part iv. pp. 36-39. The historian was son of Major Robert Beverley

mentioned above, on pages 109-114 of the present volume.

[156] Burk’s _History of Virginia_, Petersburg, 1805, ii. 300.

[157] Hening’s _Statutes_, iii. 537. For the loss of this slave by emancipation his master was indemnified by a payment of £40 from the colonial treasury.

[158] Hening, iii. 461; vi. 111. In England in the Middle Ages such mutilation was a common punishment for rape; sometimes, in addition, the culprit’s eyes were put out. See Pollock and Maitland, _History of English Law before the Time of Edward I._ ii. 489.

[159] Hening, iii. 210.

[160] Hening, vi. 105.

[161] Hening, vi. 107.

[162] Hening, v. 558.

[163] Hening, vi. 112.

[164] Hening, iii. 87, 88.

[165] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 129.

[166] Hening, iv. 133, 134.

[167] Hening, iii. 448, act of 1705.

[168] See Larned’s excellent _History for Ready Reference_, iv. 2921, where the case is ably summed up.

[169] Jefferson’s _Notes on Virginia_, 1782, Query xviii.

[170] Hening, iii. 87, 454.

[171] Hening, iii. 87.

[172] Hening, ii. 170, act of 1662.

[173] See Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 109, where we are told that Jamestown was sorely scandalized by the loose behaviour of “thoughtful Mr. Lawrence.”

[174] “The gain from the African labour outweighed all fears of evil from the intermixture.” Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_, i. 23.

[175] Baird, _History of the Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 178.

[176] Brock, _Documents relating to the Huguenot Emigration to Virginia_, Va. Hist. Soc. Coll. N. S. v.; cf. Hayden’s _Virginia Genealogies_, Wilkes-Barré, 1891.

[177] Chesapeake Bay, says Rev. Francis Makemie, is “a bay in most respects scarce to be outdone by the universe, having so many large and spacious rivers, branching and running on both sides; ... and each of these rivers richly supplied, and divided into sundry smaller rivers, spreading themselves ... to innumerable creeks and coves, admirably carved out and contrived by the omnipotent hand of our wise Creator, for the advantage and conveniency of its inhabitants; ... so that I have oft, with no small admiration, compared the many rivers, creeks, and rivulets of water ... to veins in human bodies.” _A Plain and Friendly Perswasive_, London, 1705, p. 5. “One receives the impression in reading of colonial Virginia that all the world lived in country-houses, on the banks of rivers. And the Virginia world did live very much in this way.” Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 90.

[178] The Huguenots seem to have preferred a French wine, for one of the first things they did (in 1704) was to “begin an essay of wine, which they made of the wild grapes gathered in the woods; the effect of which was noble, strong-bodied claret, of a curious flavour.” Beverley, _History of Virginia_, London, 1705, part iv. p. 46. This has the earmark of truth. American clarets are to this day strong-bodied, with a curious flavour!

[179] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, ii. 340-342.

[180] Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England_, ii. 501.

[181] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 471, where we are also told that “in many cases the wealthy planters imported from England the clothes worn by these servants and slaves.”

[182] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 395, 399, 403, 405.

[183] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, book iv. pp. 58, 83.

[184] Hening, ii. 172-176.

[185] Hening, ii. 471-478; iii. 53-69.

[186] There was much strong feeling and vehement writing on the subject by those who were disgusted at the prevalent state of things: “I always judged such as are averse to towns to be three sorts of persons: 1. Fools, who cannot, neither will see their own interest and advantage in having towns. 2. Knaves, who would still carry on fraudulent designs and cheating tricks in a corner or secret trade, afraid of being exposed at a public market. 3. Sluggards, who rather than be at labour and at any charge in transporting their goods to market, though idle at home, and lose double thereby rather than do it. To which I may add a fourth, which are Sots, who may be best cured of their disease by a pair of stocks in town.” Makemie’s _Plain and Friendly Perswasive_, London, 1705, p. 16.

[187] _Present State of Virginia_, 1697, p. 12.

[188] A kind of cleaver.

[189] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 382-383.

[190] Conway, _Barons of the Potomack and the Rappahannock_, p. 116.

[191] Though the attempts to stimulate shipbuilding met with little success, the manufacture of barges, pinnaces, and shallops was sustained by imperative necessity. See Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 426-439.

[192] Elkanah Watson, _Men and Times of the Revolution_, 2d ed., New York, 1856, chap. ii.

[193] See Ripley’s _Financial History of Virginia_, pp. 119-124.

[194] Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 411-416.

[195] Ripley, _Financial History of Virginia_, p. 122; cf. Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 368.

[196] McMaster, _History of the People of the United States_, i. 273.

[197] Hening, ii. 192. An old satirical writer mentions the same custom at a Maryland inn, where, however, he did not seem in all respects to relish his supper:--

So after hearty Entertainment Of Drink and Victuals without Payment; For Planters Tables, you must know, Are free for all that come and go. While Pon and Milk, with Mush well stoar’d, In Wooden Dishes grac’d the Board; With Homine and Syder-pap, (Which scarce a hungry dog would lap) Well stuff’d with Fat from Bacon fry’d, Or with _Mollossus_ dulcify’d. Then out our Landlord pulls a Pouch As greasy as the Leather Couch On which he sat, and straight begun To load with Weed his _Indian_ Gun.... His Pipe smoak’d out, with aweful Grace, With aspect grave and solemn pace, The reverend Sire walks to a Chest;... From thence he lugs a Cag of Rum.

The night had for our traveller its characteristic American nuisance:--

Not yet from Plagues exempted quite, The Curst Muskitoes did me bite; Till rising Morn and blushing Day Drove both my Fears and Ills away;

but the morning-meal seems to have made amends:--

I did to Planter’s Booth repair, And there at Breakfast nobly Fare On rashier broil’d of infant Bear: I thought the Cub delicious Meat, Which ne’er did ought but Chesnuts eat.

Ebenezer Cook, _The Sot-Weed Factor; or, a Voyage to Maryland_, London, 1708, pp. 5, 9.

[198] For the description of the planter’s house and its surroundings I am much indebted to the admirable work of Mr. Bruce, chap. xii.

[199] Beverley, _History and Present State of Virginia_, book iv. p. 56.

[200] One often hears it said, of some old house or church in Virginia, that it was built of bricks imported from England; but, according to Mr. Bruce, all bricks used in Virginia during the seventeenth century seem to have been made there. Bricks were 8 shillings per 1,000 in Virginia when they were 18s. 8¼d. in London, to which the ocean freight would have had to be added. It is not strange, therefore, that Virginia exported bricks to Bermuda. As early as the Indian massacre of 1622 some of the Indians were driven away with brickbats. See Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 134, 137, 142.

[201] See above, vol. i. p. 212.

[202] The Marquis de Chastellux, who visited Monticello in 1782, says: “We may safely aver that Mr. Jefferson is the first American who has consulted the fine arts to know how he should shelter himself from the weather.” See Randall’s _Life of Jefferson_, i. 373.

[203] _Lee of Virginia_, p. 116.

[204] Larousse, _Dictionnaire universel_, viii. 668.

[205] A _double entendre_, either “fork-bearer” or “gallows-bird.”

[206]

_Meercraft._--Have I deserved this from you two, for all My pains at court to get you each a patent?

_Gilthead._--For what?

_Meercraft._--Upon my project o’ the forks.

_Sledge._--Forks? what be they?

_Meercraft._--The laudable use of forks, Brought into custom here, as they are in Italy, To the sparing o’ napkins

Ben Jonson, _The Devil is an Ass_, act v. scene 3.

[207] _Lee of Virginia_, p. 116.

[208] _Lee of Virginia_, _loc. cit._

[209]

For Planters’ Cellars, you must know, Seldom with good _October_ flow, But Perry Quince and Apple Juice Spout from the Tap like any Sluce.

Cook’s _Sot-Weed Factor_, p. 22.

[210] A minute account of the beverages and their use is given in Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 211-231.

[211] Smyth’s _Tour in the United States_, London, 1784, i. 41.

[212] Samuel Peters, a Tory refugee, published in London, in 1781, an absurd “History of Connecticut,” in which he started the story of the “Blue Laws” of the New Haven Colony, which most people allude to incorrectly as “Blue Laws of Connecticut.” These “Blue Laws” were purely an invention of the mendacious Peters. There never were any such laws. See my _Beginnings of New England_, p. 136.

[213] Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 101, 102. This Mason, author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, and member of the Federal Convention of 1787, was great-grandson of the George Mason who figured in Bacon’s rebellion. His son John, whose narrative I here quote, was father of James Murray Mason, author of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, and one of the Confederacy’s commissioners taken from the British steamer Trent by Captain Wilkes in 1861.

[214] Meade’s _Old Churches_, i. 98.

[215] A rich Oriental silk, usually watered, first made in the _Attabiya_ quarter of Bagdad, whence its name.

[216] Mr. Bruce gives many inventories taken from county records, of which the following may serve as a specimen: “The wardrobe of Mrs. Sarah Willoughby, of Lower Norfolk, consisted of a red, a blue, and a black silk petticoat, a petticoat of India silk and of worsted prunella, a striped linen and a calico petticoat, a black silk gown, a scarlet waistcoat with silver lace, a white knit waistcoat, a striped stuff jacket, a worsted prunella mantle, a sky-coloured satin bodice, a pair of red paragon bodices, three fine and three coarse holland aprons, seven handkerchiefs, and two hoods.” _Economic History_, ii. 194.

[217] The following specimen of a bill of funeral expenses is given in Bruce, _op. cit._ ii. 237:--

lbs. tobacco. Funeral sermon 200 For a briefe 400 “ 2 turkeys 80 “ coffin 150 2 geese 80 1 hog 100 2 bushels of flour 90 Dunghill fowle 100 20 lbs. butter 100 Sugar and spice 50 Dressing the dinner 100 6 gallon sider 60 6 “ rum 240

[218] _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 294; cf. _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 136.

[219] Jones’s _Present State of Virginia_, London, 1724, p. 48.

[220] Mr. W. G. Stanard, in an admirable paper on this subject, gives some names of famous horses then imported, “many of them being ancestors of horses on the turf at the present day;” such as “Aristotle, Bolton, Childers, Dabster, Dottrell, Fearnaught, Jolly Roger, Juniper, Justice, Merry Tom, Sober John, Vampire, Whittington, James, Sterling, Valiant, etc.” _Virginia Magazine_, ii. 301.

[221] Smyth’s _Tour in the United States_, i. 20.

[222] Ford, _The True George Washington_, pp. 194-198.

[223] Hening, v. 102, 229-231; vi. 76-81. Washington was very fond of playing at cards for small stakes, also at billiards; and he sometimes bet moderately at horse-races. See Ford, _loc. cit._

[224] About four dollars.

[225] _Virginia Gazette_, October, 1737, cited in Rives’s _Life of Madison_, i. 87, and Lodge’s _History of the English Colonies_, pp. 84, 85.

[226] The recorder was a member of the flute family, and its name may be elucidated by Shakespeare’s charming lines (Pericles, act iv., prologue):--

To the lute She sang, and made the night-bird mute That still records with moan.

Mr. Bruce (_op. cit._ ii. 175) mentions _cornets_ as in use in Old Virginia, but this of course means an obsolete instrument of the hautboy family, not the modern brass cornet, which has so unhappily superseded the noble trumpet.

[227] The inventory is printed in _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 251.

[228] The full list is given in _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 170-174.

[229] See Lyman Draper, in _Virginia Historical Register_, iv. 87-90.

[230] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, iii. 247-249.

[231] Hening, ii. 517.

[232] Hening, ii. 518.

[233] _Virginia Magazine_, i. 326, 348; _William and Mary College Quarterly_, v. 113. Allusion has already been made, on page 5 of the present volume, to the school founded by Benjamin Symms, or Symes.

[234] Hening, i. 336.

[235] President Tyler cites from the vestry-book of Petsworth Parish, in Gloucester County, an indenture of October 30, 1716, wherein Ralph Bevis agrees to “give George Petsworth, a molattoe boy of the age of 2 years, 3 years’ schooling, and carefully to Instruct him afterwards that he may read well in any part of the Bible, also to Instruct and Learn him y^e s^d molattoe boy such Lawfull way or ways that he may be able, after his Indented time expired, to gitt his own Liveing, and to allow him sufficient meat, Drink, washing, and apparill, until the expiration of y^e s^d time, &c., and after y^e finishing of y^e s^d time to pay y^e s^d George Petsworth all such allowances as y^e Law Directs in such cases, as also to keep the afores^d Parish Dureing y^e afores^d Indented time from all manner of Charges,” etc. _William and Mary College Quarterly_, v. 219.

[236] Miss Rowland’s _Life of George Mason_, i. 97.

[237] Butler’s “British Convicts Shipped to American Colonies,” _American Historical Review_, ii. 27.

[238] The worthy pastor even goes so far as to exclaim, with a groan, that two thirds of the schoolmasters in Maryland were convicts working out a term of penal servitude! Boucher’s _Thirteen Sermons_, p. 182. But in such declamatory statements it is never safe to depend upon numbers and figures. In the present case we may conclude that the number of such schoolmasters was noticeable; we are not justified in going further.

[239] From the excellent papers by W. G. Stanard, on “Virginians at Oxford,” _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 22, 149, I have culled a few items which may be of interest:--

John Lee, _armiger_ (son of 1st Richard, see above, p, 19), educated at Queens, B. A. 1662, burgess.

Rowland Jones, _cler._, Merton, matric. 1663, pastor Bruton Parish.

Ralph Wormeley, _armiger_, of Rosegill (see above, p. 243), Oriel, matric. 1665, secretary of state, etc.

Emanuel Jones, _cler._, Oriel, B. A. 1692, pastor Petsworth Parish.

Bartholomew Yates, _cler._, Brasenose, B. A. 1698, Prof. Divinity W. & M.

Mann Page, _armiger_, St. John’s, matric. 1709, member of council.

William Dawson, _plebs._, Queens, matric. 1720, M. A. 1728, D. D. 1747, Prof. Moral Phil. W. & M. 1729, Pres. W. & M. 1743-52.

Henry Fitzhugh, _gent._, Christ Church, matric. 1722, burgess.

Christopher Robinson, _gent._, Oriel, matric. 1724, studied at Middle Temple.

Christopher Robinson, _gent._, Oriel, matric. 1721, M. A. 1729, Fellow of Oriel.

Musgrave Dawson, _plebs._, Queens, B. A. 1747, pastor Raleigh Parish.

Lewis Burwell, _armiger_, Balliol, matric. 1765.

[240] Weeden, _Economic and Social History of New England_, i. 282, 412, 419; ii. 861. For neglecting to “set up school” for the year, a town would be presented by the grand jury of the county, and would then try to make excuses. “In February, 1744, the usual routine was repeated. The farmers were summoned ‘to know what the Town’s Mind is for doing about a School for the insuing year.’ The school of the previous year having cost £55 old tenor, which may have been equivalent to 55 Spanish dollars, and it being necessary to raise this sum by a general taxation, the Town’s Mind was for doing nothing; and not until the following July did it consent to have a school opened.” Bliss, _Colonial Times on Buzzard’s Bay_, p. 118.

[241] In my _Beginnings of New England_, pp. 148-153.

[242] Of the numbers in _The Federalist_, 51 were written by Hamilton, 29 by Madison, and 5 by Jay. But the frame of government which the book was written to explain and defend was not at all the work of Hamilton, whose part in the proceedings of the Federal Convention was almost _nil_. It was very largely the work of Madison, and while _The Federalist_ shows Hamilton’s marvellous flexibility of intelligence, it is Madison who is master and Hamilton who is his expounder.

[243] See above, vol. i. p. 221.

[244] Stith, _History of Virginia_, preface, vi., vii.

[245] Byrd’s _History of the Dividing Line_, with his _Journey to the Land of Eden_, and _A Progress to the Mines_, remained in MS. for more than a century. They were published at Petersburg in 1841, under the title of _Westover Manuscripts_. A better edition, edited by T. H. Wynne, was published in 1866 under the title of _Byrd Manuscripts_.

[246] _Byrd MSS._ i. 5.

[247] Bruce, _Economic History_, ii. 234.

[248] See the history of the case, in Washington’s _Writings_, ed. W. C. Ford, xiv. 255-260. According to Mr. Paul Ford, “there can scarcely be a doubt that the treatment of his last illness by the doctors was little short of murder.” _The True George Washington_, p. 58. The question is suggested, if Washington had lived a dozen years longer, would there have been a second war with England?

[249] Meade’s _Old Churches_, i. 18, 361, 385.

[250] It is difficult to obtain exact data. My impression is derived from study of the statutes and from general reading.

[251] It is authoritatively stated in the _Virginia Magazine_, i. 347, that from the time of the Company down to the time of the Revolution, “there is no record of any duel in Virginia.” In the thirteen volumes of Hening I find no allusion to duelling; for the mention of “challenges to fight” in such a passage as vol. vi. p. 80, clearly refers to chance affrays with fisticuffs at the gaming table, and not to duels. Yet in 1731 Rodolphus Malbone, for challenging Solomon White, a magistrate, “with sword and pistol,” was bound over in £50 to keep the peace: see _Virginia Magazine_, iii. 89.

[252] _Virginia Magazine_, i. 128. A woman named Eve was burned in Orange County in 1746 for petty treason, _i. e._ murdering her master. _Id._ iii. 308. For poisoning the master’s family a man and woman were burned at Charleston, S. C., in 1769. _Id._ iv. 341. For petty treason a negro woman named Phillis was burned at the stake in Cambridge, Mass., Sept. 18, 1755: see _Boston Evening Post_, Sept. 22, 1755; Paige’s _History of Cambridge_, p. 217. For riotous murder in the city of New York 21 negroes were executed in 1712, several of whom were burned and one was broken on the wheel; and again in 1741, in the panic over an imaginary plot, 13 negroes were burned at the stake: see _Acts of Assembly, New York_, ann. 1712; _Documents relating to Colonial History of New York_, vol. vi. ann. 1741. There may have been other cases. These here cited were especially notable.

[253] Prof. M. C. Tyler (_History of American Literature_, i. 90) quotes a statement of Burk (_History of Virginia_, Petersburg, 1805, vol. ii. appendix, p. xxx.), to the effect that in Princess Anne County a woman was once burned for witchcraft. But Burk makes the statement on hearsay, and I have no doubt he refers to Grace Sherwood, who between 1698 and 1708 brought divers and sundry actions for slander against persons who had called her a witch, but could not get a verdict in her favour! She was searched for witch marks and imprisoned. It is a long way from this sort of thing to getting burned at the stake! Mrs. Sherwood made her will in 1733, and it was admitted to probate in 1741. See _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 69; ii. 58; iii. 96, 190, 242; iv. 18.--There is a widespread popular belief that the victims of the witchcraft delusion in Salem were burned; scarcely a fortnight passes without some allusions to this “burning” in the newspapers. Of the twenty victims at Salem, nineteen were hanged, one was pressed to death; not one was burned. See Upham’s _History of Witchcraft and Salem Village_, Boston, 1867, 2 vols.

[254] Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ v. 286.

[255] Fox-Bourne’s _Life of John Locke_, i. 203.

[256] The Fundamental Constitutions are printed in Locke’s _Works_, London, 1824, ix. 175-199. An excellent analysis of them is given by Prof. Bassett, “The Constitutional Beginnings of North Carolina,” _J. H. U. Studies_, xii. 97-169; see, also, Whitney, “Government of the Colony of South Carolina,” _Id._ xiii. 1-121.

[257] Hening, i. 380.

[258] He is commonly called a Quaker, but the tradition is ill supported. See Weeks, _Southern Quakers and Slavery_, p. 33.

[259] See my _Discovery of America_, i. 167-169.

[260] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. 72.

[261] Lawson, _A Description of North Carolina_, London, 1718, p. 73.

[262] Rivers, _Early History of South Carolina_, Charleston, 1856, p. 96.

[263] Williamson, _History of North Carolina_, Philadelphia, 1812, p. 120.

[264] Williamson, _op. cit._ i. 121.

[265] Moore’s _History of North Carolina_, Raleigh, 1880, i. 18.

[266] I am glad to find this opinion corroborated by Professor Bassett in his able paper above cited, _J. H. U. Studies_, xii. 109.

[267] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. 470.

[268] See above, p. 85 of the present volume.

[269] Dr. Hawks, in his _History of North Carolina_, ii. 463-483, gives a detailed and very entertaining account of the Culpeper rebellion, to which I am indebted for several particulars.

[270] Hawks, _op. cit._ ii. 489.

[271] Rivers, _Early History of South Carolina_, p. 145.

[272] _Id._ p. 153.

[273] _Records of General Court of Albemarle_, 1697; Hawks, _op. cit._ ii. 491.

[274] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_ (Va. Hist. Soc. Coll.), Richmond, 1882, i. 106. Several other passages in Spotswood’s letters of the summer and autumn of 1711 express a similar belief. The opinion of Spotswood is adopted in Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, ii. 522-533, who is followed by Moore, _History of North Carolina_, i. 35. I am glad to find that my opinion of the inadequacy of the evidence is shared by so great an authority as Professor Rivers, in Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ v. 298.

[275] See the learned essay by James Mooney, _The Siouan Tribes of the East_ (Bureau of Ethnology, Bulletin 22), Washington, 1894. Until recent years it was not known that there were ever any Sioux in the Atlantic region. The Catawbas, etc., were supposed to be Muskogi.

[276] Lawson, _The History of Carolina; containing the Exact Description and Natural History of that Country; together with the Present State thereof. And a Journal of a Thousand Miles travelled through several Nations of Indians, giving a particular Account of their Customs, Manners, etc._ London, 1709, small quarto, 258 pages.

[277] For this and other atrocities see the letter of November 2, 1711, from Major Christopher Gale to his sister, printed in Nichols’s _Illustrations of the Literary History of the Eighteenth Century_, iv. 489-492.

[278] In Professor Rivers’s version of the story there was either no general conspiracy or only a sudden one conceived after the murder of Lawson. He suggests that “being fearful of the consequences” of that act, the Indians “were hurried into the design of a widespread massacre,” etc. _Early History of South Carolina_, p. 253. It may be so. Questions relating to concert between Indian tribes are apt to be hard to settle. I think, however, that in this case the simultaneity of attack at distant points is in favour of the generally accepted view of a conspiracy arranged before Lawson’s death.

[279] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade and to Lord Dartmouth, December 28, 1711, _Official Letters_, i. 129-138. This was one of the early instances of the extreme difficulty of obtaining money from “whimsical” legislatures for the common defence, which in later years led Parliament to the attempt to cure the evil by means of the Stamp Act. Even in what he did accomplish on the border, Spotswood had to depend upon voluntary contributions, just as money was raised by Franklin in 1758 for the expedition against Fort Duquesne, and by Robert Morris in the great crisis of Washington’s Trenton-Princeton campaign.

[280] See my _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, ii. 200.

[281] Dr. Hugh Williamson, in his _History of North Carolina_, Philadelphia, 1812, ii. 173-211, gives a very interesting account of these malarial swamps, their geological causes, and their effects upon the people.

[282] For a sprightly account of the Alpine region of North Carolina and its inhabitants, see Zeigler and Grosscup, _The Heart of the Alleghanies_, Raleigh, 1883.

[283] Lawson’s _History of Carolina_, London, 1718, p. 79.

[284] _Byrd MSS._ i. 59, 65.

[285] _Byrd MSS._ i. 56.

[286] _Byrd MSS._ i. 59.

[287] See above, p. 188 of the present volume.

[288] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, ii. 146.

[289] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, April 5, 1717, _Official Letters_, ii. 227.

[290] Olmsted’s _Slave States_, p. 507.

[291] Cf. Ramage, “Local Government and Free Schools in South Carolina,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, vol. i.

[292] Ramage, _op. cit._

[293] The remarks of Herbert Spencer on state education, in his _Social Statics_, revised ed., London, 1892, pp. 153-184, deserve most careful consideration by all who are interested in the welfare of their fellow-creatures.

[294] Bruce, _Economic History of Virginia_, ii. 108.

[295] Americans are apt to forget how much nearer the equator the familiar points in this country are than familiar points in Europe. Although every family has an atlas, many persons are surprised when their attention is called to the facts that Great Britain is in the latitude of Hudson Bay, that Paris and Vienna are further north than Quebec, that Montreal is nearly opposite to Venice, Boston to Rome, Charleston to Tripoli, etc.

[296] Simms, _History of South Carolina_, p. 106; Williams, _History of the Negro Race in America_, i. 299.

[297] Whitney, “Government of the Colony of South Carolina,” _Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies_, xiii. 95; _Statutes of South Carolina_, iii. 395-399, 456-461, 568-573.

[298] The story is told by St. John de Crèvecœur, in his _Letters from an American Farmer_, Philadelphia, 1793, pp. 178-180. Crèvecœur was on his way to dine with a planter when he encountered the shocking spectacle. He succeeded in passing a shell of water through the bars of the cage to the lips of the poor wretch, who thanked him and begged to be killed; but the Frenchman had no means at hand.

[299] _Statutes of South Carolina_, vii. 410, 411.

[300] “La plupart des riches habitans de la Caroline du Sud, ayant été élevés en Europe, en ont apporté plus de gout, et des connaissances plus analogues à nos mœurs, que les habitans des provinces du Nord, ce qui doit leur donner généralement sur ceux-ci de l’avantage en société. Les femmes semblent aussi plus animées que dans le Nord, prennent plus de part à la conversation, sont davantage dans la société.... Elles sont jolies, agréables, piquantes; mais ... les hommes et les femmes vieillissent promptement dan ce climat.” La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Voyage dans les États-Unis_, Paris, 1799, iv. 13.

[301] Boswell has a characteristic anecdote of Oglethorpe, who was very high-spirited, but extremely sensible. When a lad of nineteen or so, he was dining one day with a certain Prince of Würtemberg and others, when the insolent prince fillipped a few drops of wine into his face. “Here was a nice dilemma. To have challenged him instantly might have fixed a quarrelsome character upon the young soldier; to have taken no notice of it might have been considered as cowardice. Oglethorpe, therefore, keeping his eye upon the prince and smiling, ... said, ‘That’s a good joke, but we do it much better in England,’ and threw a whole glass of wine in the prince’s face. An old general, who sat by, said, ‘Il a bien fait, mon prince, vous l’avez commencé,’ and thus all ended in good humour.” _Life of Johnson_, ed. Birkbeck Hill, ii. 180.

[302] See the charter, in Jones’s _History of Georgia_, i. 90.

[303] Blackstone’s _Commentaries_, bk. iv. chap. 5.

[304] See above, vol. i. p. 24.

[305] Burney, _History of the Buccaneers of America_, p. 52.

[306] Exquemeling was sent to Tortuga in 1666, in one of the Dutch West India Company’s ships, and on his arrival was sold for thirty crowns into three years’ servitude. He says very neatly: “Je ne dis rien de ce qui a donné lieu à mon embarquement, suivi d’un si fâcheux esclavage, parce que cela seroit hors de propos, et ne pourroit estre qu’ennuyeux.” He was cruelly treated. After gaining his freedom he joined the buccaneers, apparently because there was nothing else to do. He went home in 1674 in a Dutch ship, “remerciant Dieu de m’avoir retiré de cette miserable vie, estant la première occasion de la quitter que j’eusse rencontré depuis cinq années.” Oexmelin, _Histoire des Avanturiers_, Paris, 1686, i. 13; ii. 312. The English version of his book is entitled “History of the Bucaniers of America” (London, 1684). The Spanish version is known as “Los Piratas.” Not only do the titles thus differ, but each translator has added more or less material from other sources, in order to exalt the fame of the rascals of his own nation.

[307] “Le capitaine ... du vaisseau submergé était un pirate hollandais; c’était celui-là¡ même qui avait volé Candide. Les richesses immenses dont ce célérat s’était emparé furent ensevelies avec lui dans la mer, et il n’y eut qu’un mouton de sauvé. Vous voyez, dit Candide à Martin, que le crime est puni quelquefois; ce coquin de patron hollandais a en le sort qui’il méritait. Oui, dit Martin; mais fallait-il que les passagers qui était sur son vaisseau périssent aussi? Dieu a puni ce fripon, le diable a noyé les autres.” Voltaire, _Œuvres_, Paris, 1785. tom, xliv. p. 294.

[308] _Histoire des avanturiers_, ii. 216.

[309] Exquemeling says: “A l’heure que je parle il est élevé aux plus éminentes dignitez de la Jamaique; ce qui fait assez voir qu’un homme, tel qu’il soit, est toujours estimé & bien receu par tout, pourveu qu’il ait de l’argent.” _Histoire des avanturiers_, ii. 214.

[310] Ringrose’s _MS. Narrative_, British Museum, Sloane collection, No. 3820.

[311] See Hughson, “The Carolina Pirates and Colonial Commerce,” _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, xii. 241-370.

[312] See Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_, ii. 222.

[313] In Kidd’s case there were many extenuating circumstances; he was far from being such a scoundrel as most of the pirates.

[314] See the cases of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, in Johnson’s _History of the Pirates_, London, 1724, 2 vols.

[315] Burton’s _History of Scotland_, vi. 403.

[316] In writing to James Stanhope, secretary of state, Spotswood says: “Such is the unaccountable temper of the People that they have generally chosen for their Representatives Persons of the meanest Estates and Capacitys in their Countys, And as if the House of Burgesses were resolved to copy after the patern of their Electors, of the few Gentlemen that are among them, they have expelled two for having the Generosity to serve their Country for nothing, w’ch they term bribery.” _Official Letters_, ii. 129. This reminds one of the language applied by Sherwood and Ludwell to Bacon’s followers (see above, p. 102); and suggests the presence among the burgesses of a considerable party which felt it necessary to contend against aristocratizing tendencies. To establish the principle that representatives might serve without pay would tend to disqualify poor folk from serving in that capacity.

[317] There is evidently a slip of the pen here; _Letters_ must have been the word intended.

[318] Spotswood to the Lords of Trade, June 24, 1718. _Official Letters_, ii. 280, 281.

[319] The 58th birthday of George I., May 28, 1718.

[320] Spotswood, _Official Letters_, ii. 284.

[321] His feelings find temperate expression in his letters to the Lords of Trade and to the secretary of state, James Stanhope; _e. g._, in October, 1712: “This Unhappy State of her Maj’t’s Subjects in my Neighbourhood is y^e more Affecting to me because I have very little hopes of being enabled to relieve them by our Assembly, which I have called to meet next Week.... No arguments I have used can prevail on these people to make their Militia more Serviceable;” and in July, 1715: “I cannot forbear regretting y^t I must always have to do w’th y^e Representatives of y^e Vulgar People, and mostly with such members as are of their Stamp and Understanding, for so long as half an Acre of Land ... qualifys a man to be an Elector, the meaner sort of People will ever carry y^e Elections, and the humour generally runs to choose such men as are their most familiar Companions, who very eagerly seek to be Burgesses merely for the Lucre of the Salary, and who, for fear of not being chosen again, dare in Assembly do nothing that may be disrelished out of the House by y^e Common People.... However, as my general Success hitherto with this sort of Assemblys is not to be Complained of, and as I have brought them, in some particulars, to place greater Trust in me than ever they did in any Governor before, and seeing their Confidence in Me has encreased with their Knowledge of me, I have great hopes to lead even this new Assembly into measures that may be for the hon’r and safety of these parts of his Maj’t’s Dominions.... Y^e Assembly of No. Carolina has already faulted their Governor for dispatching away to y^e relief of his next Neighbours a small reinforcement of Men, they alledging that their own danger requir’d not to weaken themselves.... None of y^e Provinces on y^e Continent have yet sent any Assistance of Men to So. Carolina, except this Colony alone, and No. Carolina, and by w’t I understand from Govern’r Hunter [of New York] I am afraid they may be diverted from it, he writing me word y^t their Indians are grown very turbulent and ungovernable. We are not here without our dangers, too, but yet I judg’d it best, and y^e readiest way to save ourselves, to run immediately to check the first kindling Flames, and even to stretch a point to succour Carolina with Arms and ammunition; and I made such dispatch in y^e first Succours of Men I sent thither y^t they pass’d no more than 15 days between the Day of y^e Carolina Comm’rs coming to me and y^e day of my embarking 118 Men listed for their Service. I have since sent another Vessel with 40 or 50 Men more; and hope in a short time to have y^e Complem’t raised w’ch this Government has engag’d to furnish.... I need not offer, for my justification, to wound his Maj’t’s Ears with particular relation of the miserys his Subjects in Carolina labour under, and of y^e Inhuman butchering and horrid Tortures many of them have been exposed to.” So in Oct. 1715: “Such was the Temper and Understanding [of the House of Burgesses] that they could not be reason’d into Wholesome Laws, and such their humour and principles y^t they would aim at no other Acts than what invaded y^e Prerogative or thwarted the Government. So that all their considerable Bills Stopt in the Council.... On y^e 8 of Aug’st ... they plainly declar’d they would do nothing ... till they had an Answer from his Maj’tie to their Address about the Quitt rents. I need not repeat to you, S’r, what I have formerly represented of the inconveniency a Governm’t without money is expos’d to, especially in any dangerous Conjuncture.... The bulk of the Ellectors of Assembly Men concists of the meaner sort of People, who ... are more easily impos’d upon by persons who are not restrain’d by any Principles of Truth or Hon’r from publishing amongst them the most false reports, and have front enough to assert for truth even the grossest Absurdities. [How well this describes the blatant demagogues who thrive and multiply in the cesspool of politics to-day, like maggots in carrion!] ... These mobish Candidates always outbid the Gent’n of sence and Principles, for they stick not to vow to their Electors that no consideration whatever shall engage them to raise money, and some of them have so little shame as publickly to declare that if, in Assembly, anything should be propos’d w’ch they judg’d might be disagreeable to their Constituents, they would oppose it, tho’ they knew in their consciences y^t it would be for y^e good of the Country.” Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 1, 2, 124, 125, 130, 132, 164.

[322] The expression is suggested by a famous passage in Lord Macaulay, who seems to think that it all happened in order that Frederick the Great might keep his hold upon Silesia!

[323] See above, vol i. p. 27.

[324] See above, vol. i. p. 61.

[325] See above, vol. i. p. 116.

[326] Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 381.

[327] These were Kaskaskia and Cahokia in 1700, Detroit in 1701, Mobile in 1702, and Vincennes in 1705; and Bienville was just about to found New Orleans, which he did in 1718.

[328] “I have often regretted that after so many Years as these Countrys have been Seated, no Attempts have been made to discover the Sources of Our Rivers, nor to Establishing Correspondence w’th those Nations of Indians to ye Westw’d of Us, even after the certain Knowledge of the Progress made by French in Surrounding us w’th their Settlements.” Spotswood, _Official Letters_, iii. 295. A reconnoissance was made in 1710, which reported that the Blue Ridge was not, as had been supposed, impassable. _Id._ i. 40.

[329] Fontaine’s journal of the expedition shows that the crossing was not at Rockfish Gap, as formerly supposed. Cf. Peyton’s _History of Augusta County_, Staunton, 1882, pp. 24, 29.

[330] “Thus it is a pleasure to cross the mountains.”

[331] Jones, _Present State of Virginia_, London, 1724, p. 14.

[332] Spotswood, _Official Letters_, ii. 297.

[333] He understood that from Swift Run Gap it was but three days’ march to a tribe of Indians living on a river which emptied into Lake Erie; also that from a distant peak, which was pointed out to him, Lake Erie was distinctly visible; so he estimated the total distance as five days’ march. The river route thus vaguely indicated was probably down the Youghiogheny or the Monongahela to the site of Pittsburgh, then up the Alleghany and so on to the site of Erie, distant in a straight line about 300 miles from Swift Run Gap. Braddock in 1755 was a month in getting over less than one fourth of the actual route. But, in spite of the false estimate, Spotswood’s general idea was sound.

[334] _William and Mary College Quarterly_, i. 7.

[335] In this respect one of his family in the days of our great Civil War was like him. The noble statue at the entrance of Forest Park in St. Louis stands there to remind us that it was chiefly the iron will of Francis Preston Blair that in 1861 prevented the secessionist government of Missouri from dragging that state over to the Southern Confederacy.

[336] George Washington’s elder brother, Lawrence, served in this expedition, and named his estate Mount Vernon after the admiral.

[337] In 1781 the mansion at Temple Farm was known as the Moore House.

[338] In my next following work, entitled “The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America,” I hope to give a more detailed and specific account of the Scotch-Irish and their important work in this country.

[339] Conway’s Barons, p. 213; Kercheval’s _History of the Valley of Virginia_, Winchester, 1833, p. 65.

[340] Cf. Winsor, _Narr. and Crit. Hist._ v. 276.

[341] Greene’s _Antiquities of Worcester_, p. 273.

[Transcriber’s Note:

Obvious printer errors corrected silently.

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]

End of Project Gutenberg's Old Virginia and Her Neighbours, by John Fiske