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OPPRESSIONS

OF THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY

IN THE ISLANDS OF

ORKNEY AND ZETLAND:

FROM

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

PRINTED AT EDINBURGH:

MDCCCLIX.

THE MAITLAND CLUB.

JULY M.DCCC.LX.

THE MOST HONOURABLE

THE MARQUESS OF BREADALBANE, K.T.

=President.=

HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF ARGYLL.

DAVID BALFOUR, ESQ.

BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ., M.P.

HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF BUCCLEUCH AND QUEENSBERRY, K.G.

ANDREW BUCHANAN, ESQ.

THOMAS BUCHANAN, ESQ.

WALTER BUCHANAN, ESQ., M.P.

ALEXANDER CAMPBELL, ESQ.

10 HUMPHRY WALTER CAMPBELL, ESQ.

JAMES T. GIBSON CRAIG, ESQ.

DAVID DREGHORN, ESQ.

WILLIAM JAMES DUNCAN, ESQ.

THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH.

WILLIAM EUING, ESQ.

ALEXANDER S. FINLAY, ESQ., M.P.

THE REVEREND WILLIAM FLEMING, D.D.

JOHN GORDON, ESQ.

JAMES WYLLIE GUILD, ESQ.

20 HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF HAMILTON AND BRANDON.

WILLIAM HILL, ESQ.

HONOURABLE JAMES IVORY, LORD IVORY.

JOHN CLARK KENNEDY, ESQ.

GEORGE RITCHIE KINLOCH, ESQ.

JOHN GARDINER KINNEAR, ESQ. [_SECRETARY._]

THE REVEREND MATTHEW LEISHMAN, D.D.

THE REVEREND LAURENCE LOCKHART, D.D.

JAMES LUCAS, ESQ.

ALEXANDER BENNETT M’GRIGOR, ESQ.

30 JOHN WHITEFOORD MACKENZIE, ESQ.

SIR JOHN MAXWELL, BART.

JAMES PATRICK MUIRHEAD, ESQ.

SIR ANDREW ORR.

ALEXANDER OSWALD, ESQ.

JOHN MICMICHAN PAGAN, ESQ., M.D.

WILLIAM PATRICK, ESQ.

THE QUÆSTOR OF THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW.

JOHN RICHARDSON, ESQ., LL.B.

40 JOSEPH ROBERTSON, ESQ.

WILLIAM ROBERTSON, ESQ.

ROBERT SAWERS, ESQ.

THE REVEREND HEW SCOTT.

JAMES Y. SIMPSON, ESQ., M.D.

WILLIAM SMITH, ESQ.

WILLIAM SMYTHE, ESQ.

MOSES STEVEN, ESQ.

WILLIAM STIRLING, ESQ., M.P.

50 JOHN STRANG, ESQ., LL.D.

ALEXANDER STRATHERN, ESQ.

ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL SWINTON, ESQ.

ADAM URQUHART, ESQ.

PRESENTED TO THE MEMBERS OF THE MAITLAND AND ABBOTSFORD CLUBS,

BY DAVID BALFOUR OF BALFOUR AND TRENABIE.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page

PREFACE v

INTRODUCTION ix

ARTICLES AND INFORMATIONS BY THE INHABITANTS OF ORKNEY AND ZETLAND, OF THE OPPRESSIONS COMMITTED BY LORD ROBERT STUART. DECEMBER M.D.LXXV. 1

THE COMPLAYNTIS OF THE COMMOWNIS AND INHABITANTIS OF ZETLAND, AND PROBATIOUNIS LED THAIRUPON. FEBRUARY M.D.LXXVI. 13

THE COMMISSION BY KING JAMES THE SIXTH TO THE CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, TO TRY LORD ROBERT STUART FOR OPPRESSION. M.D.LXXXVII. 93

A SUPPLICATION TO PARLIAMENT BY LAWRENCE BRUCE AND OTHERS, AGAINST PATRICK EARL OF ORKNEY. M.D.XCII. 99

APPENDIX and GLOSSARY OF UNUSUAL WORDS 105

PREFACE.

THE following documents illustrative of the Oppressions of Orkney and Zetland in the Sixteenth century, are now for the first time presented to the public, and have been carefully transcribed from the original MSS., or from contemporary and authentic copies.

I. _The First Articlis given in against Lord Robert Stuart of Orkney, 16th December 1575_, are printed from an official copy of the same period, preserved among the very curious collection of Scottish State Papers in the possession of the Right Honourable the Earl of Hopetown, whose ancestor was Lord Advocate in the next reign, and I owe the knowledge of its existence to the information and courtesy of Mr. Joseph Robertson of the Register House.

II. _The Complaintis and Probatiounis of the Inhabitantis of Zetland, against Laurence Bruce of Cultmalindy (February 1576)_, are printed from the original MS., authenticated by the signature of the Royal Commissioners, Mudy and Henderson. This curious State Paper was shown to me about twenty years ago by a late Sheriff of Orkney, and I then made two transcripts, one of which, with the original, I gave to him, retaining the other, which, at one time, I feared might be the only existing copy of so interesting a document. On his death the MS. disappeared till 1856, when it was offered for sale to Mr. David Laing, to whom the Antiquaries of Scotland owe so large a debt of gratitude, and to whose kindness I also am indebted for the opportunity of collating my transcript with the Original.

III. _The Commission to Sir John Maitland, the Chancellor, and Sir Lewis Bellenden, Justeis Clerk, and to Sir Patrik Ballentyne 1587_, to “enquire into the complaints against Lord Robert Stewart, lait Erle of Orkney, and James Stewart of Græmsay, his natural son,” is printed from the original MS., authenticated by the signature of Andro Elleis, Clerk to the Privy Council. This Commission was previously published in the Antiquarian Magazine, October 1848, by Mr. George Petrie, the most diligent and useful of Orkneyan Antiquaries, but by his kind permission is again presented to the public in a form more lasting and accessible.

IV. _The Supplication to the Parliament be the Gentilmen of Orkney and Zetland (1592)_, is printed from a _Doubill_ of the same period among my own papers, and is inserted, not so much for the sake of any information derivable from the statements of these _Udack_ pretenders to Odal[1] rights, as to illustrate the ignorance which so rapidly effaced all Odal traditions even in Orkney, and to share with others my enjoyment of the pleasant “Measure for Measure” exhibited in the complaints of Laurence Bruce as a victim of oppression.

Footnote 1:

For etymological reasons, I prefer the terms ODAL and ODALLER to the more usual but less correct forms of UDAL and UDALLER.

I have endeavoured to elucidate a subject so interesting to my countrymen, but so inaccurately understood even by those best acquainted with the general history of Scotland, by prefixing some introductory notices, adding an explanatory and etymological Glossary of unusual terms, and appending the Complaints of the Orkneyans against David de Meinars (Menzies of Weem) 1427, from the _Orcades_ of Torfæus, and a Sketch of the early Survey and Valuation, Rentals, Weights, and Measures of the Islands.

I had intended to add a number of documents illustrative of Odal Law, Succession and Pedigree; of Things, Oaths, and Umbothskap; of the Conveyance, Assedation, Impignoration, and Redemption of Land; of the Transition from Norse to Scottish law, language and thought; and of the Oppressions and Assumptions of the Stewart Earls of Orkney. But the growing mass of such materials, and the difficulty of rejection or selection, where all seemed to me so interesting, have compelled me to forego so large an addition to a volume already unduly extended.

BALFOUR, _31st December 1858_.

INTRODUCTION.

THE History of Orkney and Zetland is still to be written. There is no part of the United Kingdom which possesses historical materials more ample, or more early, and none so little known as these, the last acquired of the British Isles. But where the sources of information are so scattered and inaccessible, it is perhaps easier to estimate the amount of attainable knowledge, than to fathom or fill up the depths of inevitable ignorance, and I am far from pretending to supply this desideratum. I still hope to see it in abler hands, when the same research, learning and acumen, which have done so much to elucidate the Celtic history of the North of Scotland, shall be applied to the parallel subject of these not less interesting Islands. In my essay on a theme so difficult both from its antiquity and its novelty, I shall account it a sort of success, if my statements, omissions or mistakes, shall tempt or provoke some more capable or more practised inquirer—more earnest, and more honest in the search for truth, he cannot be.

What I now propose is, to give only such brief introductory notices as may seem necessary to illustrate the ARTICLES, COMPLAINTS and other documents, selected from the many Supplications, Petitions, Protests and Memorials of the ill-used Islanders, not merely on account of the more minute details which they contain of oppression and misrule, but for their curious glimpses of social life in the far North, and the olden time, and of the laws and customs of a day and district so near, and yet so strange.

Placed on a salient point, dividing two oceans, flanking the two weakest coasts of Britain, and confronting within a few hours’ sail, the mouths of the Baltic and the Elbe—indented with fine harbours, easily made as impregnable as any in Northern Europe, and never boomed like them by half a-year of ice—with a soil of more than ordinary fertility, and a sea-loving people, hardy, intelligent and enterprising—Orkney was well adapted to become the vanguard of northern civilization and commerce. The fostering liberality which has raised a Venice in the Baltic, might easily have made of Orkney a garden or a granary, and of any one of its score of harbours, the Valetta or Sebastapol of the Atlantic and German Oceans. Perhaps with such a position and structure, soil and population, it might even have become (under circumstances less repressive), the powerful centre of an independent Hanseatic league, the check and counterpoise of the usurped monarchy of the seas. But for nearly four centuries, it has been mediatized into an overtaxed and overshadowed dependency, and dragged in the rear of a political and commercial system, in the advantages of which it has been grudgingly permitted to share, but in whose reverses it has ever been made to suffer most unequally; and the few who have cared to trace its history, have been too much absorbed in the painful interest of its actual condition, to indulge in speculations on what it might have been.

While these Islands were Scandinavian, if not independent, they had from locality and circumstance some individual action, and a history; but since they became an item of Scotland, and Scotland of the integer of Britain, they have had no self-motion to record, but short episodes of struggle, the spasms of a feverish nationality to be crushed as rebellion against the dominant state. But their fate has been more hard than that of most small nations, merged in another larger than themselves. The ruling power had not only the usual interest in profiting by union, repressing insubordination and veiling oppression, but also (from its defective title) in suppressing its surreptitious profits, lest others should estimate too well the value of Scotland’s gain and Norway’s loss.

Since they were severed, more than three centuries ago, from the kindred rule of Norway, their history has been a continuous tale of wrong and oppression, of unscrupulous rapacity and unheeded complaint. RECEPI, NON RAPUI, might have been the characteristic motto, as that shadowy distinction between the merits of the thief and the receiver has been the plea, of every government under which they have since been ruled or misruled. Regarded as aliens, of no value beyond the revenue or plunder which could be extorted from them, they have been granted, revoked, annexed, re-granted, confiscated and re-annexed, with wearisome monotony of torturing change. Five times have they been formally annexed to the Crown by Act of Parliament, and fourteen times committed, in defiance of such Acts, and without either protection or redress, to one needy and rapacious courtier after another. Each Donatary or Tacksman, aware of his precarious opportunity, took for granted all previous exactions, and sought farther profit in some mine of advantage hitherto unwrought, till the growing burden of extortion wrung from the Islanders a cry of oppression too loud to be smothered, and then the government sometimes disavowed or removed the indiscreet official, who could not conduct his pillage with decorum. But in general it was blind to all such profitable enormities, and deaf to all complaints, unless the complainer could give interest to his case by charges of treason, of embezzlement of royal revenues, or above all, of coquetting with the dangerous claims of Norway. In such a case the oppressor became perhaps a victim, and was forfeited, imprisoned or beheaded, not for oppressing the subject, but for alarming the Crown. But every change was to the Islanders only a change of tyrant, and their complaints served only to warn the new Donatary of the rocks and shoals on which his predecessor had made shipwreck of the thriving trade of robbery. The Crown might do justice on the oppressor, but it invariably appropriated his plunder, and adopted his profitable exactions, as prescribed rights, and precedents for farther claims. LAURENCE BRUCE was removed—but his false Weights and Measures still prevail. LORD ROBERT STEWART was imprisoned—but the Doubled Teind was not reduced, nor the Escheited Land restored—both still form part of the Estate of the Crown and its Donatary—and the culprit was reponed, with higher powers, to wreak vengeance on his accusers. EARL PATRICK was beheaded—but his feudal casualties and illegal exactions and decreets were still enforced for the benefit of future Donataries. The BISHOPRIC LANDS have been (in the language of the New World) _annexed_ by the Crown, and sold to plant the parks of London—but their chartered obligation to uphold all ecclesiastical buildings has been transferred to the other landowners. The fictitious Debt and Mortgage to WILLIAM EARL OF MORTON were cancelled—only to enhance his powers, profits and peculations, by the sanction of a surreptitious Act of the British Parliament. Other Scottish counties were relieved of the “AULD EXTENT” when the new Cess was imposed; Orkney and Zetland still pay both—to the Crown the British LAND TAX—to its Donatary the SKAT of Norway.

The very enormity of such anomalies makes it hard to believe them possible in a place and time so near our own, and harder still to persuade the nineteenth century, in its self-complacent admiration of the just and enlightened rule of Britain, that much of the evil still exists uncorrected and unredressed in this the twenty-third year of Queen Victoria.

On 8th September 1468, Christian I. of Denmark, Sweden and Norway, by the CONTRACT OF MARRIAGE between his only daughter Margaret and James III. of Scotland (after discharging the Annual of Norway, a tribute due by Scotland for Man and the Hebrides), engaged to pay a dowry of 60,000 florins—viz. 10,000 before the young Queen’s departure, and for the balance of 50,000, to pledge the islands of Orkney, to be held by the Crown of Scotland until he or his successors, kings of Norway, should redeem them by payment of that sum. In return, Christian stipulated for certain jointure lands and terce to the Queen, if left a widow, or at her option a payment of 120,000 florins, for 50,000 of which the restitution of Orkney should be counted as a discharge. Only 2000 of the presently promised 10,000 florins being paid, Zetland was also impignorated for the balance of 8000 florins under the same conditions (20th May 1469), and both groupes were thus mortgaged _sub firma hypotheca et pignore_ for 58,000 FLORINS OF THE RHINE of 100 pence each, or about £24,166, 13s. 4d. sterling.

Such was the important transaction on which Britain founds her possession of these Islands, or, as they were generally styled, THE COUNTRIES OF ORKNEY AND ZETLAND; and while some have found or fancied in its terms, unusual safeguards for the laws and liberties of the Islanders, others have distorted its plain meaning to impugn the right of redemption, or, with even less honesty, have feigned, forged, or uttered the forgery of a subsequent irredeemable Cession. But it was neither less nor more than an IMPIGNORATION, such as Denmark’s necessities had often forced her to make of States or dependencies which she could not mean to cede in permanency, such as Funen, Sleswig, and (more than once) the City and Castle of Copenhagen. A transaction so usual required no such extraordinary clauses or safeguards. In its very nature it implied only such a redeemable substitution of ownership as was consistent with the unchanged integrity of the pledge, so that when redeemed, it should return unaltered to its original owner. Even while creating a new and temporary right for Scotland, it did not extinguish the reversionary claims or present interest of Norway; for we find that power making valid grants of kirk-lands (1490–1500), its officer, the Lawman of Bergen, pronouncing valid decrees affecting Zetland (1485), and the Scottish Parliament expressly recognising the ancient native laws in the islands (1567) a century after the Impignoration. Most Scottish historians, from Ferrerius and Buchanan downwards, assert as a point of national honour the extinction of this Right of Redemption, either by renunciation or prescription; but the first plea is disproved by documentary evidence of two centuries of Danish demands and Scottish evasions; and so late as 1668 (two centuries after the date of the impignoration, and not two centuries from our own) the Plenipotentiaries of Europe assembled at Breda, attested that the Right of Redemption was unprescribed and imprescribable. Whether this Right be still vested in Denmark, or transferred to Sweden with the Norwegian Crown, are questions of the Law of Nations decided for the present by British preponderance of metal—until perhaps some power, recognised by the grace of Palmerston and Treaty of London as the future heir of Denmark, may revive the claim with arms as cogent as his pleas and his inducements.

Every writer of Scottish history has recorded this Impignoration, Wadset or Mortgage, as the basis of Britain’s right to the Orkney and Zetland Islands, and some have narrated the attendant circumstances with more or less honesty of investigation; but few have interrupted the flow of their narrative to trace the political causes or social consequences of that revolution, and still fewer to define the several rights and interests of those affected by it as parties, subjects, governors, or governed.

It is not difficult to perceive Scotland’s objects in seeking, not only to be freed from the constant _casus belli_ of a degrading tribute, disputed payments, and increasing arrears, but to acquire without cost a valuable addition of territory long coveted, and to convert a cause of weakness into a source of strength, by turning dangerous enemies into disarmed and profitable subjects. All these objects were attained. There was thenceforth peace between her and Scandinavia. After a few struggles, the Islanders subsided in angry submission to the fraud and rapacity of their new rulers; and to a nation impoverished like Scotland by wars and misgovernment, Orkney proved in time a rich acquisition, if we may estimate the wealth of the victim by the annual plunder of 3000 head of cattle, 5000 bolls of grain, 6280 stones of butter, and 700 gallons of oil, extorted for centuries in kind or in value from Orkney alone, in addition to its proportion of the ordinary taxation of the kingdom, and exclusive of the burdens of Zetland. But of this booty, little was allowed by the unscrupulous collectors to reach the National Exchequer, and the gain of the Scottish Crown bore no proportion to its guilty greed.

The interest of the Danish Crown in this transaction is not so obvious. It had long been an ordinary resource of its exhausted Treasury to pledge or sell its States or dependencies, but always for a valuable equivalent. But in this case, Christian surrendered a large and undoubted claim, and ceded two valuable provinces for no consideration except the personal contingency of the Queen’s jointure, frustrated by her early death (1486). Perhaps, as Count of Oldenburg, even when exalted to the throne of three kingdoms, he had still a German gratification in embellishing his family tree with another royal marriage. Perhaps, as a Dane, he was not unwilling to tear a gem from the rival, though now united Crown of Norway. If so, he had his reward—promises without fulfilment—alliance, which never ripened into aid or subsidy, were all that he obtained for abandoning these kindred colonies to the will of their ancient enemies, and four centuries of continuous disaster, defection and decline, have shown if Denmark did well or wisely in casting off subjects so bound by blood, habit, and history to love whom she loved, and hate whom she hated.

William Sinclair, the last of the Orkneyar Jarls, had many objects to gain in the transfer of the sovereignty of the Islands. More refined, and less ignorant than the contemporary herd of nobles, who suspected his studies of subjects unearthly and unholy, he could appreciate, even with some pride, the cloudy romance of his ancestral Sagas; but a foreigner by descent, if not by birth, he had few sympathies with the Islanders. His efforts to extend and consolidate his power and estates had offended the King, estranged the Odallers, and embroiled him with the Bishop and the Lawman—his family partialities had awakened bitter feud between him and his eldest son—and as the vassal and high dignitary of two kings, ruling a province of the one, dangerously near the coast of the other, he might easily become an object of suspicion or umbrage to either or both. Indeed, clouds had already arisen between the Scottish Earl and his Norwegian Suzerain, and the substantial splendour of the dignities, titles, lands, and pensions of his Scottish connection, outshone the shadowy jurisdictions and waning revenues of his ancient Jarldom. With such and so many motives, he can hardly be blamed for favouring or even suggesting a change which (when consummated by the subsequent excambion) would release him from a position so irksome and unsafe, enhance his Scottish influence, and aggrandize a favourite son, by disinheriting an unloved heir of his Odal birthright.

William Tulloch, the Bishop of Orkney, was a Norwegian prelate, but a Scottish priest; and if he had any doubts of transferring the spiritual allegiance of his diocese from Drontheim to St. Andrews, they were speedily relieved by his appointment as Confessor to the Queen, and removed by a favourable Tack of the newly acquired demesne of the Scottish Crown. Indeed the change was almost essential to his safety, for his frauds and rapacity had provoked the Earl to seize and imprison him; and he owed his liberty only to the express solicitation of the Kings of Denmark and Scotland—with both of whom he had the address to make a merit of his sufferings as a martyrdom for his devotion to their incompatible interests. The warm commendations of Christian were so ably seconded by the bishop’s services to James, that the Queen’s confessor became successively Lord Privy Seal, Ambassador to England, and Bishop of Moray.

But to the unfortunate subjects of this bargain of kings and princes, the change was an evil unmixed, irremediable, and scarcely alleviated by the hope of its temporary nature. Every interest was threatened, and every feeling wounded, in such betrayal by their natural rulers into the hands of hereditary enemies—exasperated by five centuries of mutual feud and outrage—despised as an inferior race for easy defeats and long subjugation—and hated still more as masters, foreign in blood, language, customs, and laws. When Scotland writhes under her subjection to her “auld enemies of England,” and complains of the jealous removal or destruction of every historical record or monument of independence, Orkney in its turn may smile to trace, in every mortification of its first oppressor, a retributary transcript of its own.