised several companies of Militia to prevent their meeting with disturbance from any flying parties. His Royal Highness named their Officers and gave them authority to act. He also named twelve Governors to have the direction of the N. Town, till they should be allowed to choose regular Magistrates. There was also a proposal for raising a County Militia, but the Duke’s victory at Culloden made it to be dropped as useless.
_Ancrum, Commander in Chief_
The Earl of Ancrum came to Aberdeen soon after the defeat of the Rebels as Commander in chief between Tey and Spey. Mark Kerr’s Dragoons were along the coast, Fleeming’s Regiment at Aberdeen, and garrisons detached from it to several places on Deeside, and Loudon’s under Major McKenzie at Strathboggy, with garrisons at Glenbucket, etc.
_Houses burnt and plundered_
Parties were immediately sent out through the country in search of Rebels, with orders also to plunder and burn their houses.[385] This severe order was not at all agreeable to Friends of the Government, who could in no shape relish Military execution, especially after the enemy was so effectually subdued. But it was not universally executed; most of the Rebel Gentlemen’s houses on Deeside were plundered, and some burnt, but these last were houses of little value and really no considerable loss to the proprietors. There was very little plundered in Buchan, some things only picked up by the soldiers in their searches unknown to the Officers. No Gentlemen’s houses were burnt, and only one or two farmers’ by a worthless fellow not concerned with the army, who by mighty pretences of zeal, had been employed by Ancrum to go with five or six of Loudon’s Regiment, in quest of Rebels. There were no houses burnt or plundered in or about the towns of Aberdeen; but a Tenant’s house in the land of Stonnywood, who had been very insolent. Glenbucket’s house was burnt in Strathdawn, as were also a tenant’s house or two about Strathboggy.
_Order for Arms_
Lord Ancrum’s orders for bringing in of arms were very extraordinary, and indeed cannot be better exposed than by giving them and Lord Loudon’s in the same place, vid. _Scots Mag._ for July, p. 339.[386]
_Ill Conduct of the Soldiers_
Most of the Officers of Fleeming’s Regiment were but young men, and did not at all behave in an agreeable manner. They seemed too much to look on the Army as a community of separate interests from that of the Nation, and it was the common axiom of those even in highest command in Aberdeen, that no laws but the Military were to be regarded. They took it in their heads to despise all in civil capacity, and especially as much as possible to thwart the Governors of the town in every thing. They had no manner of confidence either in the gentlemen of town or country, not even in those who had merited so well for their zeal for the Establishment; such as Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay, etc., nay, some of them were on many occasions ill used by them. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland, for as much as they courted and applauded them in time of danger, were now their common subject for ridicule; and a deal of spleen was shown against them, that it should be thought they had in the least merited well of their country, and thus should have a title to some regard as well as the Military, and not the least pendicle of the Army, a Commissary of foraging Clerks, etc., but would have more regard paid to their representative than any Clergyman.
_People Disgusted_
Such was the injudicious conduct of the Lord Ancrum and most of the officers of this Corps, which soon raised great disgust and heartburning. The Officers only, associated with one another, were seldom troubled with any advice from anybody of consequence acquainted with the country; or if they were, were sure to slight it. This gave infinite satisfaction to the Jacobites who rejoiced in these dissensions. It was this mutual disgust which on the one hand provoked the soldiers in so riotous a manner to break almost the whole windows in the town for not being illuminated on the first of August,[387] when the towns people had no reason to think Illuminations would be expected of them; and on the other hand provoked the townsfolks to resent it so highly, for had there been a good understanding betwixt the Corps and them, such an outrage would probably not have been committed, or if some illegal things had been done they’d as probably have been overlooked, or at least easily atoned for.
Immediately after this, Ancrum was removed and Lord Sempile[388] succeeded him.
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD IN THE YEARS 1745 AND 1746 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
_The manuscript preserved at Drummond Castle from which this Narrative is printed bears the following docquet:_--
This is to certify, that I believe the aforegoing Narrative to be a correct Copy of the Original, written by my late Friend, Captain John Daniel, which I have frequently seen and read, and conversed with him, on the subject of its contents: more particularly as to the facts of the Duke of Perth’s death, on his passage from Scotland to France, on board the ship in which the said Captain Daniel was also a passenger. To which conversations, I can conscientiously depose if required.
Witness my hand at Exmouth Devon. This 25th day of September 1830.
R. B. GIBSON.
Signed in the presence of HERBERT MENDS GIBSON, Atty. at Law.
[NOTE.--The notes in this narrative which are indicated by asterisks are written on the Drummond Castle manuscript in a later hand.]
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL’S PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES
As Fortune, or rather Providence, has screened, conducted and brought me safe out of so many miseries and dangers; gratitude obliges me to be ever-thankful to that Omniscient Power, by whose particular bounty and goodness I now live, and survive a Cause, which, though it be now a little sunk, will, I doubt not, one day or other, rise again, and shine forth in its true colours, make its Hero famous to after-ages, and the Actors esteemed and their memory venerable. But since it is not permitted to pry into futurity, we may at least take a retrospective view of our own or others’ actions, and draw from them what may amuse, instruct or benefit human Society, and by that means fulfill in some measure the end for which we were sent into this world. Conceiving it therefore to be the best method of shewing my gratitude to Divine Providence, I shall give a short but true account of what happened to me during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the banner of a most beloved Prince; hoping that the indulgent reader, whom curiosity may induce to peruse the following pages, will pardon the simplicity and ruggedness of my style, which, I am afraid, will be the more strikingly conspicuous, as, in order to preserve the thread of my History unbroken, I have occasionally been obliged to interweave with my narrative some extracts from the Memoirs of another, whose excellence totally eclipses my humble attempt.
The lessons of loyalty, which had been instilled into me from my infant years, had made a deep and indelible impression upon my mind; and as I advanced towards maturity, and my reasoning faculties were developed, I became so firmly convinced of the solidity of the principles which I had been taught, that, when arrived at the age of Twenty-two, I resolved never to deviate from them, but to act to the best of my power the part of a good and faithful subject, notwithstanding the customs of an unhappy kingdom to the contrary. Nor was it long before an opportunity presented itself of proving my fidelity to my lawful Sovereign; viz., when the Prince entered triumphantly into Lancashire on the 24th of November 1745,[389] attended by about four thousand armed men. The first time I saw this loyal army was betwixt Lancaster and Garstang; the brave Prince marching on foot at their head like a Cyrus or a Trojan Hero, drawing admiration and love from all those who beheld him, raising their long-dejected hearts, and solacing their minds with the happy prospect of another Golden Age. Struck with this charming sight and seeming invitation ‘_Leave your nets and follow me_,’ I felt a paternal ardor pervade my veins, and having before my eyes the admonition ‘_Serve God and then your King_,’ I immediately became one of his followers. How, and in what manner, I am now going to relate.
The brave and illustrious Duke of Perth (whose merits it would require the pen of an angel properly to celebrate, being a true epitomé of all that is good) halting to refresh himself at a Public-House upon the road, where with some friends of mine I then happened to be; His Grace, being truly zealous in the cause, asked of them the disposition of the place and people. They replied, that they believed it to be much in the Prince’s favour. After some conversation on one thing and another, the Duke did me the honour to invite me to join; which request being nowise contrary to my inclination, I immediately answered His Grace, that I was exceeding willing to do anything that lay in my power for promoting the Prince’s interests, in any situation he might judge most proper. Upon this, the Duke honoured me with a most sincere promise of his particular patronage; and not a little proud I was of acquiring such a friend on my first joining the Prince’s army, in which I had not before a single acquaintance. After some questions, the Duke desired me to get in readiness and to meet him on horse-back at Garstang; which in about two or three hours I accordingly did. The army being then in full march for Preston, the Duke desired me to go with forty men round that part of the country which I best knew; which forty men being accordingly put under my command, I went to Eccleston and Singleton in the Fyld Country, where I delivered some commissions, and caused the King to be proclaimed, the bailiffs, constables and burgesses of the place attending at the ceremony. I dispersed several of the Prince’s Manifestoes; and Exhortations were made, in order to shew the people the misery and oppressions of tyranny and usurpation, which like oxen yoked down to the plough, they seem to labour under; and calling upon them to rise up and, like lions to shake off the infamous yoke which too long had galled the necks of free-born Englishmen;--to assert their liberties honourably both before God and Man, and to prove to the world, that they remained true English hearts, equal to their fore-fathers’, who once had given laws to foreign States;--to exert their liberties under a Prince, who was come for their sakes, and for their sakes only, and with their concurrence would make them most happy. But alas! notwithstanding all our proposals and exhortations, few of them consented to join the Prince’s army. Therefore, having assembled those who did come in, orders were given for them to give up all their arms; which being reluctantly complied with, search was made in several houses, where we found a few; and amongst the rest we entered the house of an honest Quaker, whom I had seen about ten days before at a Public-house, where he accidentally came in whilst I was there, bringing with him a gun and a pair of pistols, which he had bought. Calling for his pot of ale, he began to harangue the host and the others present, telling what an honest man the Justice of the Parish said he was, and that he could keep all the Papists quiet. And with these, said he (meaning the pistols) I can bid defiance to half a hundred of Rebels. I then heard him with great pleasure, thinking I should have the satisfaction of trying the honest Quaker’s courage; which accordingly happened. For, meeting with him at his own house, I demanded of him, if he had any arms. Not knowing me directly, he said he had none, and that he was not a man of blood. Vexed at this evasive answer, I replied: ‘Hark thee, my honest friend, since nothing but an action with thy own weapons will get thy arms from thee, rememberest thou in such a place to have boasted much of thy courage, with a gun and a pair of pistols?’ At which being much struck and hanging down his head he seemed greatly terrified. ‘How now,’ said I, ‘honest Friend, thou that wast so lately so pot-valiant, where now is thy boasted courage?’ ‘Pardon me,’ he then said, ‘I humbly beg, and I shall most willingly deliver up the arms; for I have done much amiss.’ I accordingly took the arms from him, and went off, much pleased with the adventure.
All these things being now effected, on the days after I had first seen His Grace the Duke of Perth, we began our march for Preston; and on the road, passing by a house of a person, who had in the year 1715 been the chief cause of my Father’s misfortune, I turned my horse in order to have hanged the man and certainly would have done it, had not maturer thoughts intervened, and stopt my revengeful rage. Continuing our journey, we arrived at Preston about 2 o’clock in the afternoon, having with us 39 English Recruits, whom I presented to His Grace the Duke of Perth, giving him an account of what had passed. At first he seemed to be somewhat concerned; but, recollecting himself, he afterwards welcomed me back, and said, he doubted not soon to see a great joining, and desired me to come to him the next day--for the Army halted two days at Preston. So, taking leave, I went to see some of my friends in the Town; and, amongst the rest, to acquaint my Father with what I had done. He approved much of it, and gave me very salutary advice, telling me always to have the love and fear of God before me, and never to deviate from my duty, but to act to the best in my power the part of a brave soldier, and never to deject but comfort all those I found in misery. He then said to me, that as the infirmities of old age no longer permitted him to espouse so good a cause, in which he had once been actively engaged, he would continually invoke the Almighty for our success and preservation. So kissing me, he gave me his kind benediction: and with the viaticum in my pocket I took leave of the tenderest of Fathers and best of Parents.
It being now the day on which the army marched from Preston, I waited, according to appointment, on the Duke of Perth, who told me, if I pleased, he would give me a Captain’s Commission in his Regiment; or, as one Mr. Gorogan[390] was to have a Colonel’s Commission over the English, that I should have a Company under him, and command the men I brought with me to Preston. The latter offer I accepted; and on being recommended to the Colonel by the Duke, I was made Captain; and Captain Larrey,[391] now living at St. Omers, was the other Captain, with 3 or 4 more. So we with the army began our march for Wiggan, where we were joined by a few more Loyalists. Having lain all night at Wiggan, we marched the next day for Manchester. The ringing of the Bells, and the great rejoicings and salutations with which we were welcomed, gave us mighty expectations. But too true is the saying: _Parturiunt Montes, nascetur ridiculus mus_.
Word was immediately brought to the Prince, that a number of men were at his service; and to please and content the Town, it was thought necessary, that what men were raised at Manchester--vizt., the English Regiment--should be called the Manchester Regiment, and all inferior Officers displaced as not being sufficiently Manchesterfied. However, regarding how matters went, I observed a little Man, by name Morgan,[392] deputed by the Prince with orders to inspect and commission new Candidates, come into the room appointed for that purpose, and after salutations made, take his place at the head of the Table, with the Blackguard Dog[393] at his elbow, whether coming there by orders or impudence, I know not. Mr. Morgan began to tell the reason of his being sent, saying, that His Royal Highness was highly charmed at the report he had heard of the great number of Manchester men who were to join his standard; and assured them all of his particular protection, and of his willingness to grant them every favour in his power. This Declaration gave great joy to all present.
A dispute then arose concerning the making of a new Colonel:[394] but taking a dislike at some of their proceedings, I gave up all pretentions to anything amongst them, and joined Lord Elcho’s Guards;[395] so the place was vacant. The rest however were called upon to be Regimental Captains, and so on, according as the aforesaid pursuivant of Mr. Morgan notified: for, on demand who was to be the first Captain, all, conscious of each other’s merit, were silent; till he, with a face of assurance, named such a man, for he had great interest; after him, another, for he could raise a great number of men; and after him another, for he had great merit and power; till all the Captain’s Commissions were disposed of according to his direction; and then, looking about him, he said of the rest, it was hang choice which was pitched upon first.
The Manchester Officers, being now formed, agreed to petition the Prince to stay another day there; which he agreed to in the expectation of raising a great number of men. I was as credulous as they: but was much surprised to see the next day those men whom I had brought from behind Preston, and on the road thence to that place, enrolled for the most part in the Manchester Regiment, and thus _Manchesterised_, if it may be said so: and much troubled I was to see many of those men who had followed me, had been paid out of my own pocket and been under my care till our arrival in Manchester, disposed of, nay taken away from me in that manner.
_Quos Ego--sed motos praestat componere fluctus._
However, being willing to be as useful as possible to the cause, I acquiesced in whatever they thought proper. The Prince, tho’ again requested to stay, being weary of delay to no purpose, ordered the following day the army to make a short march, and gave leave to the Manchester Regiment to stay a day longer to get more recruits, on promise to march up to the army the day after: which we did; but our stay was not productive of much benefit.
The Comand of the Army, which till then had been the Duke of Perth’s, was at this time given to Lord George Murray.[396] The real cause of this change I cannot pretend to divine: all I can say, is that the received opinion amongst us was that Lord George being looked upon as a man, whose name would bear a greater sway in England, especially amongst loyal Protestants, and help to efface the prejudice and notion of Popery and arbitrary Power, which some, though vainly imagined were rushing in like a torrent upon them; it was just proper to place the chief command in him: and the Duke of Perth, for the good of his King and Country, most readily resigned, shewing himself willing to promote the cause in any station, and giving a notable example of a brave warrior, willing to command and willing to obey. Whether there was any other secret reason, I must leave it for time to unfold.
The Army being now arrived at Congleton in Cheshire, nothing particular happened there, except that a patrol took one Captain Wier, a famous spy,[397] with seven dragoons, who were feasting at a house some distance off. This Wier was by birth a Scotchman, and had been employed in many villanies, and having served the Court not only as a spy upon us, but amongst other foreign Powers, had been promoted for his diligence in this business. He was conducted back with us to Carlisle--how unfortunate for us, that he was not put to death, considering what he has since done!--but his life was saved through the innate clemency of the Prince, though he merited the worst of punishments.
On the first of December we departed from Macclesfield, in order to march to Leek; where we staid all night, and marched the next day for Derby. All that morning it was rumored amongst us, that we should have an engagement as the enemy’s army was said to be lying about five or six miles from us at Newcastle and Stone in Staffordshire. So we marched in the best order we could to receive them: and about eleven o’Clock, having espied a party at some distance on the mountains, we drew up in order of battle, and stood so for some time, and would have fought them: but perceiving it was a false alarm, we continued on our route to Derby, where we arrived somewhat late and fatigued. But two days’ repose sufficiently refreshed us.
Derby is a large and handsome town. The heads of it were much terrified at our entrance, many of them having made large subscriptions to Government; and therefore had quitted their houses with the utmost precipitation. It fell to my lot to be quartered in one of them, vizt., one Mr. Chambers. Coming in with my billet, I asked if I could lodge there. The Steward immediately replied that I could--adding ‘And any thing we can do for you, shall be done: only pity us in our situation, which is most deplorable.’ At this wondering much what he meant, I told him to be of good courage--that neither I nor any of us were come to hurt him or any one. Having thus abated the horrid notion they had of us, which was only capable of being conceived too hard for expression, being so very strange; he conducted me to the Housekeeper, who was also in tears. She was somewhat seized with horror at the sight, though my countenance was none of the roughest: but soon collected herself and made the same answer with the utmost feminine tenderness, putting themselves and the whole house under my mercy. I truly was much surprised, for anything of this kind was quite new to me: however, after pulling off my riding-coat and boots she conducted me into a fine room; where, at entering, I perceived a number of jewels and watches lying confusedly up and down, and many things else in the utmost confusion. I demanded, to whom they belonged, and what was the reason of their being so carelessly laid up. The housekeeper then began to tell me the whole affair--‘Sir,’ said she, ‘Mr. Chambers, the master of this house, no enemy to you, has retired with his lady and family into the country,’ ‘Why so?’ said I. ‘Not conscious,’ replied she, ‘of any thing particular against you, but out of fear of what the Highlanders might do against him.’ She then begged, that I would have compassion on them, and be their protector; which, after some short discourse, I promised, telling them, that what was consistent with reason, and a countryman, they should always find in me. I then ordered all the things that lay so confusedly thrown about, to be locked up, assuring them, that nothing should be touched or broke open, unless with authority. So for two days I ruled master there, and, I hope they will generously acknowledge, much to their content and satisfaction in that situation of affairs--having preserved the Young Lady’s jewels from the hand of rapine, and hindered the house from being damaged.
A rumor was here spread amongst us, that _Cumberland Will_ and Ligonier[398] intended to give us battle; which I believe would have happened, if we had marched a day or two more towards London. Every one prepared himself to act in the best manner the valiant Soldier. But the Prince’s Council judged it more proper to retire back into Scotland without risking a battle, and there to await the arrival of foreign Succors. How far they acted amiss or well in this, I know not: but a great alteration was afterwards seen amongst us. The brave Prince at that out of a generous ardour and Love to his country, wished he had been twenty feet under ground! but, notwithstanding all this, a march back was agreed upon, after we had halted two days at Derby. Here I cannot pass by an accident that happened somewhat ominous--though I am none of the most credulous--but thence we may date our first misfortune. Great numbers of People and Ladies (who had come from afar to see the Prince), crowding into his room, overturned a table, which in falling overturned and broke the Royal Standard--soon after our return was agreed upon--so I leave the reader to judge and make his reflexions on this. It would seem certain at least that Providence miraculously concurs, while such and such things are carried on. Thus, when Moses held up his hands, Joshua prevailed; but when through weariness he in the least relaxed the Israelites had the worst of it. So perhaps it was, that our enterprise was not vigorously enough pursued: and remarkable it certainly was, that the Royal Standard should be broken immediately after our return was resolved upon.
The third day being come, our march was proclaimed; and we began our return,[399] wondering what it could forebode. About this time we heard of Lord John Drummond’s Regiment having landed in Scotland, and that more troops were daily expected from France. Some few afterwards came, but the whole, including the said Regiment, did not exceed Five Hundred effective men--too small an assistance in the then state of our affairs![400] Soon after their arrival, Lord Lewis Gordon, being joined by the foresaid regiment, defeated Lord Loudon at Inverury, so completely dispersing his army, that it was rendered ineffective during the remainder of the campaign.[401] This happened very luckily for us; for if Lord Loudon had not met with a check, he would probably have been able to collect a strong army to cut off our retreat, or at least give us a very warm reception on our return to Scotland. This news therefore gave us great comfort; and we courageously continued our march to join the above mentioned troops (in number one thousand men) by the same road we travelled before. The English Army, being informed of our retreat, immediately pursued us; but we found the saying to be very true ‘_A good pair of heels is worth two pair of hands_.’ Diverting it was, to hear those bells, which before had rung for us, turn to ring for them; we sometimes going out at one end of a town, whilst they were coming in at the other: and no less odd it was, to see the Magistrates who had canted when the Prince was amongst them, immediately after taking an opposite side, and cursing and detesting those whom they had just before saluted with a Judas-kiss.
The Enemy, finding that they could not come up with us, resolved, though very ungenerously to their own party, to endeavour to raise the inhabitants of the towns through which we had to pass against us, by spreading false reports, that the Prince’s Army had been entirely defeated, and that nothing remained for them but to exert themselves like good subjects, and to suffer none of the fugitives to escape. This report was believed in many of the towns: great rejoicings were made, and every man thought himself capable of knocking out a Rebel’s brains with a club or a staff. Then you might see heroic valour displayed among cocks that never crowed but among hens upon their own dunghill. But the malicious expectations of our enemies were disappointed; and what they had contrived for our ruin redounded much to our profit. Notwithstanding the mildness of the Prince during the march of his army through England, and though he had suffered no one to be oppressed, we heard betwixt Derby and Manchester, that the latter town had made great rejoicing, and had raised some men to stop us: but we soon made these mighty heroes tremble, and the town pay for their rash determination for entering regularly and triumphantly, we shewed them we were not the people they took us for, and convinced them, that our situation was not so bad as had been falsely reported.
Every one therefore, vexed to the very heart at being so deceived, began to lay upon the mob the fault of what had happened, and the Mob on the Heads of the Place, so that discord and confusion arose among them. The Piper, however was well paid for their dancing; for it cost them five thousand pounds Sterling--scarcely a sufficient atonement for their malice.[402] Here I cannot pass by mentioning a barbarous deed perpetrated before we came to Manchester which shewed the innate cruelty of our enemies on the one hand, and our clemency on the other. A young English lad, who had joined the Prince, being somewhat before the army, had through weariness laid himself down to rest under a hedge, and fallen fast asleep. He was soon perceived by a woman and her boy: and this cruel fiend immediately determined to murder him as he lay sleeping like a lamb, conscious of no harm; she accordingly with the assistance of her son cut the poor young man’s throat. The army coming up soon after, we espied the mangled body in that shocking condition; and on searching the next house adjacent, we found a young boy in bed much besmeared with blood, and trembling, who confessed the fact, and said that his mother was the chief author of it. They were both taken into custody, and a report of the whole made to the Prince: but he was against their being put to death, so that by a wonderful clemency they escaped the just reward of their crime.
We halted two days at Manchester, and on the third marched for Wiggan. When going out of the town, a gun was fired at the Prince by a villain, who, mistaking him, shot at a Mr. Sullivan, and luckily missed him. Search was made for him, but in vain--and no great matter for any thing he would have suffered from us; for many exercised their malice merely on account of the known goodness and clemency of the Prince, which however they would not have dared to do, if he had permitted a little more severity in punishing them. The Army irritated by the frequent instances of the enemy’s malice began to behave with less forbearance. And now few there were, who would go on foot, if they could ride; and mighty taking, stealing, and pressing of horses there was amongst us, for none of us was ever sure of keeping his own. Diverting it was to see the Highlanders now mounted without either breeches, saddle, or anything else but the bare back of the horse to ride on; and for their bridle, only a straw rope. In this manner we marched out of England, many a good horse being brought in to give us a lift.
During our march to Wiggan, and thence to Preston, nothing particular happened; only the enemy continued to pursue us, yet we made no more haste on that account. I met upon the road my old patron the Duke of Perth; who asking me how I did, and how I liked the service. I told him ‘Very well!’ He then inquired ‘How I could bear the thought of going into Scotland’--and I immediately replied That I had ever been curious to see that kingdom, and was proud of benefiting the cause, or occasion that was offered. His Grace was pleased to promise, that he would recommend me to the Colonel, who, he doubted not, would be a father to me; as it accordingly fell out. Marching on to Preston, we halted there two days; and on the third in the morning, immediately after we had quitted the town, the enemy took possession of it. On our arrival at Lancaster in the evening, I was recommended to Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino,[403] who commanded the second troop of the Prince’s Life Guards. Having equipped myself for that purpose when in Preston, I rode on somewhat before the Army, to be in readiness at Lancaster: but on the road, nine miles distant from that place, alighting from my horse to refresh myself at a Public house, and leaving my horse two or three minutes at the door; he was immediately taken away by some of the soldiers, and I entirely lost him. Vexed I was to be served so; and having nine miles to walk in my boots sorely harrassed me. However, fortifying myself with patience, and premeditating revenge, I at last, though somewhat late got up to Lancaster: and now being in great anxiety for a horse, being the next day to have the honour of riding in the Guards, I resolved to wait an hour or two till my servant Dick, a Yorkshire-Man, came up, and to make use of his horse, till such time as I could get another. But his arrival brought me little satisfaction; for, after he had refreshed himself, and I had told him the misfortune that had happened to me, he went out, and wrote me a few lines to the following purport:--
‘DEAR MASTER,--I am truly sorry for your misfortune but I do not much like the Army’s behaviour; neither can I think of going into Scotland, and you know a Yorkshire-man coming home without a horse is laughed at. Therefore not doubting but you can provide yourself better than with this, I beg leave to be your Humble Servant _Dick_, promising to rejoin you, when I see you in these parts again.’
He left these lines with the landlord of the house to give me; which he did about an hour after.
So, being served a true Yorkshire trick, I lost both man and horse. I bethought myself of applying to one Mr. Grant,[404] Colonel of the Artillery, thinking there might be a spare horse. When I had informed him of what had happened, he promised that he would endeavour to provide me with a horse the next morning, till he could buy or get another; which kindness of his was very seasonable. But going down the Castle-Hill, where the Artillery lay, I espied two Highlanders stealing a horse, and breaking down a pair of barn-doors. When they saw me advancing towards them, one of them went, and the other stood guard. Now I thought this a good opportunity to provide myself: So I went boldly in, and inquired whether Captain McDonald’s Horse were not there; the man answered he knew not; at which taking courage, and going up to the horse, I demanded whose that was. He made me the same answer. ‘Friend,’ said I, ‘if you do not, I do,’ and I immediately took the horse, well pleased, that I had got a _Titt for Tatt_ (as the Lancashire saying is). So returning to my lodgings with my prize, I repaired to wait upon Colonel Elphinstone, who received me very graciously, having been spoken to before by the Duke of Perth. He welcomed me among them, assured me of all that was kind and civil in his power, and then invited me to sup with him. After thanking him, I accepted his kind invitation; and when I took my leave of him he renewed his promises of kindness, and desired me to be in readiness to mount next morning at his quarters.
At this time the Yorkshire Hunters[405] endeavoured to shew themselves against us, but little to their honour. This was a regiment composed of the Yorkshire Gentlemen, many of whom mounted themselves and their servants on the best light horses they had, and gave themselves the fore-said name. As we were marching into Lancaster, these Hunters attacked some of our Light Horse in the rear: but finding they had caught Tartars, they quickly retreated; and being pursued, some of them were taken prisoners--so that _Yorkshire seemed to be put upon Yorkshire_.
About this time the Prince’s Council resolved to despatch some one with orders to Lord Lewis Gordon and Lord John Drummond, and the rest of the Prince’s adherents who were in arms, to meet us at Carlisle; and for this purpose the Duke of Perth set out attended by about One-hundred Light-Horse. When they arrived at Kendal, the inhabitants of that place, seeing them come in great haste, judged they were flying from the battle and endeavouring to make their escape, assembled in a tumultuous manner, and, after insulting them, at last fired upon them out of the windows--and at going out of the town, a ball was fired at the Duke of Perth in his Chaise, who, looking out courageously, noticed the place it came from. Though the ball happily missed the Duke it shot Captain Cameron’s horse. Being now out of the town, we resolved boldly to re-enter it, and quell that insulting mob. So, marching back, they took the man who fired the fore-said ball, and killed two or three: yet this villain escaped with only a few blows from the gentleman whose horse he had killed; though certainly he would have been put to death, had not the Duke interceded for him. The town of Kendal being thus appeased, we continued our route: but hearing that the Militia of _Pe[n]r[i]th_ and other places, thinking our Army had been cut off, had risen, and were, in conjunction with the Hessians who had landed thereabouts,[406] intercepting the road they thought they were to pass; the Duke resolved to pass by another in order to miss them. But his guide, instead of shewing the right way, conducted them upon the enemy; so that ascending the summit of the hill, they perceived their danger, being within gun-shot of a great body of both horse and foot, which unexpected sight struck a great panic amongst the Duke’s party. The Duke was for fighting his way through them: but Colonel Bagott,[407] Colonel of the Hussars, was of another opinion, and he being seconded by some others, a retreat was agreed upon. The enemy immediately dispatched some of their Light-horse in pursuit of them: but the Duke’s party retiring in good order, kept their pursuers, notwithstanding all their firing, at a good distance; and after being pursued five or six miles, returned upon them with such vigour, that they took three or four prisoners, rescued the Duke’s baggage, which had just before been seized, and made them retire faster than they had come. Finding it however in vain to pursue his enterprise, the Duke rejoined the Army.
We having staid all night at Lancaster, I went, according to appointment, to wait upon my Colonel, who, being mounted at the head of his troops, placed me in his corps. We were ordered that day to march in the rear of the army; and, as we left the town, the enemy immediately took possession of it, and followed us some little way out, so that we did not directly know their intention. But, finding they soon returned, we marched on (nothing particular happening) to Kendal where we halted all night and made the town pay for its past behaviour. We then continued our retreat in exceeding bad weather and roads to Carlisle: but by the severity of the season we were obliged to make a shorter march than we intended, and halt all night at a village called Shap, where we suffered very much on account of the bad accommodation it afforded. However staying there all night we assembled together early next morning. Some few of us got that night to Carlisle. But I cannot pass by an affair that happened at Clifton which was as follows:--The enemy’s advanced Guard, commanded by General Honeywood, having got somewhat before us, planted himself in ambush near the road we were to march, and from behind the hedges expected, as the army approached to cut them off; but there the biter was bit: for though we came unknowingly upon them, we had the good fortune to receive their attack in good order, killed and drowned many of them, and put the rest to flight: General Honeywood himself narrowly escaped, having lost his arm, and severely wounded. This brave action was chiefly owing to the courage of the McPhersons, commanded by Clued McPherson,[408] their Chief, who behaved most gallantly on this occasion; and most pleasing it was, to see the champions come into Carlisle, loaded with the spoils of their enemies.[409]
The whole army being now in Carlisle, our thoughts lay for some time suspended in order to act for the best; for we supposed that the enemy would come and give us battle. I cannot say that we somewhat waited them, but finding they did not, it was judged proper after two days’ stay and deliberation, to continue our march farther North, and to leave at Carlisle the few English who were with the army and about three hundred Scots. But of this proceeding I can say nothing farther, leaving to the world to judge as they think proper. The English then were about two hundred men; for many had quitted and returned home being unwilling to go to Scotland. Now some there are, who censure the Prince for leaving them at Carlisle, thinking it was out of disregard and a desire of being rid of them: but if they will pry a little more narrowly into the affair they will find, that it was the desire of Mr. Townley Colonel of the English who not only petitioned the Prince in his own name, but in the name of all the officers of the Regiment, to be left there, though the latter never assented to or desired it, many of them wishing to undergo the same fate as their Royal Master. However on Mr. Townley’s coming back and telling them that it was the Prince’s pleasure that they should remain at Carlisle, they all, taking it as coming from the Prince, most willingly acquiesced, shewing true English bravery in any situation to obey:--and now, seeing themselves deprived of the satisfaction of following him they so greatly loved, they resolved to accompany him still in their hearts--all that was in their power. They shewed a true generosity in disposing of all that was not of immediate use to them, viz., their horses and riding-equipage, to all who stood in need; and though I seemed somewhat picqued at them in the beginning of this Narrative, I must ingenuously own, that they were a set of brave men; and though it is often objected to them, that they were not of an extraordinary rank, yet they behaved so as to make those of a nobler birth blush; for, from the time they had the honour of joining the Prince’s standard, they never sought pay either for themselves or their men, honourably maintaining and supporting the Regiment themselves:--Unhappy Gentlemen! They merited a much better fate than what was awaiting them![410]
Every thing being now in readiness, we began our march, in order (alas! as it happened) to bid adieu to Old England for ever! On the 22nd of December 1745[411] (being the Prince’s birthday) about four o’Clock in the afternoon, we crossed the river Esk, which separates the two kingdoms. The deepness and rapidity of the river, joined to the obscurity of the night, made it most terrible: but the good Prince, here, in particular, animated the men; and how noble was it to see these Champions, who had refused him nothing now marching breast-deep, one supporting another, till wonderfully we all passed safe. The Duke of Perth here signalized himself much by his goodness; for, crossing the river several times on horseback, he took behind him several of the common Soldiers, whose strength was not sufficient to bear up against the current. Nor was the Prince wanting in giving a notable specimen of his generosity and condescension to his subjects, in imitation of the Great Alexander, who, in his expedition into Persia, suffered a poor Soldier, much fatigued, to repose himself in the king’s chair, which till then it had been death for anyone but himself to sit in. So the Prince I think, imitates, or fully equals, this great hero in point of affability to his men; for, taking on horseback a common soldier behind him, he carried him over the water, giving us all a great example of goodness and courage to follow him. But at this river I narrowly escaped drowning; for in crossing it, and being near the middle of the stream I perceived two women (tho’ never an army was known with so few) rolling down it and in imminent danger of perishing if I did not guide my horse in order to stop them: and I had like to have paid dearly for it, for coming against me, they laid hold of me in such a manner, that I was not able to dismount; and being so beset by the two women, and my horse, who was none of the biggest, going down the stream with me, I gave myself up for lost. I did not, however, lose courage and conduct in managing my horse as well as I could; and perceiving a man mounted upon a very high horse wading where I was swimming, I called to him for assistance. He seeing me in that piteous case, came immediately, and rescued me from the imminent danger I was in of perishing, and freed me also with a great deal of difficulty from my two companions: but how I got quit of them or out of the water, I remained an entire stranger; being come to the other side, I was immediately seized with a great panic and trembling from the fright of the danger I had so narrowly escaped, and in this state I continued for three or four hours notwithstanding all the efforts I could make against it. That night however, being, as I said, on the other side, somewhat before the rest, I saw them come almost half round together with my deliverer, to whom I did not fail to pay my most hearty thanks, as the poor women did to me.
But here let us stop and take a short View of the Army’s behaviour whilst in England. It may be said, and is allowed even by the judgment of our enemies, that never such an army could be expected to behave as they did, giving the greatest marks of generosity to our enemies, paying for what they had, and revenging or oppressing few or none; and shewing to the World, that a noble design rather than either malice, rapine or plundering, was at the bottom of our proceedings. But as I may perhaps be suspected of partiality towards them, I shall refer the Reader to what was acknowledged by one of our greatest enemies, viz., one Parson Bissett in Aberdeen,[412] who was one of the heads of the Presbytery, and much esteemed by his own party for his morals and great talents as a preacher. This Gentleman, mounting the pulpit, soon after we had left Aberdeen, and while Cumberland’s Army was there, began his Sermon with a comparison betwixt us and those then in town, saying: ‘When the Prince, as they call him, was here,[413] I made it my business night and day to inspect their conduct, and observe their most minute actions; and instead of finding subjects of complaint, I found much to the contrary, and drew honey whence I thought it was not to be extracted. I heard what they said and did; and I heard of no robbery, of no ill towards the people: but since these men are come amongst us, what is the secret that is not revealed? What is holy, that is not polluted? What’s forbid, that’s not transgressed? and in fine, where is God or Man obeyed? Here, cursing and blaspheming; there Drunkenness, Whoredom and Debauchery are carried on in full career, and reign with unlimited sway.’ So, going on in this strain, he concluded by telling his auditors, that it was a shame to be out-done by us; that, in punishment for their sins, nothing less than the curse of God could fall upon them, and make instruments of us to punish them.
But now I shall return again to the river Esk. Having wonderfully got safe over, we marched all that night through excessively bad roads, all of us being very wet and cold, without any refreshment, except what we had before we left Carlisle, till ten o’Clock the next day, when we arrived at Dumfries; and extraordinary it was to see the Army, notwithstanding all their fatigue, come in as merry and gay as if they had only marched that morning. At our entrance into the Town, we saw the great rejoicing that had been made for our defeat, the candles being still in the windows, and the bonfires unextinguished. And now it was, that being in Scotland, my Colonel began to shew me great civility upon account of my being an Englishman, and so did afterwards several of the gentlemen of that country; for seeing me amongst them, they thought they could scarce do enough for me, especially my Colonel, who, for fear of my being any time badly quartered, ordered that I should always be lodged _chez lui_. So that from that time I had ordinarily his quarters, and sometimes a part of his bed, when there happened to be no other, so that I had every reason to be satisfied with my lot, having such resource of comfort in all my difficulties.
After we had halted two days at Dumfries, and made them pay for their past behaviour,[414] we marched on for Hamilton; and here the Prince, attended by a few of his gentlemen, went to take the diversion of shooting in the Park; in which he behaved to the admiration and surprise of all present, killing or hitting every thing he shot at, so that, without flattery, he was looked upon to be the best marksman in the army. After we had staid some time at Hamilton, we continued our march to one of the prittiest (but most whiggish) towns in all Scotland, viz., Glasgow. Here we arrived on the 25th of December, 1745, much to their confusion, and halted six or seven days.[415] That Town had given, when the Prince marched for England, five thousand pounds for its good behaviour, and paid us now as much over again for breaking the same, rebelling against us, and raising the Militia in our absence. So we taught them more wit, how to break their words another time. The Army having been here provided with cloathing and other necessaries, of which they were very much in want, the Prince resolved to make a general inspection and review of them. Accordingly orders were issued one morning for that purpose, for us all to repair to a place at a little distance from the Town. So we marched out with drums beating, colours flying, bag-pipes playing, and all the marks of a triumphant army to the appointed ground, attended by multitudes of people, who had come from all parts to see us, and especially the ladies, who before were much against us, were now, charmed at the sight of the Prince, become most loyal;[416] and many afterwards, when they could not testify it to us by their good offices, did it in imitation in their hearts. I am somewhat at a loss to give a description of the Prince at this Review. No object could be more charming, no personage more taking, no deportment more agreeable, than his at that time was, for, being well mounted and princely attired,[417] having, too, great endowments both of body and mind, he appeared to bear a sway above any comparison with the heroes of the last ages, and the majesty and grandeur he seemed to display most noble and divine. The Army being now drawn up in all form, and every one putting himself out for the best, the Prince rode through the ranks, greatly encouraging and delighting all who saw him. After the Review we returned again to Glasgow; and about this time the unhappy news reached us, that Carlisle was invested by Cumberland, who, having got up cannon from Whitehaven, was in a fair way of taking it.
It being now judged proper to continue our march for Stirling, we quitted Glasgow in a handsome manner, and soon sat down before that town, which we took after two or three days’ cannonading, and then began the siege of the Castle, having just received a few pieces of Cannon from France, which would have been sufficient, as many are pleased to say, if our Engineer, viz., one Mirabell,[418] a Frenchman by birth, had been good for any thing: but erecting our batteries in an improper place against the Castle, we spent three weeks’ labour in vain; during which time news arrived from Carlisle, by Mr. Brown,[419] who was left Lieutenant Colonel by the Prince, and one Mr. Maxwell,[420] who made their escape over the wall while the Articles of Capitulation were signing. These gentlemen acquainted us, that, after Cumberland had lain six or seven weeks before the town, and heralds had been frequently sent in to summons it to surrender, Mr. Hamilton, Governor of the Castle had at last resolved to obey them but whether with a true fear or promise of his life, is disputed. Certain however it is, that he employed that villainous Wier, whom I have mentioned before (being left a prisoner at Carlisle) with secret Messages to and from the enemy; and instead of hanging him, invited him daily to his own table. How far this conduct was good, I leave the world to judge.
Mr. Townley, Governor of the Town, being informed that the resolution to capitulate was taken, endeavoured, seconded by his whole corps, officers and soldiers, to oppose him: but finding no means effective to hinder the place from being given up, he was obliged to send, by Hamilton’s direction, articles of Capitulation to Cumberland, who returned for answer That the Town and Castle should be surrendered at discretion, and that the Officers and Soldiers should be at his Father’s Mercy, with whom he promised to intercede for their safety. How sincerely he behaved in this, is sufficiently known:[421] and when I reflect upon this, I think I may say I have good fortune, in leaving that unhappy town and regiment, that I was not on some gallows or other made a partaker also of his clemency! This news was at first hard to be believed amongst us: but it appearing but too true, the Prince was exceedingly troubled, and lamented much the loss of his subjects, especially the English, who were to be made sacrifices of; and also did generally the whole army, many of them wishing they had been there, nay even to be made victims of to Cumberland’s fury!
We had now scarce got well into the siege of the Castle, before news came, on the other hand, that General Hawley was advancing towards us with about eleven or twelve thousand men. The Prince’s Army at this time amounted to about eight thousand effective men, having been joined by Lord John Drummond’s Regiment, and Lord Lewis Gordon’s, of whom I have spoken before, and some few others. So, seeing we must inevitably fight we endeavoured to prepare ourselves in the best manner for that purpose. The enemy, we heard, were now come to Falkirk, which was only eight or ten miles distant from us. We waited two days in expectation of their coming on to attack us: but finding that they continued at Falkirk, we on the third morning, leaving a sufficient force for the siege of Stirling, boldly marched out in quest of them. And here it was the soldiers shewed the greatest alacrity; the foot marching with such celerity as kept the horse on a full trot, so that by two o’Clock in the afternoon we came up with them, notwithstanding we almost marched round them, in order to have the wind somewhat favourable for us. And now the day, from being an exceeding fine one, became on a sudden obscure; the sun which till then shone upon us, was now as it were eclipsed, and all the elements in confusion, so that the heavens seemed to fulminate their anger down upon us, by the impetuous storm of hail, wind and rain, that fell just at the time of the engagement. The enemy at this time scarcely knew any thing of our march towards them till it had been almost too late; as they lay in an entire security and defiance of us, thinking it not worth their while to take the necessary precaution of having spies out, as other prudent Generals would have done, notwithstanding the contempt they might have had for us. We now roused them out of their lethargy, being just upon them at their going to dinner. Cursing their bad fortune, they immediately mounted and turned out of their camp, somewhat in confusion to meet us, which they did at a short distance from it, though not to our disadvantage.
Their cavalry was in front of their left wing, unsupported with foot; and their infantry in the right, unsupported by horse: but the day being so excessively bad, hindered their cannon from coming up, so that we were upon an equal footing with them in that respect, we bringing none with us. We were about four hundred light Horse ordered to face the enemy’s dragoons, being fronted and supported by a strong line of _McDonells_; and our foot, with the Prince, against their foot. Here I must acknowledge, that when I saw this moving cloud of horse, regularly disciplined, in full trott upon us down the summit, I doubted not but that they would have ridden over us without opposition (I mean the front line) and bear us down without difficulty in their impetuous progress: but I soon found myself mistaken; for immediately upon our bearing upon them in order to meet them, there blew such a storm of wind and hail, which was before on our side, and now turned miraculously, as we turned, on our backs; and notwithstanding that almost disabled us to bear up against them, it so harrassed the enemy, that cursing and blaspheming was made the dying-speech of many of them. And now kind Heaven seemed to declare for us.
The brave front-line of _McDonells_ suffered the enemy to come within ten or twelve paces of them before firing. Nobly altogether presented, and sent their benediction upon them, so that in the third part of a minute that rapid and impetuous torrent, which seemed in rolling to lay all waste before it, was now checked and stemmed in such a manner, that it was made to retake its course faster than it had proceeded. Upon seeing this, we immediately seconded our work with a hearty huzza, victory now declaring for us. But on the Prince’s wing it remained somewhat more obstinate: yet soon after they returned the same, having happily finished their affair with scarce the loss of forty men, and we had only one wounded. We now pursued them sharply for about sixty paces, and fetched down a good many of them: but unfortunately being ordered to halt, when a little further pursued would have finished our affair, we let an opportunity slip out of our hands, which never afterwards presented itself again. This piece of conduct belonged chiefly to Lord George Murray,[422] who would not permit the army to pursue any farther. So being ordered to halt, we modestly bid our enemies retire, and as it were tell them to come better provided another time. Here I could say something more: but I cannot at present; therefore I’ll say nothing, leaving it to Midwife Time to say it for me, and contenting myself with halting with the army.
And now after four or five hours’ halt, we heard, that we might go, if we pleased, and take possession of the town. So the army was ordered immediately to enter the town, and about eighteen of us Guards, who were present, to go about three miles off, and take fifty-four of the enemy prisoners. When we arrived at the house, where they had got together they shut the door against us. We therefore surrounded the house, and summoned them immediately to surrender:--which they refusing at first to do, we fired into the house--and they immediately gave themselves up to our mercy. So, after taking them and fifty-four stand of arms, we conducted them Prisoners into Falkirk that night. And here it was, that I happened to perform an action which gave me great comfort afterward in my distress.--A fine young boy, who was somewhat out of order, being found in the house after all was almost done, was espied by some of our party, who bringing him out asked who would take care of him. I told them to give him to me, which they immediately did. The young boy, being now in my possession, says to me: ‘I hope Your Honour will not kill me.’ Upon which, being a little surprised at what he said, I asked him, ‘Have you not well merited it?’ ‘If I may be permitted to speak to Your Honour,’ replied he, ‘I own I am taken in an unhappy affair, which neither malice nor inclination drew me into. But the Head of the Country, notwithstanding I was the only child of my aged parents, insisted, under great penalties, on my coming in to join him; so that I beg you will pity me in my condition: but if it must be that I die this night, pray! tell me what death you think it will be?’ Upon which, not knowing what to think or what to say, I was somewhat at a loss: his telling me of his aged parents, and his simplicity touched me much: and how far I may be censured for my after-conduct, I know not; but those who think I did amiss, I hope, will pardon me, as being then but a young warrior. True, such a thing, I know, ought not to have been publicly done; yet, when an opportunity presented itself of doing an Act of Mercy without harm to the Cause, I am convinced that this my behaviour will, with all generous minds, escape reproof. The young boy continuing his lamentations, I told him to be of good courage, for death was not so imminent as he expected; at which he seemed to respire new vigor and life: And after some questions asked, and promises made of his ever being grateful and upon his telling me, that his home was not above fourteen miles from thence, I asked him, if he could privately slip away thither. He replied, such a favor would be too great for him to presume to request: So telling him to do it if he could, I discharged him, ordering him to be a support to his poor aged parents.
And now by this time we had almost conducted our prisoners to Falkirk; and, after delivering them, we went thoroughly wet and cold, to repose ourselves a little while on straw, and some in the open fields or air, all places being by this time entirely filled, so that it was then impossible to find any resource or ease for our excessive hunger, wet and cold. So resting a few hours in that condition, they soon after appeared; and when light, we went to see the field of the slain; and number being made of them, we found near seven hundred of the enemy slain, and about fifty of ours, which were immediately interred. But this cheap-bought victory, you will say, merited a better exit! The most distinguished among the slain were Colonel Whitney and Sir Robert Monro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the engagement, and as a punishment for which, his tongue was miraculously cut asunder by a sword, that struck him directly across the mouth. His brother, a physician, was likewise killed at his side.[423] There were likewise found slain, some Presbyterian Parsons,[424] who, fired with holy zeal, had quitted their Bibles and took their swords. It was said, that one of these Parsons, seeing the danger he was in of losing his life as a Soldier, had recourse to his dignity, supposing that would be a cloak to save him. ‘Spare my life,’ said he to a Highlander, who was on the point of taking it, ‘for I am a Minister of My Master Jesus Christ!’ To which the other ingeniously replied: ‘If you are a good one, your Master has need of you; if not, it’s fitting that you go and take your punishment elsewhere!’--which dilemma was immediately solved by the Highlander’s sword. Another Minister, seeing the case his Brother was in, and being in a fair way to share the same fate, begged his life of another Highlander for Prince Charles’s sake, by which means he preserved what he would otherwise inevitably have lost.
We now took possession of the enemy’s baggage, camp, and eight pieces of cannon; which they had not time to carry off--besides a few prisoners, the chief of whom was Major Lockhart, who, after having his life given him, and his liberty upon his parole of honour, afterwards spurned against gratitude itself, by not only being heinously perjured, but more than ordinarily thirsty of those prisoners’ blood who just before had spared his life.[425]
We had now about one-hundred prisoners, one of whom seeing his situation and ours, said with a grave countenance to his companion: ‘By my soul, Dick, if Prince Charles goes on in this way, Prince Frederick will never be King George!’ But of the five or six thousand men that went with the Prince to the field of battle, scarce three thousand returned back with him, for many of them, having loaded themselves with booty, returned up to the hills. It was now a great loss to us, that we had neither fort or other secure place to keep our prisoners in, so that, if it were not merely out of mercy, it was to no purpose to take prisoners, being without the means of keeping them.
And now being come again to Stirling, the enemy being fled to Edinburgh, and finding the siege of the Castle went on but slowly the spirit of the army began much to change. Factions, grudges, and private interest were now judged proper to be exercised, so that the Prince was in a mortifying situation, seeing himself deserted by half his army, and the others mightily turned. But as it is not for me to say more than what relates to myself, I shall only mention the grudge I have often dearly paid for--that exercised against my Colonel, who, on the death of his brother had lately succeeded to the title of Lord Balmerino. And here it may be proper to give some account of the character of this brave man, which though sufficiently known, his praises cannot enough be sung. He was a man of a noble personage, of approved loyalty, and had the courage of a lion. He possessed a mind and genius well ornamented with both natural and acquired parts, being versed in most languages. He could recite whole pages of Horace, Ovid, and Virgil at his age of fifty-eight, as perfectly as a school-boy of sixteen, so that his memory for his years was wonderful, the more so for its not being in the least impaired by his hard drinking--his sole and predominant passion, which if he had a little more restrained, he would have shone with the same lustre in the army as he afterwards did on the scaffold. However, whilst with the Prince, he was never failing with his duty; and proud he was of having something, wherein he could shew his loyalty and obedience to his Master.
But what was the cause of the quarrel betwixt him and Lord George Murray, I know not; as Lord Balmerino did not ever directly inform us why he was treated after that manner: only I remember, His Lordship, when he saw himself so apparently ill-used, frequently addressed his corps as follows. ‘Come let us do as we are ordered! It is in vain to dispute; a time will come when I shall see all these things righted, and that too at Lord George’s cost or mine. But at present he is my superior, and we must obey as we tender the good of the Prince.’ With such soothing expressions has he often accosted us, when some were mutinying. And certainly he suffered a great deal from Lord George, for, to my knowledge, we have been ordered twenty or thirty miles, harassed and fatigued, and a courier sent after us, ordering us immediately to return without halting--saying it was my Lord George Murray’s orders.[426] And now a harder time than ever came upon us, for I can safely say and prove, that from the time of Falkirk Affair to the Battle of Culloden, notwithstanding the fatigue of the day, I scarce slept three nights out of seven in bed.
And now having been some time before Stirling Castle, news arrived from Edinburgh, that Cumberland was come thither with an intention to rally General Hawley’s army and attack us again. As our number had been so much diminished by the desertion of those who after the battle of Falkirk had gone home loaded with plunder; it was judged expedient for us to retire higher into the country, where we were sure of being joined by some more forces. Accordingly we had orders to proceed on our march; and on the morning on which we began it, the Prince to St. Ringin,[427] distant about half a mile from Stirling, to give the necessary directions for quitting the town and raising the siege; which being done, we retired again, and when at a short distance, we were surprized with a hideous noise just behind us; and upon the Prince’s sending back to inquire what it was, it was found to be a church blown up, just upon the place where a few minutes before we had been standing. This church had been converted into a magazine for our gun-powder, which by some accident had been set on fire, and several of the town’s-people and of our soldiers were killed by the explosion. However, continuing our march, we arrived that night at _Crieff_ a little town in the Highlands; and the Prince lodged at Drummond Castle, the residence of the illustrious Duke of Perth, which was only a short distance from the said town. And now it was judged proper for the army to separate; accordingly the Prince went the Highland way with the Highlanders and prisoners for Inverness; and the Horse and Lowland Regiments the Low-Country Road by the Sea-Coast, which was much longer, so that it was three or four weeks before we again formed a junction.
And now we marched from Crieff to Perth, a large fine town; from Perth to Cowpar-in-Angus; from Cowpar to Glams; from Glams to Forfar; and so on to Montrose. The reason why I am so short in mentioning these places, is, I have little to say; we passing them quickly, and nothing extraordinary happening. But at Montrose we halted a few days. It is a fine loyal seaport town and looked upon as I was told there, to produce men of the greatest wisdom in Scotland. Having staid three days there, we were a little surprised at the sight of ships of war, that appeared a little distance off the Coast: and the rumor being that Cumberland was pretty nigh us, we began to apprehend lest they should land and intercept our passage; to prevent which, we marched with all haste out of the town, the foot going out the third day at night, and the rest following early the next morning except the Hussars who remained some days longer to watch the enemy’s motions.
Some of my readers may be curious to know what sort of men these Hussars were. A set of braver fellows it would be very hard to find; many of them having mounted themselves on horses which they had taken from the enemy. Their Commander[428] also was a wise, courageous virtuous man, and behaved himself in his station to the admiration of all, regulating his corps with such order as to make our enemies and the country, even fifty miles distant from us, have more fear of them than almost the whole army. In fine, he was of infinite service to the Prince, as also were his horse; for their conduct was daring, and their courage was steeled, and few of them there were, who would have scrupled to go, if possible to hell’s gates to fetch away the keys.
Soon after our departure from Montrose, we arrived at Aberdeen, where we staid two or three days; and notwithstanding our being in the town the Presbyterian Ministers ceased not to preach and pray publicly against us. And here it was that I happened to be bedfellow to my Colonel, Lord Balmerino in the same bed where Cumberland afterwards lay, it being in one of the Chief Provosts’ houses.
When we marched out of Aberdeen, it blew, snowed, hailed, and froze to such a degree, that few Pictures ever represented Winter, with all its icicles about it, better than many of us did that day; for here men were covered with icicles hanging at their eyebrows and beards; and an entire coldness seizing all their limbs, it may be wondered at how so many could bear up against the storm, a severe contrary wind driving snow and little cutting hail bitterly down upon our faces, in such a manner that it was impossible to see ten yards before us. And very easy it now was to lose our companions; the road being bad and leading over large commons, and the paths being immediately filled up with drifted snow. However, we continued marching on till about three in the afternoon, when my horse overcome by the inclemency of the weather, fairly gave it up and would carry me no farther: and now by a little halt I quickly lost my Company, and was obliged to alight and lead my horse leg-deep in snow; being upon a wide common, as it appeared to me, not having seen all that day’s march scarce a house, tree or barn. I now expected every moment to perish, as I was quite benumbed and all covered over with snow, and my horse refused to follow me. At last, unable to proceed any farther, I sunk down, quite exhausted, upon the snow. In this dreadful situation, I luckily recollected a little bottle of spirits, which had been given me by the Provost’s Lady; and accordingly tried to put my frozen hand into my riding-coat pocket to take it out. On taking a draught of the liquor, I soon found that never repose to the wearied traveller, never meat to a most ravenous hunger, never drink to a most burning thirst, could be more refreshing or agreeable than this was to me; and I should have finished my bottle, if a reflection had not come into my head about my poor horse, which seemed to be in as bad a situation as myself, being one of a delicate and tender breed. Knowing that he could drink beer, I resolved to make an experiment whether he would partake of the contents of my bottle. So pouring the remainder of the liquor into the crown of my hat, which I had pressed low down for the purpose, and dissolving some snow in it, in order to mitigate the spirits, I gave it my poor horse to drink: which to my great surprise and pleasure, he did, his mouth, I believe, being so cold that he did not know what he drank. However, now finding ourselves to respire as it were new life and vigor, we endeavoured to proceed, and after three quarters of an hour, being almost upon the relapse again, we stumbled upon a house, and following the walls of it came to the door, where entering together with my horse, I surprized the poor people who were sitting at the fire. But they, seeing the condition I was in, received me with a great deal of good-nature, and permitted my horse to stand in the house till he was well rubbed, and then led him to a little place for him to lie in, giving him hay and corn as he wanted. After I had taken off my riding-coat and boots and well warmed and refreshed myself, I heard of two more (who had been in almost as bad a situation as myself except that their horses continued to carry them), who were come to the next house adjacent. So going out to see them, I found them to be two old acquaintances, vizt., one Mr. Maxwell, and Mr. Ball, an English Gentleman, who, after some chat, concluded, that two more harassing marches, than that over the Esk and the present, could scarcely be imagined. Accommodating ourselves as well as we could for that night, being obliged to lie with our horses, we departed early next morning for Old Meldrum, which place most of the army had reached before us.
From Old Meldrum we marched the next day for Banff, a little pretty agreeable town. About this time we heard, that the Highlanders, who were with the Prince, had broke down the barracks of _Riven of Badenoch_ (which were a great eye-sore to them, having been built to keep them in order), and having taken the Sergeant and eleven more prisoners, were in full march for Inverness, distant thence only twenty-four miles. And now, after a short stay at Banff, we marched for Cullen; and by this time we heard that the Prince had made himself master of the Lord President’s House, and after some little resistance forced the soldiers in the town of Inverness to retire into the Castle, which, after a regular siege, likewise soon surrendered at discretion. About 200 men were taken prisoners here, and several officers, the principal of whom were the Governor and the Master of Ross. This rapid success of the Prince gave us great courage. So, marching from Cullen, through Fochabers, over the River Spey, Elgin, Forres and Nairn, towns only ten miles distant from each other, we came to be greedy spectators of our dear Prince again, and what he with his brave Highlanders had effected. And now, to second our victorious arms, we were joined by several more of the Clans and Chiefs, and the brave Amazon Lady McIntosh,[429] Seaforth and others coming in, or causing their Clans to come in, and many who had left us at Falkirk rejoining their colours, greatly reinforced the army. When in this flourishing condition, it pleased the Prince to make a visit to the Duke of Gordon’s, whither all the Guards were ordered to attend him; and in going a curious fine standard with this motto ‘_Britons, strike home!_’ that was taken at Falkirk from Gardiner’s Dragoons, was honourably conferred upon me by the Prince at the head of the whole Troop; and I had the honor of carrying it ever after. Having passed Nairn, Forres, Elgin, and the river Spey, just at the other side under Fochabers, we came to the Duke’s seat.[430] What reception the Prince had, or what passed there I know not: but after a short stay we attended our Royal Master back again to Inverness. But as soon as we arrived there, we had orders to conduct some of the chief officers, who had lately been taken prisoners to Forres, and after leaving them there (they being upon their parole of honor) to go to Cullen to inspect all affairs there on that side of the country, and to observe the motions of the enemy who lay at Aberdeen. While at Cullen, where we were continually upon the watch by our patrolling parties, we heard that Colonel Grant, a good French Officer, had with his Artillery taken Fort Augustus, and made the garrison prisoners; that a part of Fitz-James’ Horse had landed and joined the Prince;[431] and that Lord George Murray had blocked up seven hundred men in the Castle of Blair, when he behaved with a great deal of conduct and policy, for, he appeared before the Castle with only a few men, having hid most of the Highlanders with him in an adjacent wood. The garrison being thus deceived made a sally upon him with about three hundred men; but he immediately drew his party out of the wood and surrounded them, upon seeing which, they immediately surrendered.[432] So, sending them prisoners to Inverness he persevered in the siege of the Castle: but the approach of the Hessians soon obliged him to raise it and leave four hundred men remaining in the Castle.
At this time President Forbes together with Lord Loudon, were endeavouring to confederate and knit together what forces they could: but to prevent their doing much mischief, a party of the brave McDonalds, with some few others, were detached under the Command of the Duke of Perth, who soon dispersed this rising power, and obliged its heads, viz., Lord Loudon and the President to save themselves in boats.
Some of my readers may be curious to know who this President was, and what interest he had. He may truly be styled the Oracle of his Country, for many resorted to him for advice; and had he been as great a friend as he was an implacable enemy, James would in all probability have swayed the English sceptre; for by his interest, cunning and persuasion he brought over his own party, together with Sir Alexander McDonald and several others, who before were just sworn in to the Prince’s interest.[433] So, I say, had he been as firm a friend as he was an implacable enemy, we should have seen, instead of the four thousand men who marched into England, an army of Eighteen or twenty thousand men.
About this time we heard, that the officers who were prisoners upon their parole of honour had broken it, and escaped to the enemy’s army, all of them except the Master of Ross and one or two more.[434] But what will the world say, to see these officers, whom no tie of religion, gratitude or honour could bind, protected and cherished by their own party--nay sent against us, to endeavour to destroy those who before had saved them!
And now we heard, that the Advanced Guard of the enemy was approaching us, and were got up to Strathbogie. We who were also of the advanced Guard, upon receiving this intelligence, quitted Cullen, and retreated to Fochabers, where a considerable body of our men were endeavouring to make a resistance at the River Spey, and had for that purpose built barracks, and made all necessary preparations, in case the passage of the river had been attempted. But finding their army lay quiet at Aberdeen, and that their advanced party in Strathbogie only made now and then some little excursions towards us as far as Keith, we, though at first we were very diligent and alert, we relaxed in our vigilance, nay fell asleep and at last into a lethargy, in which we unhappily continued till awakened by the foul affair of Culloden, which merits an epithet bitterer than I can give.
About this time an advanced party under the command of Major Glascow went out at night, and hearing that some of the enemy were at Keith,[435] surrounded that place, and having taken most of them prisoners, with their arms and equipage, returned the next day with great honour to Spey-side, where Lord John Drummond and Lord Ogilvy commanded.
As we lay hereabouts a considerable time, assessments were made upon the country for our support, and among others upon the Earl of Findlater’s Estate, who on our arrival had taken wing and joined Cumberland Will. The Earl’s Steward, being threatened with military executions, if he refused to comply with our demands (which were always seconded by such threats, though seldom put in practice) begged leave to write to his Master for instructions how to act. Upon this the Earl, having consulted with Cumberland, sent a Letter addressed _To the Man they call Lord John Drummond_, telling his Lordship, that if he or any other person should pretend to exercise any military authority over any thing belonging to him, there were Rebels’ houses enough, on which his Master Cumberland promised him he should have his revenge. This Letter excited a great deal of indignation among us; and was the cause of what afterwards happened to his house;--for several of our party, without any order being given, and indeed without the Prince’s being in the then situation of his affairs, able to restrain their fury, ransacked it, and carried away several articles of value, but without setting fire to it, or wantonly destroying anything merely for destroying’s sake.[436]
At last news arrived that the enemy had left Aberdeen, and were marching against us.[437] This intelligence gave great satisfaction to many of us, who were in a manner tired out of our lives. Yet notwithstanding the approach of the enemy, all the Prince’s endeavours to collect his whole army, were ineffectual; for many under pretence of cultivating their lands, or promising to come up soon enough, went, staid, and came as they thought proper.
And now finding the enemy advanced pretty fast both by water and land, the fleet bringing up their provisions and wearied soldiers; frequent patrols were sent out by us in order to observe their motions. Here I had the honour of commanding the last patrolling party that ever crossed the Spey for the Prince’s cause. Lord John Drummond (Commander at the Spey) having ordered me with ten others to patrol all night towards the enemy, we began our work about seven o’Clock and continued it till about five the next morning, being then eight miles from Fochabers and two from the enemy; when we took a man with a Letter from one of Cumberland’s Secretaries to the Duchess of Gordon,[438] desiring her to employ all her interest among her vassals in getting down provisions and getting together what forces she could, as the Duke of Cumberland intended to pass the river that day. Having secured the Messenger and Letter, we continued our route, till we came up in a manner to where they were encamped; for as they lay upon the declivity of a hill, and had no guards on the top, we were able to approach very near to them unperceived. But finding them drawn out in order of battle, after seeing all we could see, and some bravadoes and huzzas, we retired with all speed, leaving them to wonder what we meant. We soon reached Fochabers (on the Spey) where I found Lord John Drummond. Having given him the Letter taken from the Duke of Cumberland’s Messenger and informed him of the situation I had found the enemy in, I retired to repose myself a little while. When fast asleep, a servant came in to tell me that the enemy was in the town, and that it was too late to think of escaping, almost all of our party having already passed the river. However, starting up in great confusion, I resolved to risk all rather than fall into their hands, and mounting my horse escaped by a back road. I had no sooner crossed the river than I was ordered to join a party of about eighty horse who were to remain behind on the banks of the Spey to observe the motions of the enemy; whilst the foot, amounting to about two thousand men, marched for Inverness, where the Prince then lay with the greatest part of his army. Finding that the enemy after a short halt at the Spey side, began to cross the river, we likewise retired and followed our foot, to inform them of the enemy’s being in full pursuit of us. This intelligence made our men pass through Elgin, without halting, and straight on that night to Forres, which was ten miles farther; and, after some stay there, to Nairn, out of which we were next morning driven; the whole English Army entering the town at one end, whilst we marched out at the other, and continuing to pursue us sharply for three or four hours. And here it was His Grace the Duke of Perth and Colonel O’Sullivan[439] gained immortal honour by their bravery and conduct in bringing us off in good order from under the very nose of the enemy; for notwithstanding all their firing upon our rear, and though we were much inferior in numbers, we lost not one man.
Soon after their desisting from pursuing us, we received orders to halt, and encamp upon that very place, where the fatal battle of Culloden was afterwards fought. Having accordingly encamped as well as we could on the heath that grew upon the common, which served us both for bedding and fuel, the cold being very severe, we were soon after joined by the Prince and several of his Clans. Finding that the enemy did not pursue us we rested ourselves all that night upon the Common, and early next morning drew out in battle-array. But that day being Cumberland’s birthday,[440] and the enemy shewing no intention to attack us on it, we reposed ourselves again, though still keeping ourselves in readiness, upon the place where we had rested the preceding night; a biscuit being given to us for our refreshment. In that situation we remained, till the brave Prince came amongst us in the dusk of the evening, with the full resolution of going to attack them that night in their camp, distant only seven miles. Orders were accordingly given to that effect, which were obeyed with the greatest pleasure and alacrity by the whole army. We began our March about seven o’Clock leaving great fires burning in our camp: but by some strange infatuation or misfortune the road was not rightly taken, either through the ignorance or treachery of Lord George Murray’s guide. This still remains doubtful, but this I can say, that with the little knowledge I had of the country I could have conducted them much better and sooner. After we had marched till about three o’Clock in the morning, over double the ground that was necessary, we at last came pretty nigh the enemy’s camp: and when we were supposing to surround them, and for that purpose in some measure drawing out; my Lord George Murray began to be missing; notwithstanding the Prince’s Aides-de-Camp in riding from rank to rank, and asking, for God’s sake! what has become of His Lordship, and telling that the Prince was in the utmost perplexity for want of him. In that situation did we remain a considerable time, till, day breaking fast in upon us, we heard that Lord George Murray was gone off with most of the Clans. Where he had been all that considerable time, or what was his intention in it, I leave Time to prove. Now, after we had stood some time on the brink of entering their camp, the Prince, on receiving the unwelcome news of Lord George Murray’s going off with the greatest part of the army, was under the necessity of ordering us likewise, much to our dissatisfaction, to march back again to our Camp. In this manner did that noble and well-concerted scheme fall to ruin--and not only to ruin, but in such a manner as to ruin us, who before had hopes of ruining the enemy. But O! for Madness! what can one think, or what can one say here![441]
The enemy at our departure, being fully awakened and seeing the jeopardy they had been in, judged rightly, it was their time now to pursue us in the unhappy situation we were then in, being harassed, hungry and starved and fatigued, almost to the greatest extremity. We had no sooner reached our camp again, than news came of the enemy’s being in full march towards us, and of their intention to attack us. This disagreeable intelligence vexed us much in our present situation, the more so, as of the twelve thousand men, who were actually in arms and in the pay of the Prince, not above Four thousand were now with him many going every moment, notwithstanding his orders to the contrary, to Inverness, and to woods and houses adjacent, in order to repose and rest themselves after their late excessive fatigue. Many of these were so far from rejoining us, that they were taken asleep by the enemy after the battle. Those, however, who staid, put the best face on the affair they could, and all of us presently appeared surprizingly courageous, who only seemed to survive and animated by the spirit of loyalty and love for our dear Prince. But now why we resolved to fight, or why we did not retire to Inverness, and keep that town till we were fully joined, which might have been easily done, or even at last, if judged proper, avoided fighting and make another expedition into England in spite of them,--I may say it was Fortune’s will;--for, contrary to the Prince’s inclination, Lord George Murray insisted on standing and fighting them that day: and as for what he said of our wanting provisions, it is most certain, though we did that day, we might have retired to Inverness and found there a sufficiency of meat for two or three days. However, the Prince, notwithstanding his great inclination to avoid fighting, was at last obliged to give way to the importunity of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting in case of refusal; and was also for fighting His Grace the Duke of Perth--but this may be said for him, he doubted not but the same Hand that had supported and miraculously conducted the Prince hitherto would infallibly continue to support him, and make him a glorious Conqueror.[442]
I shall now proceed to give account in what manner we were ranged in battle-array. The brave McDonalds, who till then had led the van, and behaved at all times with great courage and bravery, were now displaced, and made to give way, at the pleasure of Lord George Murray, to the Athol men, whom he commanded. The rest of the front line was composed of Highlanders: the second, of Lowlanders and French, with four pieces of cannon at each wing: and in the rear was the Prince attended by all the horse, and some foot. In this manner were we drawn up--four thousand men to fight eleven thousand. The enemy being by this time in full view, we began to huzza and bravado them in their march upon us, who were extended from right to left in battle-array, it being upon a common. But, notwithstanding all our repeated shouts, we could not induce them to return one: on the contrary, they continued proceeding, like a deep sullen river; while the Prince’s army might be compared to a streamlet running among stones, whose noise sufficiently shewed its shallowness. The Prince, the Duke of Perth, the Earl of Kilmarnock, Lord Ogilvy, and several other Highland and Lowland Chiefs, rode from rank to rank, animating and encouraging the soldiers by well-adapted harangues.
The battle being now begun, the whole fury of the enemy’s Artillery seemed to be directed against us in the rear; as if they had noticed where the Prince was. By the first cannon shot, his servant, scarcely thirty yards behind him, was killed; which made some about the Prince desire, that he would be pleased to retire a little off: but this he refused to do, till seeing the imminent danger from the number of balls that fell about him, he was by the earnest entreaties of his friends forced to retire a little, attended only by Lord Balmerino’s corps. Frequent looks and turns the Prince made, to see how his men behaved: but alas! our hopes were very slender, from the continual fire of musketry that was kept up upon them from right to left. We had not proceeded far, when I was ordered back, lest the sight of my standard going off, might induce others to follow. In returning, various thoughts passed my soul, and filled by turns my breast with grief for quitting my dear Prince, now hopes of victory, then fear of losing--the miserable situation the poor loyalists would again be reduced to--and what we had to expect if we left the field alive: these thoughts, I say, strangely wrought upon me, till, coming to the place I was on before, and seeing it covered with the dead bodies of many of the Hussars who at the time of our leaving had occupied it, I pressed on, resolving to kill or be killed. Some few accompanied my standard, but soon left it. At this time, many of ours from right to left were giving way and soon the battle appeared to be irretrievably lost. The enemy, after we had almost passed the two ranks, flanking and galling us with their continual fire, forced us at last back, broke our first line, and attacked the second, where the French troops were stationed. I happened then to be there, and after receiving a slight grazing ball on my left arm, met with Lord John Drummond, who, seeing me, desired I would come off with him, telling me all was over and shewing me his regiment, just by him, surrounded. Being quickly joined by about forty more horse, we left the field of battle in a body, though pursued and fired upon for some time. When we arrived at the foot of the hills, some of us took one way, and some another: I, however, with about six more, continued with Lord John Drummond; and it was with some difficulty we passed the rapid torrents and frozen roads, till one o’Clock that night, when we came to a little village at the foot of a great mountain, which we had just crossed. Here we alighted, and some went to one house and some to another. None of these cottages having the conveniences to take in our horses, who wanted refreshment as well as we, many of them perished at the doors. I happened to be in one of the most miserable huts I had ever met with during my whole life; the people were starving to death with hunger. However, having laid myself down on the floor to rest myself after having been almost thirty hours on horse-back; the people came crying about me and speaking a language I did not understand, which made my case still more unpleasant. But by good luck, a soldier soon after came in, who could speak both to them and me, and brought with him some meal, which was very acceptable, as I was almost starving with hunger. Of this meal we made at that time a very agreeable dish, by mixing it very thick with cold water, for we could get no warm: and so betwixt eating and drinking we refreshed ourselves, till four o’Clock in the morning; when Lord John Drummond and the rest of us began our march, we knew not whither, through places it would be in vain to describe; for we saw neither house, barn, tree, or beast nor any beaten road, being commonly mid-leg deep in snow, till five o’Clock that afternoon; when we found ourselves near a village called _Privana a Badanich_,[443] the barracks of which, as I mentioned before, the Prince had destroyed. Being now, to our surprize, almost upon it, we consulted amongst ourselves how we might best get intelligence from it; for, as it lay on the road from Inverness twenty-four miles we apprehended the enemy might be there. But fortunately a soldier coming out told us, that the village was occupied by the Prince’s men. This intelligence gave us great pleasure; and having accordingly entered the place, we found a great many of the Prince’s adherents, the chief of whom was Lord George Murray and the Duke of Perth; but we heard no news where the poor Prince was. At first we had great hopes of rallying again: but they soon vanished, orders coming for every one to make the best of his way he could. So some went one way, some another: those who had French Commissions surrendered; and their example was followed by my Colonel, Lord Balmerino, tho’ he had none. Many went for the mountains, all being uncertain what to do or whither to go.
In this perplexity I resolved to steer my course through the mountainous country, notwithstanding the advice of many to the contrary, who told me, it would be impossible for me to escape, and begged I would go and surrender, assuring me, that if I attempted the mountains, I should inevitably perish in them. But reflecting, how nigh suffering my Father had been in the year 1715, taking Courage and Patience for my guides, I resolved to enterprize a journey through a Country that few of my Nation had ever passed before. So, folding up my Standard, whose Motto was _Britons! strike home!_ I put it in my Riding-coat pocket, in hopes it might be of use another day, and began my journey, in company with three others, for the Highlands. Having discharged our horses, after a long day’s journey, we came to a house situated on Garvie-more, twelve miles from any other, where we met with many of our party, who had arrived there before us. However, putting up in the best manner with what little we could obtain, we set forward for Fort Augustus: but on the road, a misfortune happened, that disconcerted all our plans; for a man who carried our provisions of Oatmeal, fallen a little behind, by accident met with some of the Brigade Picquets, who robbed him of our meal and two riding-coats. This unexpected loss obliged us to separate soon afterwards, being too many to subsist in this wild tract of country, if we had kept together. However, having got betwixt Fort Augustus and Fort William, we struck up into the country to the right, and passed several large mountains in Lochiel’s Country, where we staid three days, because we heard, that the brave Prince was nigh us, and to take leave of one another, the necessaries of life being exceedingly scarce, from the great number of people wandering over the hills as well as we. I here went to wait upon the Duke of Perth, who was at the house of Doctor Cameron, Lochiel’s Brother: but being told by two sentinels at the door, that His Grace was indisposed, I returned without seeing him. It was now reported, that an English spy had been at Doctor Cameron’s house which obliged me in all haste to quit that place; for certain it is, had I staid there any longer, and the Highlanders supposed me to be the spy, they would have made away with me. I therefore left my companions and set forward to Lochaber, the wildest country I ever was in. And now it was that I began to be truly miserable, and to endure hardships which I had thought it impossible for human nature to support, for in that most hideous place I was deprived of every thing that could give me comfort: true it is, I found some few inhabitants; but in language food and customs quite different from what I had ever seen before. In this place I was forced to stay several days, on account of the prodigious quantity of snow that fell upon the mountains, and hindered me from discerning or making any road. During my stay, I by good fortune got a pound of black bread to live upon. The snow somewhat melting I set forward again from Lochaber towards the sea-shore. On the road I was overtaken by about forty women, half-starved to death who were wandering up and down for safety. Some of them, who spoke English, told me, they had been driven out of their houses by the soldiers who were sent out from Fort William to ravage burn and plunder all before them and now it was that the most heart-rending scenes of misery began to present themselves; for many of these poor creatures with children in their arms, lay extended in the clefts of the rocks half covered with snow, dead, and a-dying in the most piteous manner. With these companions of misery, and daily meeting with more I passed some days. I now learned, that many of the unfortunate adherents of the Prince had been famished to death on the hills and I expected it would soon be my turn, for I began to be almost unable to proceed, my shoes being worn out, and the sharp rocks wounding my feet. However, I encouraged myself with the thought that my pursuers would have the same difficulty to climb the rocks as I had; and on the twentieth day[444] after our defeat at Culloden I came to the sea, in Clan-Ronald’s Country; the view of which was most agreeable to me, though even then I saw no prospect of escaping. Getting a little refreshment from the people who dwelt on the sea-shore, I began as it were to revive again, having been almost starved to death with hunger and cold; for I had been obliged to lie down for whole nights under the shelves of rocks, and was for two or three days together without eating at all, as nothing could be obtained either for love or money. Though I was fat and strong at the battle of Culloden, I was now quite emaciated and reduced to so miserable a state, that, if I had had another day to walk, I am sure I must have died; for I was not only starved with hunger and cold, but frightfully covered with vermin, which bit me all over my body so that there remained not one whole place in my skin. This, joined with the pain in my torn feet, made me often think that Job could not be in a more piteous condition. Yet as he had God for his comforter, so had I; for the justness of the cause I was suffering for, gave me great courage, and supported me much: and though I saw daily enmities exercised against me, it was a great satisfaction to me, to think, that, during the time I had the honour of being a soldier under the banner of our dear Prince, I could not accuse myself of one act that a Christian might blush at.
Being somewhat recovered by the particular care of a worthy Gentleman (whose kindness I had the satisfaction in a little time to return by an agreeable meeting with him at Paris), I began to inquire, if it were possible from island to island to make my escape out of the country; for could I have sold myself at that time as a slave into Turkey, I would have done it. My host told me, that it was impossible, as all the boats had been destroyed by Cumberland’s order. However, one morning, being in that perplexity of thought how to get off, and fearing every moment the landing of soldiers to destroy the country--news was brought us that two French ships had come into the Lough just by--which mightily raised our hopes, that either a restoration of the Prince’s affairs were at hand, or that we should escape to France. So, running down to see and hear what we could we found them to be ships destined for the Prince’s service, having on board a great quantity of arms and ammunition, with five barrels of gold, pretty large and nearly one-yard long--which before our late fatal disasters might have been of great use.[445]
Notice being sent all about the Mountains, as far as time would permit; several, who lay despairing, came down to the sea-shore, and among the rest, my old patron the Duke of Perth, Lord John his brother; Sir Thomas Sheridan, Secretary Murray, Mr. John Hay, and Doctor Cameron. These being assembled together, judged it proper though no one knew where the Prince was (many thinking he was gone off for France) to have the money and arms brought on shore; which was done on the evening after. Going securely to sleep that night expecting to sail for France the next day, we were surprised by the noise of cannon, which awakened us about three o’Clock in the morning; and getting up to see what the matter was, we had for our comfort the disagreeable news and sight of three English ships, that were come from Fort William to attack the French, whose appearance on the coast they had noticed, it seems. This sight displeased us very much: however, fighting was the resolution of us all. The two French Frigates (viz., the _Mars_ and the _Bellona_), being pretty strong, and having a sufficient quantity of men, cannon, and ball, resolved to make head against the three English vessels, of which one was the _Baltimore_,[446] that name being written upon her rudder, which was carried off by a cannon-ball. The place they fought in, was a creek of rocks, which held the French (the English coming down upon them) as it were penn’d up, having the land on their back and both sides. However it was easy for them to hold communications with us on shore, who were four hundred armed men or more; so that had they been obliged to abandon their Ships, they might have saved themselves on shore. The Crews of the two ships amounting to nearly eleven hundred men, might, with the assistance of the Highlanders, have made an effectual resistance to the English, if they had attempted to invade us. The battle furiously beginning at three o’Clock in the morning, it remained doubtful till four in the afternoon, who would be victors. Nor was it a small pleasure to us to see those combatants engaged, and the skill of the French, whose fire seldom missed the English; for many of us being upon the rock as it were hung over these ships, in such a manner that they could not hurt us with either cannon or musketry; we could discern how matters went, and few balls were fired but we might see whether they hit or missed, which latter the English frequently