Notes on the History of Argentine Independence
Part 1
Notes on the History of Argentine Independence
----A PAPER READ BY----
MR. C. W. WHITTEMORE
February 6th, 1920
Before the American Club Buenos Aires
NOTES ON THE HISTORY OF ARGENTINE INDEPENDENCE.
A PAPER READ BEFORE THE AMERICAN CLUB OF BUENOS AIRES BY MR. C. W. WHITTEMORE.
In a former paper read before this Club, effort was made to show how settlements in the Argentine came east and south from Perú, step by step, until Buenos Aires was eventually founded by Juan de Garay in 1580. In Argentine history this is known as the "Refoundation" of the city, a sentimental fiction of obscure origin for there was no connection between the permanent work of Garay and the ephemeral passing of Pedro de Mendoza forty-four years previously. In the present paper, we will trace the history of Argentine Independence as it extended west and north, step by step, reversing the march of early settlement, until the final battles were fought and won in Perú, the stronghold of Spanish power in South America.
The Fathers of Argentine Independence took it for granted that the new nation would embrace all the territory included in the Viceroyship of the River Plate, which was created in 1776 (note the year:) as an afterthought of the Spanish Government and intended to quiet the discontent of the Argentine people over trade restrictions and to provide a bulwark against Portuguese aggressions, at that time a serious menace. It included the present Republics of Argentine, Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia, then called Upper Perú, this last having a considerable frontage on the Pacific Ocean. The population in 1776, including slaves and tame Indians, was probably less than five hundred thousand people, of which fully one-half lived in Upper Perú.
A noteworthy feature, the only one in all Spanish America, of the primary Argentine colonization was that it absorbed the Indian population. In Perú as in Mexico and elsewhere, the conquerors implanted a feudalism which had as its principal basis the distribution of the natives as laborers among the mine and ranch owners. The Indian races crossed with the Spaniards but were not assimilated. In the Argentine, on the contrary, the Indians _were_ assimilated, there was a minimum of oppression, a limitation to human exploitation, a rudimentary recognition of equality, with the result that at an early day the native sons were the backbone of the settlements, assumed positions of authority, led exploring expeditions and founded other colonies. Seeds of eventual freedom were planted from the very beginning.
Spain settled America for the benefit of Spain, the welfare of the colonies was never considered, and one of the fundamental manifestations of this erroneous policy was the creation of arbitrary trade routes in opposition to natural laws. Buenos Aires was located at the junction of a system of rivers and was readily accessible from Transatlantic ports, yet all legitimate commerce had to come via Panamá and Perú, pay heavy sea and land freight charges, multiplied internal customs dues and much unnecessary handling, to the extent that by the time merchandise reached Buenos Aires, its cost had been increased 500 to 600 percent. Contraband flourished, ably and actively assisted by the British and Portuguese from the headquarters at Colonia, just across the river. The trade-route policy of Spain provoked in the Argentine a spirit of steadily growing hostility which smouldered for many years before the outbreak came.
As an item of passing interest, Buenos Aires because of geographical position became a port of relative importance in spite of the restrictions. During the five years from 1748 to 1753, some 150,000 native hides, and gold, silver, copper, tin, cacoa, vicuña wool and quinine from Perú and Chile to the value of 6,000,000 "pesos fuertes" were exported, while in the following ten years from 1754 to 1763 these same countries sent out through Buenos Aires 36,000,000 "pesos" worth of gold and silver.
The establishment of the Viceroyship in 1776 and the consequent formation in Buenos Aires of a locally semi-autonomous Government, facilitated and stimulated commercial activity. Wine came from Mendoza, rum and dried fruits from San Juan, textiles and laces from Tucumán and Salta where the Inca arts and industries persisted and flourished, hides and skins from the plains, "yerba", tobacco and fine woods from Paraguay. This internal commerce varied in value from 10,000,000 to 20,000,000 "pesos" annually. Paraguay sold 60,000 mules to Perú every year, and sent 2000 tons of "yerba" to Chile. Argentine exportation to Spain included crude and tanned bull and horse-hides; sheep-wool, jerked beef, wax, feathers and skins. Freedom of trade with Africa was obtained and other fields of activity were developed. Mexico and Lima were Colonial Courts, but Buenos Aires had become a market-place.
A Spanish traveller who visited Buenos Aires during the Viceroyship said:--"The Argentine creoles have a great idea of their equality with the Europeans"; adding, "There exists a sort of aversion of the creoles or sons of Spaniards born in America, towards the Europeans and especially toward the Spanish Government". Incoherent and crude though they were, handicapped by ignorance and superstition, especially in the rural regions, democratic tendencies accompanied the Argentine as it emerged from its two hundred years of isolation and prepared it for its mission of self-emancipation and for the salvation of South American independence.
Mitre, the most careful of Argentine historians, says:--"The embryonic body-politic with its democratic instincts contained, however, all the vices inherent to and proceeding from its Colonial origin and environment. The deserts, the solitude, the sloth, the sparse population, the lack of moral cohesion, the corrupt customs among the general mass, the absence of ideals, and above all, the profound ignorance of the people were causes and effects, which producing a semi-barbarity alongside of a weak and sickly civilization, concurred at an early age to viciate the organism". He goes on to say:--"The Colony and the Spanish Crown were not homogeneous. Thus during the long and ruinous wars waged by Spain in the XVII and XVIII centuries, Spanish America was neutral or indifferent, and was not moved by sentiments of patriotism, as happened among the British Colonies where the Mother-country was concerned". He further says:--"Unity of religious belief was the only factor which gave certain cohesion; but the clergy in the River Plate, with rare exceptions, was below the general average, without hierarchy, prestige, power or influence. Because of this, the Argentine clergy was revolutionary and republican when the Colony revolted, quite the reverse of what happened in the rest of Spanish America".
A brief reference to the history of printing in the Argentine will be illustrative of the intellectual development of the period. The first book printed in South America was finished in 1705 in the Guarany language on a press made in the Jesuit Missions of the Upper Paraná. As a matter of coincidence, one of the first books published in North America was the translation of the New Testament into the language of the Massachusetts Indians in 1661, or forty-four years earlier, by John Elliot. In 1767, under permission granted by the authorities in Perú, presses and type were brought from Spain at an expense of 2,000 "pesos" and were set up in Córdoba, the University city of the Argentine. The first book printed was also a Jesuit production, this time in Latin, and it was the only book there produced, for the Jesuits were soon after expelled. Vértiz, a native of Mexico and the most progressive of the Argentine Viceroys, wanted to introduce printing in Buenos Aires, and in 1780, after considerable correspondence, bought this Córdoba press at its estimated value of 1,000 "pesos", which, history says, was promptly paid. It was transported from Córdoba to Buenos Aires in one ox-cart, the charge being 40 "pesos". There were eight cases of type weighing 2785 pounds, one iron and one wooden press, all in bad order, so much so that the Viceroy subsequently reported that the repairs cost 1,812 "pesos". On November 21, 1780, Viceroy Vértiz published a decree establishing the "Royal Press of the Foundling Asylum" on the corner of Moreno and Perú streets. This was the only press in the Argentine until 1812 when two other small and incomplete outfits were acquired. The first publications were Governmental decrees, many of which can still be seen in the Historical Museum. A book was produced in 1781, called "Representation of the Corporation and Citizens of Montevideo", that city having no press of its own. The first newspaper appeared in 1802, also printed on this Córdoba press, being "The Agricultural, Industrial and Commercial Weekly". The backwardness of printing in the Argentine at the time of the Revolution is a clear indication of the illiteracy of the people. As a matter of incidental interest, a printing press was brought to Boston in 1630 and in 1724 a weekly called "The Boston News Letter" was founded.
The English invasions of 1806 and 1807 were not so much the causes of the Argentine revolution as they were vehicles for the expression of Argentine readiness for revolution. At that time, Spain was an ally of France; in 1805 the two countries had together fought and together had been defeated by the English under Nelson at Trafalgar. It is worth remembering that English attempts to take Buenos Aires were efforts to capture enemy territory. The first invasion, known as the "Conquista", was successful. General Berresford landed at Quilmes in June of 1806, marched against Buenos Aires with 1560 troops, overcame the disorganized opposition encountered enroute, and entered the city in triumphal procession. Buenos Aires with its environments then had some 70,000 inhabitants, and the intrepidity of the exploit has won the admiration of all reputable Argentine historians. Berresford made his headquarters in the Fortress, where Government House now stands, seized some 1,500,000 "pesos", and issued a proclamation saying in effect that he would act with unbounded magnanimity provided the city recognized his authority. He shipped 1,000,000 "pesos" to London; the money arrived safely and was conveyed from the wharf to the Bank of England under strong and impressive guard amid much popular enthusiasm. Before the date of this spectacular event, however, Berresford had been attacked and had surrendered on August 12, 1806, after a brave defense in which he lost about one-third of his scanty forces. This is known as the "Reconquista". The British occupied Buenos Aires somewhat more than six weeks.
The Reconquest was a turning point in Argentine history. The then Viceroy Sobremonte and other Spanish authorities, having ran away upon the first appearance of the British, leading citizens met and appointed General Liniers to command the native forces, and after the Reconquest, a Congress was elected by popular vote and conferred on Liniers all the powers of the Viceroy. It was a revolution in fact if not in name.
The second British invasion occurred in 1807 and was made by a larger and more thoroughly organized expedition, being able to disembark some 12,000 men. Buenos Aires had had ample news of the threatened danger; troops were drilled and trained; cannon were cast; and powder was hurried from Chile, carried over the mountains on willing shoulders. Viceroy Sobremonte had returned and after abortive attempts to reassume power, had been by popular vote formally deposed and imprisoned. The man of the hour was Liniers.
As a precautionary measure, the British captured Montevideo in February. The Commander-in-chief, Sir Samuel Auchmuty, a native-born North American who had sided with England at the opening of our Revolution, reported from there to his Government:--"The oppression of the Mother-country has made the natives anxious to break the yoke of Spain, and although their ignorance, immorality and innate barbarity render them completely incapable of self-government, they desire to follow in the steps of the North Americans and erect an independent state".
Another North American named William White, who had lived several years in Buenos Aires, tried to bring about an agreement between the Argentines and the British by which Argentine independence under British protection would be secured. Nothing came of the suggestion, but the attention it attracted shows that even when armed invasion was threatened, any chance to escape Spanish oppression had adherents.
The British army was brought over from Montevideo and landed at Ensenada, now the port of La Plata. General Auchmuty had been succeeded by General Whitelock, a Court favorite of limited military capacity. The British marched against Buenos Aires, and in places had partial success, but the result of the attacks which lasted from July 2 to July 6 was complete success for the Argentine defenders. This is known in history as the "Defensa".
The British retired to Montevideo, and some months later returned home. During their stay in Montevideo, they published a newspaper which had considerable circulation both there and in Buenos Aires; and that organ and contact with British prisoners who had generally friendly treatment from their Argentine captors, confirmed the public opinion that Spain was decadent and that unrestricted commerce with the whole world, as practiced by England, was the one thing most to be desired.
Mention should be made of Francisco Miranda, the earliest and greatest of all the apostles of South American freedom, and today practically forgotten. He was born in Venezuela, fought under Washington, a friend of Hamilton and of Lafayette, a participant in the French Revolution, a confidant of the younger Pitt, distinguished by Catherine II of Russia, and known personally to Napoleón who considered him a lunatic inspired by a spark of sacred flame. He was an extraordinary man, a champion of liberty in both the Old and the New World. He tried to induce England to invade Spanish America to bring about its independence, but the untimely death in 1806 of Pitt, the champion of American Colonial freedom, frustrated his hopes. He centralized the revolutionary tendencies of the Spanish Americans resident in Europe, organized systematic relations with the dissatisfied in Spanish America, and founded in London towards the close of the XVIII century, a great secret society with which affiliated all those who strove for American emancipation. The London lodge was named the "Great American Reunión", and under its auspices during the early years of the XIX century, a chain of subsidiary lodges called the "Lautaro Society" was organized throughout Spain. Further reference to this powerful society will be made.
At this point, a brief glance at conditions in Europe is necessary. The alliance between Spain and France, made in 1795, lasted until 1808, when Spain joined England in the effort to crush Napoleón. Napoleón thereupon took his armies into Spain and completely conquered it with the single exception of the city of Cádiz which held out under the protection of the guns of the British fleet. In the same year, King Charles IV abdicated in favor of his son Ferdinand VII, who unhappily was promptly captured by the French. Napoleón made his brother Joseph, King of Spain, and this improvised monarch sent a messenger to the River Plate inviting submission. It was refused. The legitimate King being captive, a Council was established in Cádiz to govern in his name, but in 1810, the people of Cádiz revolted against the Council, assassinated the Governor, and a Regency composed of reactionaries assumed power to act for Ferdinand VII.
Advices reached Buenos Aires about the middle of May, 1810, that the first act of the Regency had been to revoke the decree of the new Viceroy, Cisneros, which had made Buenos Aires a free port, and had further ordered that the former laws covering monopoly by Spain of all Colonial commerce should be enforced more strictly than ever. "This", says Mitre, "was the echo of decadent Spain, which feared its captive would escape and tried to chain it to abuses by enforcing them".
The news created a profound sensation. On May 18th., the Viceroy issued a rogatory decree, entreating the people to remain loyal to the Mother-country. The Argentine leaders replied that the Government of Spain had lapsed, that orders emanating from the self-appointed Regency in Cádiz were without legal value, that as there was no King there could be no Viceroy, and that therefore it was right and necessary that steps should be taken to arrange for self-government. These ideas were proclaimed throughout the city and were received with general applause. A committee headed by Castelli called on the Viceroy and on the City Council, asking that an expression of public opinion be secured, but met with resistance. The leaders threatened that if the authorities did not convoke the people, they would, and would employ force if necessary. The Viceroy and Council reluctantly consented, and the most influential citizens were summoned to a public meeting to be held on May 22nd. in the Town Hall, now on the west side of the present Plaza Mayo. At this meeting, Bishop Lue declared that "While Spanish troops held an inch of Spain, that inch commanded America, and while a single Spaniard existed in America, he should command the Americans". The session was adjourned to meet on the following day, when it was again adjourned until the 24th. There were intrigues by the Viceroy and his friends, and there were dissentions among the patriot leaders. The meeting on the 24th. was prolonged far into the night, and the public, waiting outside in the cold rain, became impatient. Nothing was decided even after the protracted discussions and on the next morning, May 25, 1810, the sun shining brightly, the Plaza filled with people who went in procession to the Town Hall and presented a written demand signed by numerous citizens, requiring that full governing powers be placed provisionally in the hands of a Committee whose names were given. Refusal was impossible, and the Argentine then and there definitely assumed the rights of self-government.
"The revolution", Mitre remarks, "was effected without bayonets or violence, by pure pressure of public opinion, triumphant on the grounds of reason, law and public welfare; abstaining from persecutions it with dignity removed the chains which had bound the nation and assumed the rights of sovereignty with uprightness and moderation".
The population of the entire Viceroyship in 1810, including negros and tame Indians, is calculated at 800,000, of which 250,000 lived in Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Entre Ríos, Corrientes and Uruguay, principally close to the rivers. In the same year, the population of the United States was 7,000,000, most of which lived close to the Atlantic seaboard. These figures give an idea of the limited number of people who undertook the foundation of a new State in South America.
Differing local impulses but the same contributory provocation from the Regency in Cádiz caused all the Spanish American Colonies to revolt in the year of 1810. In 1811, a Spanish writer said:--"The germ of the evils produced by wrong policies, the injustices of our Government and the iniquities of the public employees in the Colonies, finally exploded and almost simultaneously". As far back as 1783, the famous Count Aranda had told the King: "Americans will undertake to secure independence as soon as favorable opportunity presents". The opportunity had come, and from Mexico to Patagonia, all Spanish America threw off the yoke of the Mother Country and assumed the prerogatives of free and independent nations.
Perú and Upper Perú, now Bolivia, was the stronghold of Spain in South America. The population all told was about 2,000,000, the Royal forces were numerous and efficient, and what was more important, the Viceroy, Abascal by name, was a very able and loyal Governor. If the revolution in Lima in 1810 had prospered, South America would have obtained its independence at once, but the movement was there suppressed within a few weeks, and South America had to endure disastrous and fratricidal wars for fourteen weary years.
The revolution in Buenos Aires was the most coherent and solidly founded of all similar Spanish American efforts. During the ensuing six years Spain succeeded in regaining its ascendancy everywhere with the single exception of the Argentine, which country was destined to be the focal point from which radiated new and successful struggles to achieve independence.
The first thought of the Argentine leaders was to ensure harmony of action in all the territory within the boundaries of the Viceroyship. The revolution occurred on May 25th. 1810, and in June of that year, an expedition of less than 1,000 men, under the nominal command of Colonel Ocampo, but whose real military chief was Antonio Balcarce, left Buenos Aires to give support to the movement in Upper Perú. General Liniers, the hero of the "Reconquista" in 1806 and of the "Defensa" in 1807, had raised the Royal Standard in Córdoba, but had fled, in company with a few supporters upon the approach of the Balcarce army. He was overtaken, judged by a summary court-martial presided over by Castelli who had adopted the Reign of Terror policy of the French Revolution, and was immediately executed. Balcarce continued northward into Upper Perú, and on November 7, 1810 defeated the Spaniards at Suipacha. This was the first victory of the South American revolution.
In September of that same year, Belgrano departed for Paraguay with an army which likewise numbered less than 1,000 men. After gaining some slight advantages which enabled him to get close to Asunción, he was defeated at Paraguarí and subsequently on March 9, 1811, at Tacuarí, both in Paraguay. Belgrano was a poor general but a great citizen, and though he lost battles, he won the respect of his enemies. After Tacuarí, he reorganized and extricated his army in a way that gave him considerable fame, in addition to which his insidious revolutionary propaganda destroyed local Spanish authority. Belgrano was the real founder of Paraguayan independence.
Montevideo at first apparently supported the May revolution of Buenos Aires, but shortly afterwards changed its attitude, recognized the authority of the Regency at Cádiz, and though its subsequent history has many points of contact with that of the Argentine, it never again became a component part of the nation. The pure Spanish element was stronger in Montevideo than in Buenos Aires, where the creoles dominated.