Part 2

A Moor had seized a free negro, and, having secured him, he brought him to Senegal, and sold him to the company. A few days afterwards this moor was taken by some negroes in the same manner, and brought to be sold in his turn. The company seldom buy moors: but as they were obliged, in consequence of their privileges, to supply the colony of Cayenne with a certain number of slaves, and as several ships then in the road, in consequence of the king of Almammy’s edict, as before related, could not complete their cargoes, they made the less scruple to buy him on this occasion. Chance so directed, that the moor, after he had been purchased, was carried on board the same ship, in which the negro lay. They no sooner met, than a quarrel took place between them, which occasioned, for some days, a great tumult in the vessel. Such rencounters frequently happen in the slave-ships, and the uproars, occasioned by them, are seldom or never quieted, till some mischief has been done.

CHAP. III.

_Of ROBBERY._

I have been hitherto describing the _Pillage_, as it is either publick or private. I have also considered it as practiced by the blacks upon one another. I come now to speak of it, as it is practiced upon these by the whites; and this I call _Robbery_.

It is too well known, at least on some parts of the coast, that the Europeans have not failed, when opportunity presented itself, to seize the unsuspicious natives of Africa, and to carry them by force to their own colonies.

This is usually practiced by the Europeans, where they have no settlements; so that the fact generally escapes the notice of their countrymen; I mean principally up the rivers, where they have ventured to penetrate for the purpose of a more advantageous trade. At such places, they compel the negroes to deliver them hostages, whom they keep on board. The truce being concluded, the unsuspicious natives embark with confidence, and repeatedly visit the vessel without any kind of suspicion or fear. But, if the wind should be at all favourable, none of the European monsters, who are engaged in this trade, scruple to set sail, and to carry away not only the free negroes, who have come on board to trade, but the hostages also, in defiance of the law of nations and common honesty.

These transactions are not only iniquitous in themselves, and therefore derogatory from the character of a civilized nation, but are often so fatal in their consequences, that those, who perpetrate them, have a claim to the appellation of devils rather than men. For it may easily be supposed, that the relations and friends of those, who have been thus fraudulently carried off, will spare no pains to retaliate. This is generally the case. The next ship that visits the coast, is perhaps cut off. Thus, to a villainous action, is superadded the guilt of becoming instrumental to the murder perhaps of their own countrymen, and at any rate of occasioning the innocent to undergo the punishment of the guilty.

When I was at Goree, in the year 1787, accounts came down by some French merchantmen from the Gambia of the following particulars.

The captain of an English ship, which had been some time in that river, had enticed several of the natives on board, and, finding a favourable opportunity, sailed away with them. His vessel however was, by the direction of Providence, driven back to the coast from whence it had set sail, and was obliged to cast anchor on the very spot where this act of treachery had been committed. At this time two other English vessels were lying in the same river. The natives, ever since the transaction, had determined to retaliate. They happened, at this juncture, to be prepared. They accordingly boarded the three vessels, and, having made themselves masters of them, they killed most of their crews. The few who escaped to tell the tale, were obliged to take refuge in a neighbouring French factory. Thus did the innocent suffer the same punishment as the guilty; for it did not appear that the crews of the other two vessels had been at all concerned in this villainous measure.

These particulars, as I observed before, had found their way down to us at Goree, and, from the channels through which they came, I had no reason to question their truth. It is remarkable, however, that, though I wanted no confirmation of them in my own mind, yet, since my arrival in London, I have heard them fully substantiated: for I dined lately by accident with a certain underwriter, to whom undesignedly relating the time, place, and other circumstances of this transaction, I found that I had only been describing the fate of certain vessels, which, to his knowledge, had been cut off in the same part of the world, and at the same season.

CHAP. IV.

_Of TREACHERY or STRATAGEM._

The various other ways in which slaves are obtained, may be included under the words _Treachery_ or _Stratagem_, being only so many different modes of the same practice. One or two instances will, I hope, suffice, as I do not wish to take up the reader’s time more than is necessary, and as he will be enabled by them to judge of the rest. Besides, the stratagems which the traders daily practise to get slaves, are so numerous, that it would take a volume to recount them.

A French merchant of Goree landing at a village, observed an handsome well-made negro. He immediately made application to the chief of the village to seize him. On the proposal of the chief, the people unanimously agreed to grant his request: for it is a law in those parts, that if all the village consent, any visitor residing among them may be made a slave. To gain the consent of a whole village on such an occasion, is by no means difficult. The Africans in general, like other people in the same unimproved state, are governed by their passions, and the prince has only to distribute a sufficient quantity of spirituous liquors among them to produce the effect he wishes for. Such was the case in the present instance; and the unfortunate negro, though he was their neighbour and visitor, was taken and sent into slavery. His wife, having heard of his capture, came down bathed in tears. She begged to be bought, that she might go with him, and share his fate. But the dealer who bought him, had probably no goods at the time, and her intreaties were ineffectual.

The king of Sallum, under pretence of wanting millet, enticed from a neighbouring village a negress, who had a quantity to dispose of. Elated with the prospect of selling it to advantage, she did not consider the imprudence of the step she was about to take. She accordingly went to the king, who not only immediately deprived her of her millet, but seized her, and sold her for a slave.

I cannot close my account of the different methods daily practised to obtain slaves, without giving an instance, that will shew, in a very glaring light, the bad tendency of the slave trade, and the baneful effects it produces on the human heart.

One of the Moorish kings had received from the director of the company of Senegal, the predecessor of him who now occupies that post, the usual presents, in consequence of which he was bound to procure slaves. Having been rather dilatory in the performance of his engagement, he was applied to by the director, who represented to him the pressing wants of the company. The king, thus urgently pressed, offered him a certain negro on account. This negro was none other than his own minister, who had been his confidential friend and faithful adviser for many years. The director, shocked at the circumstance, endeavoured to point out to him the impropriety of his conduct, but his representations were ineffectual. The negro, in whose presence the offer was made, finding that his unworthy master was obstinately bent upon his design, ran up to him, drew his dagger, and plunging it into his own breast, exclaimed, “Thou savage! I shall have the satisfaction of expiring, before thou canst reap any advantage from thy base ingratitude to the best of servants.”

I have now finished my section on the mode of procuring slaves, and I should have been made much happier by my visit to the coast of Africa, if no such instances had occurred, as I have felt myself obliged to communicate to the reader.

SECT. II.

_Of the Manner in which the Negroes are treated by the Europeans._

CHAP. I.

_Of the Negroes considered as TRADERS._

Self-interest, the principle of all commerce, appears in the very basest point of view, when considered, with a reference to the intercourse subsisting between the white and the black nations. The fraud and violence which the stronger generally imagine they have a right in trade to exercise towards the weaker, compel the latter in their turn to have recourse to practices equally base and cruel. Such is the true picture of the low cunning and barbarity which the whites practice towards the negroes, and these last towards their own people.

In such mysteries of iniquity, the Europeans have a decided advantage over the untutored African nations; and thus practice their villainous artifices with impunity. The most despicable juggling tricks are used in measuring or reckoning the commodities bartered with the negroes. Thus for example, instead of the bottles and barrels shewn and approved of, others are substituted apparently of the same size, but containing less perhaps by one half. Advantage is taken of the difficulty with which the negroes reckon beyond ten, and thus the accounts are confused, and they are deprived of the greater part of the commodities bargained for. The wine and spirits, samples of which the negroes had tasted pure, are afterwards adulterated with water. They are defrauded in all sorts of weights and measures; and, that the European adepts in villainy may play off their tricks with success, they previously take care to intoxicate the unsuspecting negroes, and by this means fascinate their senses in such a manner, as to multiply or magnify every article set before them. These ways of trading are esteemed the most modest that can be practiced, and there is not a single European who scruples in the least to have recourse to them on all occasions. I have repeatedly been an eye-witness of such villainy.

CHAP. II.

_Of the Negroes considered as SLAVES._

On the coast of Africa there are two descriptions of slaves, namely, the immediate descendants of slaves, and those who are reduced to slavery in the different ways I have described. The former are seldom sold, except for theft, but the most trivial transgression of this kind is often made a pretext for selling them. At Goree I was present at several publick sales of young women,[1] who were sold for acts of petty larceny, which scarcely deserved the name of crimes. The treatment these last experience is mild, when compared to that of the wretches, who are enslaved by force or fraud, and who are treated exactly like wild beasts. They are confined in prisons or dungeons, resembling dens, where they lie naked on the sand, crowded together and loaded with irons. In consequence of this cruel mode of confinement, they are frequently covered with cutaneous eruptions. Ten or twelve of them feed together out of a trough, precisely like so many hogs. There is even less care taken of them than of brutes, while they are confined in these horrid receptacles, and, till they are stowed away in the slave vessels, to be sent from the coast; nor are they worse treated on board, if we may credit some accounts.

I am very sorry that humanity obliges me here to divulge a most barbarous practice, frequently used by the French traders in the Middle Passage. I have been assured by several of their merchants and captains, that when detained by calms, or contrary winds, occasioning a shortness of provisions and water; or when some fatal disease happens to break out among the slaves, they never fail to mix corrosive sublimate, or some other active poison with their visuals, and thus coolly dispatch the wretches committed to their charge. They affirm that it would be an act of imprudence to undertake such a voyage unprovided with poisonous drugs, and they boast of being less cruel than the Dutch and the English, who in similar circumstances throw the innocent victims over-board without ceremony.[2]

Of the above cruel practice, my journal furnishes a melancholy instance, communicated to me by Capt. L. of Havre de Grace. About two years ago, a slave vessel belonging to Brest, having been becalmed in the Middle Passage, fell short of provisions and water. The Captain on this occasion had recourse to poison, by which so great a number was daily dispatched, that of _five hundred_ slaves, only _twenty-one_ arrived at Cape François.

SECT. III.

_Whether the Negroes are naturally inclined to Industry._

CHAP. I.

_In FOREIGN COUNTRIES._

From several experiments made on different plantations in the West-Indies, it appears, that negroes, when working, not by the day, but by task, have given convincing proofs both of ability and industry.[3]

CHAP. II.

_In THEIR OWN COUNTRY._

As liberty and reason, the two grand springs of all human action, are not yet developed in these people, who have long remained in a state of infancy, solely because their faculties have not been cultivated, in consequence of which their wants have been but few, it may perhaps be concluded, that these raw nations are incapable of civilization, but this opinion will soon vanish on reflecting, that the effects produced must entirely depend on the manner of forming their intellect. New objects ought to be presented to them, in order to excite new desires, and to call forth those faculties, which have hitherto lain dormant, merely for want of exercise. Thus in the progress of their improvement it will be necessary to introduce among them a proportionable degree of what we generally call luxury, by which I do not mean the abuse of the conveniences of life, which enervates mankind, but such moderate use of those conveniences, as will rouse them to action.

The behaviour of the king of Barbesin convinced me, that this useful degree of luxury might easily be introduced among the people of the coast. I gave him a pair of common enamelled slave buttons, with which, though ignorant of their use, he was infinitely delighted. On my shewing him for what purpose they were intended, he appeared much mortified that his shirt had no button-holes; but observed that it differed in this respect from that of a mulatto from Goree, with whom he insisted on exchanging shirts in our presence, a demand with which the man was forced to comply. Transported with his new ornaments, the king held up his hands to display them to the people. His courtiers soon surrounded my hut, intreating me to furnish them also with buttons, which I did with pleasure. This fondness of the natives for European baubles, proves that an advantageous commerce might be established among them with very little trouble and expense.

The conduct of the present king (late grand marabou[4]) of Almammy, is more interesting to humanity, and evinces the firm manly character of the negroes when enlightened. His understanding having been more cultivated in his youth than that of the other black princes, he has rendered himself intirely independent of the whites. He has not only prohibited the slave trade throughout his dominions, but (in the year 1787) would not suffer the French to march their captives from Gallam, through his country. He redeems his own subjects when seized by the Moors, and encourages them to raise cattle, to cultivate the land, and to practice all kinds of industry. As grand marabou, he abstains from strong liquor, which, however, is not the general rule among that order; for some who travel with the whites are not scrupulous in this respect. His subjects, imitating his example, are much more sober than their neighbours.

This proves to what degree of civilization these people might be brought, if with prudence and patience this great and noble enterprize was once undertaken; but without introducing some degree of what we generally call Luxury, this cultivation would, in my opinion, be intirely impracticable. To what purpose would the human understanding be cultivated, if Luxury, by which I mean nothing more than the improvement of the conveniences and comforts of life, did not keep pace with it? The former indeed could not take place without the latter. Uncivilized nations in general are led merely by animal instinct to procure their subsistence, but as soon as the understanding begins to be enlightened, by means of reflection upon what is agreeable to life, above mere necessaries, Luxury must of course be introduced.[5]

SECT. IV.

_DESCRIPTION of the COAST._

CHAP. I.

_CLIMATE._

The climate of the coast of Guinea, as of other countries, varies with the nature of the soil, its elevation or depression, the comparative state of its improvement, and other circumstances, perhaps not yet sufficiently investigated. The latitude of the place is by no means a certain criterion of its climate, since even in the midst of the torrid zone, we meet with all possible gradations of climate. The high lands of Camaroons in particular, though only between three and four degrees distant from the line, are covered with everlasting snow.

It is the general opinion, that the most unhealthy climates on the coast, are those of Senegal and Juda, or, as it is called by the English, Whidah. The neighbourhood of the banks of the River Gambia, however, which has lately been much frequented, hath been found to be as unhealthy as those just mentioned, especially during the great rains, and immediately after their cessation. In general it may be concluded, that low and marshy situations are very unfavourable to the health of the Europeans, who may expect the most fatal consequences from irregularity, or excess of any kind. But a due regard to temperance, and such moderate exercise as would not induce too violent a perspiration, would doubtless be the best means of guarding against the effects of a sudden change of climate. Thus the body would gradually accommodate itself to its new situation, as is actually experienced by every one who duly attends to these precautions; and this happy effect takes place sooner or later, according to the weakness or strength of the stranger’s constitution, as well as to the more or less manly education he may have received, and the habits he may have formed in the earlier part of his life. The intemperature of those climates may also be in some degree resisted, by fixing one’s habitation on an elevated spot during the unhealthy season of the year. For my own part, although I arrived on the coast during that season, I escaped all the diseases of the country. This I ascribe entirely to the cautious temperance I observed. During a mortality which raged at Senegal while I was there, not a single gentleman or officer on shore was attacked, but out of eleven sailors belonging to the vessel in which I returned to Europe, six were taken off in the space of a month. It must be observed, however, that seamen, by the tyranny or neglect of the captains, by a bad or scanty diet, and by the other hardships they undergo, are often exposed to many causes of disease, which do not affect persons living regularly on shore, and which will ever more or less attend the service of monopolizing Companies, or individual merchants, who, _regardless of the lives of men_, make gain the sole object of their speculations.[6] It is remarked, that Europeans of a slender habit are generally found to be the most healthy on the coast of Guinea.

From what I have been able to collect, it appears, that the rainy seasons follow the passage of the sun from the equator to either tropic, so as always to prevail in those places where the sun is vertical. East of Cape Palmas I am told they seldom set in before June, when the sun returns from the northern tropic; but to the westward of that Cape, and up the whole country, those seasons generally commence within the month of May, and continue for three or four months. In the beginning of this season, the earth being softened with the rain, the negroes till and sow their ground, and after the return of dry weather, they gather in their crops, an occupation they seldom abandon, even though allured by the most advantageous commerce. I have sufficient reason to believe, that were the coast cultivated to the extent of which the soil in general is susceptible, the climate would be much meliorated.

CHAP. II.

_Of the Soil._

The soil all along the coast is very unequal. From Cape Blanco down the coast, to the River Gambia, it is in general very sandy, but as the sand consists of broken shells, covered in many places with a rich black mould, it must be favourable to vegetation. The most barren places of this part of the country, except just on the sea shore, are covered with grass and bushes; and where the black mould is found, the vegetation is luxuriant, and the trees of vast dimensions. I have remarked, that the mountains are generally composed more or less of regular basaltes, exhibiting remains of most prodigious volcanoes, the eruptions of which greatly improve the soil around them. Hence the mountains and high grounds at Cape Emanuel, Goree, Cape Rouge, and other places lower down, are commonly very fertile. Where rice thrives best, the ground in general is low, marshy, and unhealthy.

CHAP. III.

_The Productions._

_Animal._ The cattle on the coast are smaller than those of Europe, and not so fat as those of England or Holland; yet their flesh is very nourishing, and they give milk in abundance. Their inferiority appeared to me to be the effect of the careless and unskillful management of the negroes. I once saw four oxen sold for eighteen livres. They must be raised on the coast, as foreign cattle do not thrive. Even those from the Cape de Verd Islands do not answer on the coast. The whole coast is abundantly stocked with sheep, hogs, and all sorts of poultry, which propagate with astonishing rapidity. Fishing and hunting are most eagerly pursued by the negroes, who have, however, but a very gross idea of any mechanical means of facilitating those employments. Of the prodigious shoals of numberless kinds of fish, I could have formed no idea without having seen them with my own eyes. Spermaceti whales abound on the coast. In passing from Goree to the Continent, distant about five miles, I have often rowed through shoals of them, and have been under no small apprehensions of their oversetting any canoe. Lower down the coast the English and Portuguese carry on a considerable fishery of those whales; and ambergris is found in such quantities on the coast, that I have more than once seen the negroes pay their canoes with it. Till lately the learned were at a loss to which of the kingdoms of nature this production was to be referred, but they are now pretty generally agreed, that it is the excrement of the spermaceti whales.