CHAPTER VI.

ANTIQUITIES.

Mounds.--Roads.--Shell Heaps.--Old Fields.

The descriptions left by the elder and younger Bartram of the magnitude and character of the Floridian antiquities, had impressed me with a high opinion of their perfection, and induced large expectations of the light they might throw on the civilization of the aborigines of the peninsula; but a personal examination has convinced me that they differ little from those common in other parts of our country, and are capable of a similar explanation. Chief among them are the mounds. These are not infrequent upon the rich lowlands that border the rivers and lakes; and so invariably did their builders choose this position, that during the long journeys I made in the prairies and flat pine woods east of the St. Johns as well as over the rolling and fertile country between this river and the Gulf, as far south as Manatee, I never saw one otherwise located. An enumeration and description of some of the most noteworthy will suffice to indicate their character and origin.

On Amelia island, some half a mile east of Fernandina new town, there is an open field, containing some thirty acres, in shape an isosceles triangle, clothed with long grass and briary vines, bounded on all sides by dense thickets of myrtle, live-oak, palmetto, yellow pine and cedar. About midway of the base of this triangle, stands a mound thrown up on the extremity of a natural ridge, which causes its height to vary from twenty to five-and-thirty feet on the different sides. It is composed of the common surface sand, obtained from the east side, close to the base, where an excavation is visible. A few live-oaks and pines grow upon it, the largest of which, at the time of my visit (1856), measured seventeen inches in diameter. There is a fine view from the summit, embracing on the west the vast marshes between Amelia island and the mainland, with a part of St. Mary’s sound, across which, northward, lie the woody shores of Cumberland island, projected in dark relief against the glittering surf of the Atlantic, which stretches away in a brilliant white line to the north-east, loosing itself in the broad expanse of ocean that bounds the eastern horizon. Hence, one of its uses was, doubtless, as a look-out or watch-tower; but from excavations, made by myself and others, it proved, like every similar mound I examined, or heard of as examined, in Florida, to be, in construction, a vast tomb. Human bones, stone axes, darts, and household utensils, were disinterred in abundance. Quantities of rudely marked fragments of pottery, and broken oyster, clam, and conch shells, were strewed over the field. I was informed of a second mound, smaller in size, somewhat south of Fernandina light-house; but owing to the brevity of my stay, and the incredible swarms of musquitoes that at that season infested the woods, I did not visit it. I could learn nothing of the two large tumuli on this island, known as the “Ogeechee Mounts,” mentioned by the younger Bartram.[309]

On Fleming’s Island, at the mouth of Black Creek, identified by Sparks with the “extremely beautiful, fertile, and thickly inhabited” Edelano of the French colonists, and on Murphy’s Island, eight miles above Pilatka, are found mounds of moderate size, and various other vestiges of their ancient owners. But far more remarkable than these are the large constructions on the shores and islands at the southern extremity of Lake George, first visited and described as follows, by John Bartram,[310] in 1766: “About noon we landed at Mount Royal, and went to see an Indian tumulus, which was about one hundred yards in diameter, nearly round, and twenty foot high. Found some bones scattered on it. It must be very ancient, as live-oak are growing upon it three foot in diameter; directly south from the tumulus is an avenue, all the surface of which has been taken off and thrown on one side, which makes a bank of about a rood wide and a foot high, more or less, as the unevenness of the ground required, for the avenue is as level as a floor from bank to bank, and continues so for three quarters of a mile, to a pond of water about one hundred yards wide and one hundred and fifty long, north and south,--seemed to be an oblong square, and its banks four foot perpendicular, gradually sloping every way to the water, the depth of which we do not say, but do not imagine it deep, as the grass grows all over it; by its regularity it seems to be artificial; if so, perhaps the sand was carried from thence to raise the tumulus.”

A description of this mound is also given by Wm. Bartram, who visited it both with his father, and fifteen years later.[311] In summing up the antiquities, he saw in Florida, this author says,[312] “from the river St. Juans southerly to the point of the peninsula of Florida are to be seen high pyramidal mounts with spacious and extensive avenues leading from them out of the town to an artificial lake or pond of water. The great mounts, highways, and artificial lakes up St. Juans on the east shore, just at the entrance of the great Lake George; one on the opposite shore, on the bank of the Little lake, another on Dunn’s island, a little below Charlotteville, and one on the large beautiful island just without the Capes of Lake George, in sight of Mount Royal, and a spacious one on the West banks of Musquitoe river near New Smyrna, are the most remarkable of this sort that occurred to me.”

The artificial lakes in this account are the excavations made in obtaining material, since filled with water. The highways, which, in another passage, the above quoted writer describes as “about fifty yards wide, sunk a little below the common level, and the earth thrown up on each side, making a bank of about two feet high,”[313] seem, from both French and Spanish accounts to have been not unusual among the natives. Laudonniére mentions one of great beauty that extended from the village of Edelano to the river some three hundred paces in length,[314] and another still more considerable at the head quarters of the powerful chief Utina,[315] which must have been very near if not identical with that at Mount Royal. La Vega, in his remarkable chapter on the construction of the native villages,[316] speaks of such broad passages leading from the public square at the base to the house of the chief on the summit of the mound that the natives were accustomed to throw up for its site. What we are to understand by the royal highways, _Caminos Reales_, near Tampa Bay, that lead from one town to another, (que van de un Pueblo al otro,)[317] an expression that would not be applicable to mere trails, is not very evident.

Six miles by water above Lake Monroe, near the shore of a small lagoon on the left bank of the river, stands an oval mound of surface soil filled with human bones of so great an age, and so entirely decomposed, that the instrument with which I was digging passed through them with as much ease as through the circumjacent earth. Yet, among these ancient skeletons, I discovered numerous small blue and large white glass beads, undoubtedly inhumed at the formation of the tumulus. The bodies were all of adults and no special order in their deposition seemed to have been observed. Previous to my visit, I was informed that small earthenware articles had been disinterred, some of which were simply pyramids of triangular bases, whose use had much puzzled the finder. We know that this form, sacred in the mythologies of the old world to the worship of the productive power, had also a strong religious significance among the Natchez, and many other aboriginal tribes,[318] and probably in connection with the burial of the dead, it possessed among the Floridians, as it did among the ancients and orientals,[319] a symbolical connection with the immortality of the soul and the life after death.

In the rich hammock half a mile below Lake Harney on the left bank of the St. Johns, is a large oval mound, its transverse diameter at base forty yards, and thirty feet in height. It is surrounded by a ditch whence the soil of which it is constructed was taken. An extremely luxuriant vegetation covers the whole hammock and the mound itself, though few of the trees indicate a great age. On the same side of the river twenty miles above the lake, is another similar mound. They are abundant on the rich lands of Marion and Alachua counties, and in the hammocks of the Suwannee, and are found at least as far south as Charlotte’s Harbor and the Miami river. There is one on the government reserve in Tampa, another at the head of Old Tampa Bay, and a third on Long Key, Sarasota Bay. A portion of the latter has been washed away by the waters of the gulf and vast numbers of skeletons exposed, some of which I was assured by an intelligent gentleman of Manatee, who had repeatedly visited the spot and examined the remains, were of astonishing size and must have belonged to men seven or eight feet in height. This statement is not so incredible as it may appear at first sight. Various authors report instances of equally gigantic stature among the aborigines of our country. The chiefs of the province of Chicora, a portion of what is now South Carolina, were famous for their height, which was supposed to prove their royal blood;[320] some inhabitants of the province of Amichel on the Gulf of Mexico were not less remarkable in this respect;[321] and Beverly found among certain human bones religiously preserved in a temple of the Virginian Indians an _os femoris_, measuring two feet nine inches in length;[322] while in our own days, Schoolcraft saw a humerus at Fort Hill, New York,[323] and Lanman, sundry bones in a cave in Virginia[324] that must have belonged to men compared to whom ours is but a race of dwarfs.

On the opposite banks of Silver Spring run, respectively a quarter of a mile and a mile and a half below the head, there are two tumuli. Pottery, axes, and arrow-heads abound in the vicinity, and every sign goes to show that this remarkable spot was once the site of a populous aboriginal settlement.

What now are the characteristics of this class of Floridian mounds? In summing up the whole available knowledge respecting them, we arrive at the conclusion that to whatever purpose they may have subsequently been applied, they were originally constructed as vast cemeteries. Mount Royal tumulus is but a heap of bones covered with earth, and none have as yet been opened but disclosed the same contents. They are very simple in construction. I saw no well-defined terraces, no groups of mounds, none with rectangular or octagonal bases, no ditches but those made in excavating material, no covered ways, no stratification; in short, none of those signs of a comparatively advanced art that distinguish the earthworks of Ohio. Their age is not great. Some indeed are covered with trees of large size, and in one case the annual rings were said to count back to the year 1145,[325] (a statement, however, that needs confirmation,) but the rapid growth of vegetation in that latitude requires but a few years to produce a forest. The plantation of Lord Rolles, deserted some fourscore years since, is now overgrown with pines a foot in diameter, and I have seen old fields still bearing the marks of cultivation covered with lofty forests, and a spot of cleared land, forsaken for ten years, clothed with a thriving growth of palmetto and oak. Moreover, savage and civilized, all men agree in leaving nature to adorn the resting places of the dead, and hence it is an egregious error to date the passing away of a nation from the oldest tree we find on its graves. Rather, when we recollect that from the St. Lawrence to the Pampas, many tribes did religious homage to certain trees, and when we remember how universal a symbol they are of birth and resurrection, should we be surprised were they not cultivated and fostered on the sepulchres of the departed.[326]

We need no fanciful hypotheses to explain the reason and designate the time of these constructions. The bare recountal of the burial rites that prevailed among the aborigines is all sufficient to solve the riddle of bone-mounds both as they occur in Florida and all other States. The great feature of these rites was to preserve the bones of the dead, a custom full of significance in nature-worship everywhere. For this purpose the corpses were either exposed or buried till sufficient decomposition had ensued to permit the flesh to be easily removed. The bones were then scraped clean, and either carried to private dwellings, or deposited in public charnel-houses; such were the “Templos que servian de Entierros y no de Casas de Oracion,” seen by De Soto at Tampa Bay,[327] and the “Osarios,” bone-houses, in Cofachiqui, among the Cherokees.[328] Finally, at stated periods, they were collected from all quarters, deposited in some predetermined spot, and there covered with soil heaped into the shape of a cone. Annual additions to the same cemetery gave rise to the extraordinary dimensions that some attained; or several interments were made near the same spot, and hence the groups often seen.[329]

As the Natchez, Taencas, and other southern tribes were accustomed to place the council-house and chief’s dwelling on artificial elevations, both to give them an air of superior dignity, to render them easy of defence, and in some localities to protect from inundations,[330] so the natives of Florida, in pursuance of the same custom, either erected such tumuli for this purpose, or more probably, only took advantage of those burial mounds that the vicissitudes of war had thrown in their hands, or a long period of time deprived of sacred associations. In the town of Ucita, where De Soto landed, “The Lordes house stoode neere the shore upon a very hie mounte made by hande for strength,”[331] and La Vega gives in detail their construction.

While this examination of their sepulchral rites, taken in connection with the discovery of glass beads _in situ_, leaves no doubt but that such remains were the work of the people who inhabited the peninsula at its discovery by Europeans, it is not probable that the custom was retained much after this period. The Lower Creeks and Seminoles, so far from treating their dead thus, took pains to conceal the graves, and never erected mounds save in one emergency. This was in the event of a victorious battle, when they collected the dead into one vast pile, and covered them with earth,[332] simply because it was the most convenient way to pay those last and mournful duties that humanity demands at our hands.

Another class of burial mounds, tallying very nearly with those said by the French to have been raised over their dead by the early Indians of the St. Johns, are not unusual in the hammocks along this river. They are only a few feet in height, resembling in appearance the hillocks of humus left by the roots of uprooted trees, from which they can be distinguished by their general range, (N., S.,) by the hollows on each side whence the earth was obtained, and by their construction. They are sometimes distinctly stratified, presenting layers of sand, ashes and charcoal, and clay. Bones, arrow-heads, axes, and pottery are found in them, but as far as my own observations extended, and those of a Norwegian settler bearing the classic name of Ivon Ericson, who assured me he had examined them frequently on the Upper St. Johns, in no case were beads or other articles indicating a familiarity with European productions discovered.

The utensils, the implements of war and the chase exhumed from the mounds, and found in their vicinity, do not differ from those in general use among the Indians of all parts at their first discovery,[333] and go to corroborate the opinion that all these earthworks--and I am inclined to assert the same of the whole of those in the other Atlantic States, and the majority in the Mississippi valley--were the production, not of some mythical tribe of high civilization in remote antiquity, but of the identical nations found by the whites residing in these regions.

An equally interesting and more generally distributed class of antiquities are the beds and heaps of shells. These are found with more or less frequency on the shores of every State from Connecticut southward along the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico. Some of them are of enormous extent, covering acres of ground, and of a singular height. For a long time it was a debateable point whether they belonged to the domain of the geologist or antiquarian; later researches have awarded them to both, by distinguishing between those of natural and artificial origin.[334] The latter are recognized by the presence of darts, pottery, charcoal, &c., in _original connection_ with the shells and debris throughout the mass, by the presence of surface soil, roots, and stumps, _in situ_ beneath the heap, by nearness to an open fishing shore, and finally by the valves of the shell fish being asunder and their edges factured or burnt; on the other hand, whole closed shells as at Easton in Maryland, fragments of older fossils in original connection, distinct stratification,[335] and remoteness from any known oyster bed, as those of northern Texas, northern Georgia, and perhaps of Cumberland county, New Jersey, are convincing proofs of their natural deposition.

Examples in Florida are numerous and striking. At Fernandina new town on Amelia island, a layer extends along the face of the bluff for one hundred and fifty yards and inland a quarter of a mile, sometimes three feet in depth, composed almost wholly of shells of the esculent oyster though with clams and conches sparsely intermixed. The valves are all separate, the shells in some places rotten, fractured and mixed with sand, charcoal, and pottery, while in others as clean and sound as if just from the hands of the oysterman.

Similar deposits are found in various parts of the island; on the main land opposite; on both sides of the entrance to the St. Johns; on Anastasia island; and every where along the coast both of the Atlantic and the Gulf. One of the most remarkable is Turtle Mound on Musquito Lagoon, near New Smyrna. “It is thirty feet high, composed almost altogether of separate oyster shells, it being rare to find an entire one; there are also some conch and clam shells, both of which are, however, exceedingly scarce. That it is artificial there is no doubt on my mind. Some eight or ten years since we experienced a gale in this section of the country, from the northwest, which caused that portion of the mound facing the river, the steepest part, to wash and fall considerably; being there a few days afterwards, I took considerable pains to examine the face of it, and found as low as the bottom and as high up as I could observe, numberless pieces of Indian pottery, and quantities of bones principally of fish, but no human ones; also charcoal and beds of ashes. The one on which I reside, opposite New Smyrna, is precisely of the same formation. Having had occasion some time back to dig a hole six or eight feet deep, I found precisely the same contents that I have described at Turtle Mound, with the addition of some few flint arrowheads.”

For this interesting description from the pen of a gentleman of the vicinity I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. F. L. Dancy, State Geologist of Florida; he adds from his own observation an account of one on Chrystal river, on the Gulf coast, four miles from its mouth. “The marsh of the river at that point is some twenty yards wide to the firm land, at which point this mound commences to rise; it is on all sides nearly perpendicular, the faces covered with brush and trees to which the curious have to cling to effect an ascent. It is about forty feet in height, the top surface nearly level, about thirty feet across, and covered with magnolia, live-oak, and other forest trees, some of them four feet in diameter. Its form is that of a truncated cone, and as far as can be judged from external appearance, it is composed exclusively of oyster shells and vegetable mould. These shells are all separated. The mound was evidently thrown up by the Indians for a lookout, as the Gulf can be distinctly seen from its summit. There are no oysters growing at this time within four or five miles of it.”

Other shell heaps are met with along the coast but none equalling in magnitude that seen by Sir Charles Lyell[336] on Cannon’s Island at the mouth of the Altamaha, covering ten acres of ground, “elevated in some places ten feet and on an average five feet above the general level,” and which this eminent geologist attributes exclusively to the Indians, or the vast beds of _Gnathodon Cuneatus_, on Mobile Bay, described by Mr. Hale,[337] which, however, are probably of natural formation, though containing quantities of human bones, pottery, images, &c.

It is strange that we find no notices of the formation of these heaps by the early travellers; I do not remember to have met with any except a line in Cabeza de Vaca, where, speaking of a tribe on the Gulf, he says their houses were “built of mats on heaps of oyster shells.”[338]

Along Manatee river I noticed numerous small heaps of conches, attributable to the later Indians, and in the post-pliocene shellbluffs at the mouth of this river, nearly twenty feet in height composed largely of a species of _Pyrula_,[339] I found numerous fragments of a coarse, ill-marked, pottery, not, however, where the shells were unbroken and clean, but where they were fragmentary, mixed with charcoal, ashes and dirt, and never more than three feet below the surface. The singular hillocks, whose formation is a geological enigma not readily solved, so frequent along the St. Johns, vast aggregations of Helices with some Unios and other fresh water shells in connection, without admixture of earth, in some cases thirty feet high, and irregularly stratified, are not to be mistaken for those of artificial construction, though from the frequency of Indian relics found in them, they seem to have been a chosen place of burial for the aboriginal tribes.

Among the relics dating from a later period are the “Indian Old Fields.” These are portions of land once cleared and cultivated by the Seminoles, and are found wherever the fertility of the soil promised favorably for agriculture. They are very abundant in Alachua, where, says Bartram,[340] “almost every step discovers traces of ancient human habitation,” reminding us of the time “when the Indians could assemble by thousands at ball play and other juvenile diversions and athletic exercises on these then happy fields and green plains.” Such is the tenacity of the soil for retaining impressions, that the marks of tillage by which these are distinguished from the Spanish old fields are easily seen and readily discriminated, even after they are covered by a dense growth of trees.

APPENDIX I.

THE SILVER SPRING.

The geological formation of Florida gives rise to springs and fountains of such magnitude and beauty, that they deserve to be ranked with the great freshwater lakes, the falls of Niagara, and the Mississippi river, as grand hydrographical features of the North American continent. The most remarkable are the Wakulla, twelve miles from Tallahassie, of great depth and an icy coldness, which is the best known, and has been described by the competent pen of Castlenau and others, the Silver Spring and the Manatee Spring. The latter is on the left bank of the Suwannee, forty-five miles from its mouth, and is so named from having been a favorite haunt of the sea-cow, (_Trichechus Manatus_,) whose bones, discolored by the sulphuret of iron held in solution by the water, are still found there.

The Silver Spring, in some respects the most remarkable of the three, is in the centre of Marion county, ten miles from the Ocklewaha, into which its stream flows, and six miles from Ocala, the county seat. In December, 1856, I had an opportunity to examine it with the aid of proper instruments, which I did with much care. It has often been visited as a natural curiosity, and is considered by tourists one of the lions of the State. To be appreciated in its full beauty, it should be approached from the Ocklewaha. For more than a week I had been tediously ascending this river in a pole-barge, wearied with the monotony of the dank and gloomy forests that everywhere shade its inky stream,[341] when one bright morning a sharp turn brought us into the pellucid waters of the Silver Spring Run. A few vigorous strokes and we had left behind us the cypress swamps and emerged into broad, level savannas, that stretched miles away on either hand to the far-off pine woods that, like a frame, shut in the scene. In the summer season these prairies, clothed in the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, gorgeously decked with innumerable flowers, and alive with countless birds and insects of brilliant hues, offer a spectacle that once seen can never be forgotten.

But far more strangely beautiful than the scenery around is that beneath--the subaqueous landscape. At times the bottom is clothed in dark-green sedge waving its long tresses to and fro in the current, now we pass over a sunken log draperied in delicate aquatic moss thick as ivy, again the scene changes and a bottom of greyish sand throws in bright relief concentric arcs of brilliantly white fragments of shells deposited on the lower side of ripple marks in a circular basin. Far below us, though apparently close at hand, enormous trout dash upon their prey or patiently lie in wait undisturbed by the splash of the poles and the shouts of the negroes, huge cat-fish rest sluggishly on the mud, and here and there, every protuberance and bony ridge distinctly visible, the dark form of an alligator is distended on the bottom or slowly paddles up the stream. Thus for ten miles of an almost straight course, east and west, is the voyager continually surprised with fresh beauties and unimagined novelties.

The width of the stream varies from sixty to one hundred and twenty-five feet, its average greatest depth about twenty, the current always quite rapid. For about one mile below its head, forests of cypress, maple, ash, gum, and palmetto adorn the banks with a pleasing variety of foliage. The basin itself is somewhat elliptical in form, the exit being at the middle of one side; its transverse diameter measures about one hundred and fifty yards, (N. E., S. W.,) its conjugate one hundred yards. Easterly it is bordered by a cypress swamp, while the opposite bank is hidden by a dense, wet hammock. A few yards from the brink opposite the exit runs a limestone ridge of moderate elevation covered with pine and jack-oak.

The principal entrance of the water is at the northeastern extremity. Here a subaqueous limestone bluff presents three craggy ledges, between the undermost of which and the base is an orifice, about fifteen feet in length by five in height, whence the water gushes with great violence. Another and smaller entrance is at the opposite extremity. The maximum depth was at the time of my visit forty-one feet. The water is tasteless, presents no signs of mineral matter in solution, and so perfectly diaphanous that the smallest shell is entirely visible on the bottom of the deepest portion. Slowly drifting in a canoe over the precipice I could not restrain an involuntary start of terror, so difficult was it, from the transparency of the supporting medium for the mind to appreciate its existence. When the sunbeams fall full upon the water, by a familiar optical delusion, it seems to a spectator on the bank that the bottom and sides of the basin are elevated, and over the whole, over the frowning crags, the snow-white shells, the long sedge, and the moving aquatic tribes, the decomposed light flings its rainbow hues, and all things float in a sea of colors, magnificent and impressive beyond description. What wonder that the untaught children of nature spread the fame of this marvellous fountain to far distant climes, and under the stereoscopic power of time and distance came to regard it as the life-giving stream, whose magic waters washed away the calamities of age and the pains of disease, round whose fortunate shores youths and maidens ever sported, eternally young and eternally joyous!

During my stay I took great pains to ascertain the exact temperature of the water and from a number of observations made at various hours of the day obtained a constant result of 73.2°, Fahrenheit. This is higher than the mean annual temperature of the locality, which, as determined by a thermometrical record kept at Fort King near Ocala for six years, is 70.00°; while it is lower than that of the small mineral springs so abundant throughout the peninsula, which I rarely found less than 75°. It is probable, however, that this is not a fixed temperature but varies with the amount of water thrown out. Competent observers, resident on the spot, informed me that a variation of three feet in the vertical depth of the basin had been known to occur in one year, though this was far greater than usual. The time of highest water is shortly after the rainy season, about the month of September, a fact that indicates the cause of the change.

Visiting the spring when at a medium height I enjoyed peculiar advantages for calculating the amount of water given forth. The method I used was the convenient and sufficiently accurate one of the log and line, the former of three inches radius, the latter one hundred and two feet in length. In estimating the size of the bed I chose a point about a quarter of a mile from the basin. The results were calculated according to the formulæ of Buat. After making all possible allowance for friction, for imperfection of instruments, and inaccuracy of observation, the average daily quantity of water thrown out by this single spring reaches the enormous amount of more than three hundred million gallons!

Numbers such as this are beyond the grasp of the human intellect, bewildering rather than enlightening the mind. Let us take another unit and compare it with the most stupendous hydrographical works of man that have been the wonders of the world. Most renowned of these are the aqueducts of Rome. In the latter half of the first century, when Frontinus was inspector, the public register indicated a daily supply of fourteen thousand and eighteen quinaria, about one hundred and ninety-six million gallons. Or we can choose modern instances. The city of London is said to require forty million gallons every twenty-four hours, New York about one-third, and Philadelphia one-quarter as much. Thus we see that this one fount furnishes more than enough water to have satisfied the wants of Rome in her most imperial days, to supply plenteously eight cities as large as London, a score of New Yorks, or thirty Philadelphias. By the side of its stream the far-famed aqueduct of Lyons, yielding one million two hundred and nine thousand six hundred gallons daily, or the Croton aqueduct, whose maximum diurnal capacity is sixty million gallons, seems of feeble importance, while the stateliest canals of Solomon, Theodoric, or the Ptolemies dwindle to insignificant rivulets.

Neither is this the emergence of a sunken river as is the case with the Wakulla fountain, but is a spring in the strictest sense of the word, deriving its sustenance from the rains that percolate the porous tertiary limestone that forms the central ridge of the peninsula.

There are many other springs both saline, mineral, and of pure water, which would be looked upon as wonders in any country where such wonders were less abundant. Such are the Six Mile Spring (White Spring, Silver Spring), and the Salt Spring on the western shore of Lake George, a sulphur spring on Lake Monroe, one mile from Enterprise, another eight miles from Tampa on the Hillsboro’ river, Gadsden’s spring in Columbia county, the Blue spring on the Ocklawaha, Orange Springs in Alachua county, the Oakhumke the source of the Withlacooche, and numberless others of less note.[342] Besides these, the other hydrographical features of the peninsula are unique and instructive, well deserving a thorough and special examination; such are the intermittent lakes, which, like the famous Lake Kauten in Prussia, the Lugea Palus or Zirchnitzer See in the duchy of Carniola, and the classical Lake Fucinus, have their regular periods of annual ebb and flow; while the sinking rivers Santa Fe, Chipola, Econfinna, Ocilla and others offer no less interesting objects of study than their analogues in the secondary limestone of Styria, in Istria, Carniola, Cuba, and other regions.

When we ponder on the cause of these phenomena we are led to the most extraordinary conclusions. To explain them we are obliged to accept the opinion--which very many associated facts tend to substantiate--that the lower strata of the limestone formation of the peninsula have been hollowed out by the action of water into vast subterranean reservoirs, into enormous caverns that intersect and ramify, extending in some cases far under the bed of the adjacent ocean, through whose sunless corridors roll nameless rivers, and in whose sombre halls sleep black lakes. During the rainy season, gathering power in silence deep in the bowels of the earth, they either expend it quietly in fountains of surprising magnitude, or else, bursting forth in violent eruptions, rend asunder the overlying strata, forming the “lime sinks,” and “bottomless lakes,” common in many counties of Florida; or should this occur beneath the ocean, causing the phenomenon of “freshening,” sometimes to such an extent as to afford drinkable water miles from land, as occurred some years ago off Anastasia Island, and in January, 1857, near Key West.

APPENDIX II.

THE MUMMIES OF THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY.

A number of years ago considerable curiosity was excited by the discovery of mummies in Tennessee and Kentucky, and many theories were promulged regarding their origin, but I believe neither that nor their age has, as yet, been satisfactorily determined.

Some were found as early as 1775, near Lexington, Kentucky, but we have no definite account of any before those exhumed September 2, 1810, in a copperas cave in Warren county, Tennessee, on the Cany fork of the Cumberland river, ten miles below the Falls. These were described in the Medical Repository by Mr. Miller, whose article was followed by another in the same periodical, illustrated by a sketch, in support of the view that this discovery indicated the derivation of the Indians from the Malays and Tartars. The same pair was also described by Breckenridge and Flint a few years later.

Shortly previous to 1813, two mummies were found in the Gothic avenue of the Mammoth Cave, and not long afterwards, (1814,) another in the Audabon avenue.

The same year, several more were discovered in a nitre cave near Glasgow, Kentucky, by Thomas Monroe, who forwarded one to the American Antiquarian Society, described by Dr. Mitchell in the first volume of the publications of that body.

Again, in 1828, two more were found in a complete state of preservation in a cave of West Tennessee, mentioned in the American Journal of Science, (Vol. xxii. p. 124.)

With that zest for the wonderful, for which antiquarians are somewhat famous, the idea that these remains could belong to tribes with whom the first settlers were acquainted, was rejected, and recourse was had to Malays, South Sea Islanders, and the antipodes generally, for a more _reasonable_ explanation. It was said that the envelopes of the bodies (all of which bore close resemblance among themselves) pointed to a higher state of the arts than existed among the Indians of the Mississippi Valley, and that the physical differences, the color of the hair, &c., were irreconcileable. I think, however, it may be shown that these objections are of no weight, and that the bodies in question were interred at a comparatively late period.

The wrappings consisted usually of deer skins, dressed and undressed, mats of split canes, some as much as sixty yards long, and a woven stuff called “blankets,” “sheets,” and “cloth;” this was often either bordered with feathers of the wild turkey and other birds, or covered with them in squares and patterns. Their ages, as guessed from appearances, varied from ten years to advanced life. In several cases the mark of a severe blow on the head was seen, which must have caused the individual’s death. Their stature was usually in conformity to their supposed age;[343] the weight of one, as given by Flint, six or eight pounds; in all cases but one the hair of a “sorrel,” “foxy,” “yellow” or “sandy” color; and they were usually found five or six feet below the surface.

First, then, in our examination, the question arises, did the Indians of the Mississippi Valley, when first met by the whites, possess the art of manufacturing woven stuff of the kind mentioned? In answer we have the express words of the Inca,[344] “These mantles the Indians of Florida make of a certain herb-like mallows, (malvas,) which has fibres like flax, (que tiene hebra, como lino,) and from the same they make thread, to which they give colors which remain most firmly.” The next explorer was La Salle; in Tonty’s account of his expedition,[345] he remarks that he saw in a council lodge of the Taencas, “sixty old men clothed in large white cloaks, which are made by the women from the bark of the mulberry tree.” Still more to our purpose are the words of later writers, who mention the interweaving of feathers. Not only, says Dumont,[346] do the Indian women make garters and ribbons of the wool of the buffalo, (du laine du beuf,) but also a sort of mat of threads obtained from the bark of the linden, (tilleul,) “qu’elles couvrent de plumes de cigne des plus fines, attachèes une à une sur cet toil.” Dupratz[347] mentions similar cloaks of mulberry bark covered “with the feathers of swans, turkeys, and India ducks,” the fibres of the bark being twisted “about the thickness of packthread,” and woven “with a wrought border around the edges.” Of the Indians of North Carolina, Lawson says,[348] “Their feather match-coats are very pretty, especially some of them which are made extraordinary charming, containing several pretty figures, wrought in feathers, making them seem like a fine flower Silk-Shag.” Other examples might be given, but these are sufficient.

The cane mat was an article of daily use among the tribes wherever the cane grew, and was bartered to those where it did not. The Arkanzas, Taencas, Cenis, Natchez, and Gulf tribes, used it to cover their huts;[349] hence a piece even sixty yards long was no uncommon matter; while in one instance at least,[350] we know that the eastern tribes rolled their dead in them, tying them fast at both ends. All the minor articles of ornament and dress, the bone and horn needles, the vegetable beads, &c., can be shown with equal facility to have been in general use among the natives.[351]

It has usually been supposed that these bodies were preserved by the chemical action of the nitriferous soil around them; but this does not account for their perfection and extreme desiccation, inclosed as they were in such voluminous envelopes. Yet it is quite certain that the viscera were never absent, nor has any balm or gum been found upon them.[352] Hence, if artificially prepared, it must have been by protracted drying by fire, in a manner common among the ancient inhabitants of the Caroline islands, the Tahitians, the Guanches of Teneriffe, and still retained in some convents in the Levant. It is well known that in America the Popayans, the Nicaraguans, and the Caribs of the West Indies had this custom;[353] but I believe that attention has not been called to the fact, that this very mode of preserving the dead was used more or less by the Indians of the Mississippi Valley. The southern tribes of Mississippi and Alabama dried the corpse of their chief over a slow fire, placed it in the temple as an object of adoration till the death of his successor, and then transferred it to the bottom or cellar (fond) of the building.[354] Analogous usages, modifications of this and probably derived from it, prevailed among the tribes of North Carolina, Virginia, and the Pacific coast,[355] while we have seen that Bristock asserts the same of the Apalachites. That a cave should be substituted for a temple, or that the bodies should be ultimately inhumed, cannot excite our surprise when we recall how subject the Indians were to sudden attacks, how solicitous that their dead should not be disturbed,[356] and how caves were ever regarded by them as natural temples for their gods and most fit resting places for their dead.[357]

The rarity of the mummies may be easily accounted for as only the bodies of the chiefs were thus preserved. Yet it is a significant fact that a body is rarely, if ever, found alone. Moreover, in every case of which we have special description, these are of different sexes, and one, the female, and the youngest, sometimes apparently not more than twelve or fourteen years of age, evidently died by violence. How readily these seemingly unconnected facts take place and order, and how intelligible they become, when we learn that at the death of a ruler the Indians sacrificed and buried with him one or two of his wives, and in some tribes the youngest was always the chosen victim of this cruel superstition.[358]

The light color of the hair is doubtless caused by the nitriferous soil with which it had been so long surrounded; a supposition certified by one instance, where, in consequence of the unusually voluminous wrappings, and perhaps a later interment, it retained the black color of that of the true Indian.[359]

Though most of these references relate to nations not dwelling immediately in the area of country where the mummies are found, it is quite unnecessary for me to refer in this connection to those numerous and valid arguments, derived both from tradition and archæology, that prove beyond doubt that this tract, and indeed the whole Ohio valley, had changed masters shortly before the whites explored it, and that its former possessors when not destroyed by the invaders, had been driven south.

Hence we may reasonably infer, that as no article found upon the mummies indicates a higher degree of art than was possessed by the southern Indians, as the physical changes are owing to casual _post mortem_ circumstances, as we have positive authority that certain tribes were accustomed to preserve the corpses of their chiefs; and lastly, as we have many evidences to show that such tribes, or those closely associated with them, once dwelt further north than they were first found, consequently the deposition of the mummies must be ascribed to a race who dwelt near the region where they occur, at the time of its exploration by Europeans.

APPENDIX III.

THE PRECIOUS METALS POSSESSED BY THE EARLY FLORIDIAN INDIANS.

The main idea that inspired the Spanish expeditions to Florida was the hope of discovering riches there, equal to the gorgeous opulence of Peru and Mexico. Although the country was supposed to be north of the auriferous zone--in accordance with which geological notion in his map of the world (1529) Diego de Ribero inscribes on the land marked “Tierra de Garay,” north of the Gulf of Mexico, now West Florida, “This land is poor in gold, as it lies too far from the tropic of Cancer”[360]--yet an abiding faith in its riches was kept alive by Spanish traders obtaining from time to time morsels of gold from the natives. As early as the first voyage of De Leon (1512), they possessed and used it as an article of barter in small quantities.[361] The later explorers, Narvaez, De Soto, Ribaut, and Laudonniére, report both gold and silver, but never, as far as their own observations went, in any abundance. The savages were always eagerly questioned as to its origin and always returned one of two answers; either that they had pilfered it from the wrecks of vessels driven on their coasts, or else they referred the inquirer to a distant and mountainous country to the north, known both to the nations on the Gulf of Mexico, those at the extreme south of the peninsula, and those on the Atlantic coast as far north as the Savannah river, as Apalache. Here, said the rumors, the men wore cuirasses of gold and shields of burnished silver, while the women were impeded in their dancing by the weight of their golden ornaments and strings of pearls. We have seen that this name was at one period applied to a large area of country, and hence have no difficulty in appreciating the error that Narvaez committed when he supposed the small town of that name east of the Apalachicola to contain the major part of the nation. Fontanedo, whose long residence among the Indians renders him one of our best authorities on certain points, says expressly that the snowy mountains of Onagatano whence the gold was obtained were the _furthermost possessions of Apalache_.[362]

There is a general similarity in the accounts of the direction and remoteness of the mines. The coast tribes north of the St. Johns river had pieces of _sieroa pira_, red metal, which was tested by a goldsmith who accompanied Laudonniére and found to be pure gold. When asked where this was obtained they pointed to the north. Another chief who gave them slips of silver said it came from a country at the foot of lofty mountains ten long days’ journey inland, towards the north. A third had small grains of gold, silver, and copper, procured, according to his own account, by washing the sands of a creek that flowed at the base of lofty mountains five or six days journey in a northwesterly direction. The artist Le Moyne de Morgues, drawing somewhat on his imagination, represents in his forty-first sketch this method of cleaning it. Hence on some maps of a very early period the southern Alleghanies bear the name _Apalatcy Montes Auriferi_. Years afterwards, rumors derived from the Indians were rife among the Spanish colonists of a “very rich and exceeding great city, called La Grand Copal, among the mountains of Gold and Chrystal,” fifteen or twenty days journey northwest of St. Augustine.[363]

Now as the gold mines of Georgia and Carolina lie about three hundred miles north or northwest of Florida, such accounts as these can leave no reasonable doubt but that they were known to the Indians, and to a certain extent worked before the arrival of the white man. Indeed, may we not impute to them the ancient and unrecorded mining operations, signs of which are occasionally met with in the gold country of Georgia? Such are the remains of what are called “furnaces,” the marks of excavations, various rude metallurgical instruments, the buried log houses, and other tokens of a large population in some remote past, found from time to time in the vicinity of Dahlonega and various parts of the Nacooche valley.[364] These were referred by the finders to De Soto, who offers a favorite and ready explanation for any construction of unknown age, in that part of our country; thus I have been told that the bone mounds in Florida were the burial places of his soldiers, and on one occasion a post pliocene bank of shells on Tampa Bay was pointed out to me as the ruins of one of his forts. It is unnecessary to add that the soldiers under this ill-fated leader spent no time in digging gold either in north Georgia or anywhere else.

That in the course of barter small quantities of the metals here obtained--for we must ascribe to shipwrecks the “lumps of gold several pounds in weight” said to have been found in modern times on the shores of Florida and Carolina[365]--should have gradually proceeded to the nations on the shores of the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico, and even to the Caloosas in South Florida, four hundred miles from their starting point, will not astonish any one acquainted with the extent to which the transportation of metals was carried by the aborigines in other portions of the continent.

END.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Sommation à faire aux Habitants des Contrees et Provinces qui s’étendent depuis la Riviére des Palmes et le cap de la Floride. Extrait du livre des copies des Provinces de la Floride, Seville Chambre du Commerce, 1527. It is the first piece in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_.

[2] Naufragios de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca en la Florida, Valladolid, 1555; republished by Barcia, in the Historiadores Primitivos de las Indias Occidentales, Tomo II., Madrid, 1749; translated by Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., Venetia, 1556, from which Purchas made his abbreviated translation, Vol. IV., London, 1624; translated entire, with valuable notes and maps by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851. French translation by Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1837.

[3] Asiento y capitulacion hecho por el capitan Hernando de Soto, con el Emperador Carlos V., para la Conquista y Poblacion de la Provincia de la Florida, y encomienda de la Gobernacion de la Isla de Cuba, 1537. Printed in 1844, in the preface to the Portuguese Gentleman’s Narrative, by the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, from the manuscript in the Hydrographical Bureau of Madrid.

[4] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, au Corps Municipal de la Ville de Santiago, de l’Isle de Cuba. In Ternaux-Compans’ Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride.

[5] Relation de ce que arriva pendant le Voyage du Capitaine Soto, et Details sur la Nature des pays qu’il parcourut, par Luis Hernandez de Biedma; first printed in Ternaux-Compan’s _Recueil_; Eng. trans. by Rye, appended to the Hackluyt Society’s edition of the Portuguese Gentleman’s Narrative, London, 1852.

[6] Relacão Verdadeira dos Trabalhos [=q] ho Gouernador dō Fernādo d’ Souto y certos Fidalgos Portugueses passarom no d’ scobrimēto da provincia da Frolida. Agora nouamēte feita per hū Fidalgo Deluas, 8vo., Evora, 1557; reprinted, 8vo., Lisboa, 1844, by the Academia Real das Sciencias, with a valuable preface. It was “contracted” by Purchas, vol. IV., London, 1624; translated entire by Hackluyt, under the title, “Virginia richly valued by the Description of Florida, her next Neighbor,” published both separately and in his Collections, vol. V., and subsequently by Peter Force, Washington, 1846, and by the Hackluyt Society, with a valuable introduction by J. T. Rye, London, 1852; another “very inferior” translation from the French, London, 1686. French trans. by M. D. C. (M. de Citri de la Guette), 12mo., Paris, 1685, and again in two parts, 1707-9. Dutch trans. in Van der Aa’s Collection, 8vo., 1706, with “schoone kopere Platen,” and a map.

[7] Buckingham Smith, Translation of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 126.

[8] Herrera, Dec. VII., cap. x., p. 16.

[9] Ticknor, in his History of Spanish Literature, says 1540; the Biographie Universelle, 1530; errors that may be corrected from the Inca’a own words: “Yo nasci el año mil y quinientes y treinta y nueve.” Commentarios Reales, Parte Segunda, Lib. II., cap. xxv.

[10] La Florida del Inca; Historia del Adelantado Hernando de Soto, Governador y Capitan General del Reino de la Florida, y de otros Heroicos Caballeros, Españoles y Indios; 4to, Lisbona, 1605; folio, Madrid, 1723; 12mo., Madrid, 1803. French trans. by St. Pierre Richelet, Paris, 1670, and 1709; Leyde, 1731; La Haye, 1735; by J. Badouin, Amsterdam, 1737. German trans. from the French, by H. S. Meier, Zelle, 1753; Nordhausen, 1785. Fray Pedro Abiles in the Censura to the second Spanish edition, speaks of a garbled Dutch translation or imitation, under the title (I retain his curious orthography), _Der West Indis che Spiegel Durch Athanasium Inga, Peruan von Cusco, T. Amsterdam, by Broer Jansen, 1624_.

[11] The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto, 2 vols. 8vo., Philadelphia, 1835; revised edition, 1 vol., 8vo., New York, 1851, with a map of De Soto’s route.

[12] Charlevoix’ scheme may be found in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France; De l’Isle’s in the fifth volume of the Voyages au Nord, and in his Atlas Nouveau; Homans’ is quoted by Warden in the Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique; all in the first half of the eighteenth century.

[13] Travels into the Arkansa Territory, in 1819, Phila., 1821.

[14] Natural and Civil History of Florida.

[15] Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. II.

[16] Antiquarian Researches.

[17] History of the Discovery and Settlement of the Valley of the Mississippi, New York, 1846, vol. I.

[18] History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, vol. I.

[19] Southern Monthly Magazine and Review for Jan., 1839.

[20] History of the Conquest of Florida.

[21] History of Louisiana.

[22] Life, Travels, and Adventures of Ferdinand de Soto, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1858; an excellent popular compend.--Mr. Schoolcraft, in the third volume of the History of the Indian Tribes, has described from personal examination the country in the vicinity of the Ozark mountains, with reference to the westernmost portion of De Soto’s route.

[23] Relation de la Floride pour l’ Illustrissime Seigneur, Vice Roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, apporté par Frére Gregorio de Beteta; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[24] Compte Rendu par Guido de las Bazares, du voyage qu’il fait pour découvrir les ports et les baies qui sont sur la côte de la Floride; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[25] Lettre du vice-roi de la Nouvelle Espagne, Don Luis de Velasco, à sa Sacrée Majesté, Catholique et Royale, sur les affaires de la Floride. De Mexico, le 24 Septembre, 1559; in Ternanx-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[26] Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. I, p. 60.

[27] Memoire sur la Floride, ses Côtes et ses Habitants, qu’ aucun de ceux qui l’ont visité ont su d’écrire; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[28] Herrera, Dec. VIII., lib. IX., cap. xviii.

[29] The whole and true Discoverye of Terra Florida, (Englished, The Flourishing Land) conteyning as well the wonderful straunge Natures and Manners of the People, with the merveylous Commodities and Treasures of the Country; as also the pleasant Portes and Havens and Wayes thereunto, never found out before the last year, 1562. Written in French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered the same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the xxx. of May, 1563. Reprinted by Hackluyt, in his small black letter volume of 1583, but not in the folio collection.

[30] Jared Sparks, Life of Jean Ribault, American Biography, vol. VII., p. 147.

[31] Coppie d’vne Lettre venant de la Floride, envoyée à Rouen, et depuis au Seigneur d’Eueron, ensemble le Plan et Portraict du Fort que les François y out faict. Paris, 1565; reprint, without the “Plan et Portraict,” in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[32] Histoire Memorable du dernier Voyage aux Indes, Lieu appellée la Floride, fait par le capitaine Jean Ribaut et entrepris par comandement du Roi en l’an 1565, Lyons, 1566; another edition at Dieppe the same year, with the title “Discours de l’Histoire de la Floride,” &c. Sparks says, “At least three editions were published the same year.” Ternaux-Compans republished the Lyons edition in his _Recueil_, which differs somewhat from that of Dieppe.

[33] “Pour vieillard que je suis et tout gris;” Sparks, mistaking the last word for _gros_, rather ludicrously translates this, “Old man as he was and very corpulent.”--Life of Jean Ribault, p. 148.

[34] Sparks, ibid., p. 149.

[35] Brevis Narratio eorum quæ in Floridâ Americæ Provinciâ, Gallis acciderunt, secundâ in illam Navigatione, Duce Renato de Laudonniere Classis præfecto: Anno MDLXIIII., Francofurti ad Mœnum, 1591.

[36] Epistle Dedicatorie, Vol. III., p. 364.

[37] This seems to have escaped the notice of Mr. Sparks. It is in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil des Pièces sur la Floride_, appended to the Compte-Rendu of Guido de las Bazares, without a distinct title.

[38] Memoire de l’heureux résultat et du bon Voyage que Dieu notre Seigneur a bien voulu accorder à la flotte qui partit de la Ville de Cadiz pour se rendre à la Côte et dans la Province de la Floride, et dont était général l’illustre Seigneur Pedro Menendez de Aviles; in Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_.

[39] “Les François furent merveilleusement oultrez d’une silasche trahison, et d’une si detestable cruaulté. La Reprinse de la Floride; Ternaux-Compans” _Recueil_, p. 306.

[40] Une Requête au Roi, faite en forme de Complainte par les Femmes Veufues, petits Enfans Orphelins, et autres leurs Amies, Parents et Alliez, de ceux qui out été cruellement envahis par les Espagnoles en la France Antharctiques dite la Floride, Mai 22, 1566: it is printed “in one of the editions of Challeux _Discours_, and also at the end of Chauveton’s French translation of Benzoni, Geneva, 1579. There are two Latin translations, one by Chauveton appended to his Brevis Historia, and also to the sixth part of De Bry; the other by an unknown hand contained in the second part. These are free translations, but they accord in the essential points.” Jared Sparks, Appendix to Life of Ribaut, American Biography, vol. VII., pp. 153-4.

[41] La Reprinse de la Floride par le capitaine Gourgues; Revue Retrospective, seconde série, Tome II.; Ternaux-Compans’ _Recueil_. The latter was not aware of the prior publication in the Revue.

[42] De Navigatione Gallorum in Terram Floridam, deque clade an. 1565 ab Hispanis acceptâ. Antwerpiæ, 1568, 8vo. Barcia erroneously adds a second edition of 1583.

[43] Rich (Bibliotheca Americana) incorrectly states 1565.

[44] De Gallorum Expeditione in Floridam et clade ab-Hispanis non minus iniusté quam immaniter ipsis illata, Anno MDLXV. Brevis Historia; Calveton, Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ, Genevæ, 1578; De Bry, Peregrinationes, Pars VI.; French trans. in Chauveton’s French trans. of Benzoni, 1579. For the notice of this work I am principally indebted to Sparks.

[45] Life of John Ribault, comprising an account of the first Attempts of the French to found a Colony in North America, Boston, 1845; in Vol. VII. of Sparks’ American Biography.

[46] L’Histoire Notable de la Floride située es Indes Occidentales; Contenant les troys Voyages faits en icelle par certains Capitaines et Pilotes François, descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniére, qui y a commandé l’espace d’un an troys moys; à laquelle a esté adjousté un quatriesme voyage par le Capitaine Gourgues. Mise en lumière par M. Basanier, Gentil-homme François Mathematicien. Paris, 1586, 8vo., 124 pp; reprinted Paris, 1853, with an _Avertissement_. Eng. trans. London, 4to, 1586, by R. H. (Richard Hackluyt,) who included it in his folio of 1600, reprinted in 1812.

[47] Voyages, Relations, et Memoires Originaux pour servir à l’Histoire de l’Amerique; seconde série; Recueil des Pieces sur la Floride, Paris, 1841.

[48] The Relation of Pedro Morales, a Spanyard which Sir Francis Drake brought from St. Augustines in Florida, where he remayned sixe yeeres, touching the state of those partes, taken from his mouth by Richard Hackluyt, 1586.

The relation of Nicholas Bourgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom Sir Francis Drake brought from St. Augustine, also in Florida, where he had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriot’s hearing. Voyages, Vol. III., pp. 432-33.

[49] Varia Historia de la Nueva España y la Florida; Madrid, 1596; Valladolid, 1634.

[50] Cedulas y Provisiones Reales de las Indias; Varios Informes y Consultos de differentes Ministros sobre las Cosas de la Florida; 4to Madrid, 1596.

[51] Relacion de los Martires que ha avido en la Florida; 4to, (Madrid?) 1604.

[52] Nicolas Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. II., p. 43, and Compare “Garcilasso, Commentarios Reales, Parte II., lib. VII.”

[53] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 181.

[54] “En breve tiempo hizó (Padre Antonio Sedeño) Arte para aprenderla, y Catecismo para enseñar la Doctrina Cristiana à los Indios.” Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, p. 138. His labors have escaped the notice of Ludewig in his Literature of American Aboriginal Languages. Though they are the first labors, before him the French on the St. Lawrence had obtained lists of words in the native tongue which still remain, and Laudonniére, on the first voyage of Ribaut, (1562,) says of the Indians near the Savannah river, “cognoissans l’affection que j’avois de sçavoir leur langage, ils m’ invitoient après à leur demander quelque chose. Tellement que mettant par escrit les termes et locutions indiennes, je pouvois entendre la plus grande part de leur discours.” Hist. Notable de la Floride, p. 29. Unfortunately, however, he did not think these worthy of publication.

[55] Confessionario en Lengua Castellana y Timuquana. Impreso con licencia en Mexico, en la Emprenta de la viuda de Diego Lopez Daualos; Año de 1613, 12mo., 238 leaves. Nicolas Antonio says 1612, 8vo., but this is probably a mistake.

Grammatica de la Lengua Timuquana, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; not mentioned by Ludewig.

Catecismo y Examen para los que comulgan, 8vo., Mexico, 1614; reprinted “en la imprenta de Juan Ruyz,” 8vo., 1627.

[56] Ludewig says Toledo; Torquemada calls him “Natural de Castro-Urdiales,” but Nicolas Antonio says expressly, “Franciscus de Pareja, Auñonensis (Toletanæ dioecesis Auñon oppidum est).” Bibliotheca Hispana Nova, Tom. I., p. 456. Besides this writer, see for particulars of the life of Pareja, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. xx, p. 350, and Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, pp. 167, 195, 203.

[57] Ludewig, Literature of American Aboriginal Languages, p. 242.

[58] Voiages aux Indes Occidentales; traduits de l’Espagnol; Amsterdam, 1722. Dutch trans. the same year. Another edition under the title, Recueil de Voyages dans l’Amerique Meridionale, Paris, 1738, which Brunet does not notice.

[59] Relacion de los Viages que los Españoles han hecho a las Costas del Seno Mexicano y la Florida desde el año de 1685 hasta el de 1693, con una nueva Descripcion de sus Costas.

[60] Memorial en Derecho al Rei sobre la Visita à la Florida y otras Cosas, folio, Madrid, 1690.

[61] “Solo sirven de dar Escandalo al Vulgar en los Excesos impatados à unos y otros Individuos,” Barcia, Ensayo Chronologico, p. 300.

[62] God’s Protecting Providence Man’s Surest Help and Defence, In the times of the greatest difficulty and most Imminent danger, Evidenced in the Remarkable Deliverance of divers Persons from the devouring Waves of the Sea, amongst which they suffered Shipwrack, And also from the more cruelly devouring jawes of the inhumane Cannibals of Florida. Faithfully related by one of the Persons concerned therein. Philadelphia, 1699, 1701, and a _fourth_ edition, 1751. London, 1700. German trans. Erstaunliche Geschichte des Schiffbruches den einige Personen im Meerbusen von Florida erlitten, Frankfort, 1784, and perhaps another edition at Leipzic.

[63] Thomas, History of Printing in America, vol. II. p. 25.

[64] The Successes of the English in America, by the March of Colonel Moore, Governor of South Carolina, and his taking the Spanish Town of St. Augustine near the Gulph of Florida. And by our English Fleete sayling up the River Darian, and marching to the Gold Mines of Santa Cruz de Cana, near Santa Maria. London, 1702; reprinted in an account of the South Sea Trade, London, 1711. _Bib. Primor. Amer._

[65] See the note on his New Map of the North Parts of America, London, 1720, headed “Explanation of an Expedition in Florida Neck by Thirty Three Iamasee Indians, Accompany’d by Capt. T. Nairn.”

[66] A voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735, by Francis Moore; London, 1741; reprinted in the Collection of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. I.

An Impartial Account of the Expedition against St. Augustine under the command of General Oglethorpe; 8vo., London, 1742. (_Rich._)

Journal of an Expedition to the Gates of St. Augustine in Florida, conducted by General Oglethorpe. By G. L. Campbell; 8vo., London, 1744. (_Watts._)

[67] They are in the Rev. George White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 462, sqq., and in Harris’s Memorials of Oglethorpe.

[68] An extract may be found in Fairbank’s History and Antiquities of St. Augustine.

[69] History of the Florida War. Ch. viii.

[70] History of St. Augustine. Ch. xiv.

[71] Statements made in the Introduction to a Report on General Oglethorpe’s Expedition to St. Augustine. In B. R. Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of South Carolina, Vol. II., New York, 1836. Various papers in the State Paper Office, London, mentioned in the valuable list in the first volume of the Colls. of the S. Car. Hist. Soc. (Charleston, 1857) which further illustrate this portion of Floridian history, I have, for obvious reasons, omitted to recapitulate here.

[72] Ensayo Cronologico para la Historia General de la Florida, fol. Madrid, 1723.

[73] Jared Sparks, Life of Ribaut, p. 155.

[74] Nat. and Civil Hist. of Fla., p. 175.

[75] An Account of the First Discovery and Natural History of Florida, with a Particular Detail of the several Expeditions made on that Coast. Collected from the best Authorities by William Roberts. Together with a Geographical Description of that Country, by Thomas Jefferys. 4to, London, 1763, pp. 102.

[76] A description of East Florida. A Journal upon a Journey from St. Augustine up the River St. Johns as far as the Lakes. 4to., London, 1766; 1769; and a third edition whose date I do not know. Numerous letters interchanged between John Bartram and Peter Collinson relative to this botanical examination of Florida, embracing some facts not found in his Journal, are preserved in the very interesting and valuable Memorials of John Bartram and Humphrey Marshall, by Dr. Wm. Darlington, p. 268, sqq. (8vo. Phila., 1849.)

[77] Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida, and the Cherokee Country, Phila., 1791; 1794. London, 1792. Dublin, 1793. French trans. by P. V. Benoist, Voyage dans les Parties Sud de l’Amerique, Septentrionale, Paris, 1801; 1807.

[78] A Concise Natural History of East and West Florida. New York printed: sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, opposite the London Coffee-House, Front Street, 1776.

[79] The case of Mr. John Gordon with respect to the Title to certain Lands in East Florida, &c. With an Appendix and Plan. 4to, pp. 76, London, 1772. (_Rich._)

[80] Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, p. 164, seq.

[81] He did not meet with that success which attended a similar experiment in Canada, so amusingly described by Baron de La Hontan. For some particulars of interest consult Bartram, Travels, p. 94, seq., Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 73.

[82] Sketches, Historical and Descriptive, of Louisiana, vol. I, 8vo., Ch. II. Philadelphia, 1812.

[83] Notice sur le Colonie Greque établie à New Smyrna (Floride) dans l’année, 1768. Societe de Geographie, T. VII., p. 31. (_Koner._)

[84] G. R. Fairbanks, Hist. and Antiqs. of St. Augustine, Ch. XVIII. See also for other particulars, Bartram, Travels, p. 144, and note, Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, p. 72, J. D. Schöpf, Reise---nach, Ost-Florida, B. II., s. 363, 367, seq., who knew Turnbull personally and defends him.

[85] Reise durch einige der mitlern und südlichen Vereinigten Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und der Bahama-Inseln. 2 Th., 8vo., Erlangen, 1788.

[86] The Journal of an Expedition during the years 1796-1800, for determining the Boundaries between the United States and the Possessions of his Catholic Majesty in America, 4to., Philadelphia, 1814.

[87] A Description of East and West Florida and the Bahama Islands, 1 Vol. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1813. (_Bib. Univ. des Voyages._)

[88] Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies; translated, with valuable additions, by G. R. Thompson, 5 vols., 4to, London, 1812.

[89] An account of this tribe by Major C. Swan, who visited them in 1791, has been published by Schoolcraft in the fifth volume of the Hist. and Statistics of the Indian Tribes.

[90] Giddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 39, note.

[91] Narrative of a Voyage to the Spanish Main by the ship Two Friends, the Occupation of Amelia Island by McGregor, Sketches of the Province of East Florida, and Anecdotes of the Manners of the Seminole Indians, 8vo., London, 1819.

Memoir of Gregor McGregor, comprising ---- a Narrative of the Expedition to Amelia Island. By M. Rafter. 8vo., Stockdale, 1820. (_Rich._)

[92] Reliquiæ Baldwinianæ; Selections from the Correspondence of the late Wm. Baldwin, M. D., compiled by Wm. Darlington, M. D. 12mo. Phila., 1843.

[93] Notices of East Florida, and the Sea Coast of the State of Georgia; in a series of Letters to a Friend in Pennsylvania. With an Appendix, containing a Register of the Weather, and a Calendarium Floræ. The friend here referred to was Dr. Wm. Darlington. The materials for the Calendarium are preserved in the letters to Dr. Muhlenberg.

[94] J. L. Rattenbury. Remarks on the Cession of Florida to the United States of America, and on the necessity of acquiring the Island of Cuba by Great Britain. Second edition, with considerable additions, printed exclusively in the Pamphleteer. London, 1819.

Memoir upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States, which led to the Treaty of 1819; with a Statistical Notice of Florida, 8vo., Washington, 1821.

[95] A Memoir of the Geography, and Natural and Civil History of East Florida, 8vo., Philadelphia, 1821.

[96] Sketches of the History and Topography of Florida, 8vo., New York, 1821.

[97] Compare the North Am. Review, Vol. XIII., p. 98, with the same journal, Vol. XXVI., p. 482. (_Rich._)

[98] Notices of East Florida, with an Account of the Seminole Nation of Indians. By a recent Traveller in the Province. Printed for the Author. 8vo. Charleston, 1822. pp. 105.

[99] Observations on the Floridas. 8vo. New York, 1823. pp. 197.

[100] Answers of David B. McComb, Esq., with an accompanying Letter of General Lafayette. 8vo. Tallahassie, 1827. See the North Am. Review, Vol. XXVI., p. 478.

[101] Oration delivered by Colonel James Gadsden to the Florida Institute of Agriculture, Antiquities and Science, at its first Public Anniversary, Thursday, Jan. 4th, 1827. See the North Am. Review, Vol. XXV., p. 219.

[102] Message of the President in relation to the Survey of a Route for a Canal between the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic Ocean; with the Report of the Board of Internal Improvement on the same, with a general map annexed, February 28, 1829. A flowery article of ten pages may be found on this in the Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410.

[103] Titles and Legal Opinions on Lands in East Florida belonging to Richard S. Hackley, 8vo., Fayetteville, (N. Car.,) 1826, pp. 71. See the North American Review, Vol. XXIII., p. 432. Hackley’s grant is laid down on Williams’ Map.

[104] A View of West Florida, embracing its Topography, Geography, &c., with an Appendix treating of its Antiquities, Land Titles, and Canals, and containing a Chart of the Coast, a Plan of Pensacola, and the Entrance of the Harbor. 8vo. Phila., 1827, pp. 178.

[105] The Territory of Florida; or Sketches of the Topography, Civil and Natural History of the Country, the Climate and the Indian Tribes, from the First Discovery to the Present Time. 8vo. New York, 1837.

[106] The War in Florida; being an Exposition of its Causes and an accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Gaines, Clinch and Scott. By a late Staff Officer. 8vo. Baltimore, 1836, pp. 184.

[107] History of the Florida Campaigns. 12mo. Charleston, 1837.

[108] In the Quarterly Anti-Slavery Magazine. (Giddings, Exiles of Florida, p. 99, note.)

[109] A Narrative of the Early Days and Remembrances of Oceola Nikkanoche, Prince of Econchatti, a young Seminole Indian. Written by his Guardian. 8vo. London, 1841, pp. 228.

[110] The Origin, Progress, and Conclusion of the Florida War. 8vo. New York, 1848.

[111] The Exiles of Florida; or, the Crimes Committed by our Government against the Maroons, who fled from South Carolina and other Slave States, seeking Protection under Spanish Laws. 8vo. Columbus, (Ohio,) 1858.

[112] Memoir to accompany a Military Map of Florida South of Tampa Bay, compiled by Lieutenant J. C. Ives, Topographical Engineer. War Department, April, 1856. 8vo. New York, 1856, pp. 42.

[113] A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New York, 1839.

[114] Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New York, 1856.

[115] Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo. New York, 1848, pp. 69.

[116] The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of the Early History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858.

[117] Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T. XIV., p. 518; T. XV., p. 1045.

[118] Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047.

[119] Repertorium ueber die ---- auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte erscheinenen Aufsätze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852.

[120] _Bacalaos_, the Spanish word for codfish.

[121] See A. v. Humboldt’s Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2-5, in which work these two maps are given.

[122] Many of the names on this map are also on the land called Terra de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper, on the globe of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy of a portion of the globe is given by Ghillany in the work just mentioned. For an inspection of the original maps of Ptolemy of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the kindness of Peter Force, of Washington.

[123] Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce. Barcia, Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico.

[124] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91.

[125] For a description of this and other maps of America during the sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprà, p. 58, Anmerk. 17.

[126] See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 113, 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A “Geog. Description of Florida” is said to have appeared at London, in 1665. Possibly it is the account of Captain Davis’ attack upon St. Augustine.

[127] Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis, Lib. IV., cap. xiii. (Antwerpt, 1633.)

[128] Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq.

[129] Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in the Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying Documents, for 1855, App., p. 9.

[130] A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London, 1727.

[131] Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. I., p. 113.

[132] Hist. of the American Indians, p. 358.

[133] Gilii’ Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375.

[134] Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicabatur Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nomine vocantur, is written on the map of the country in Dapper’s Neue und Unbekaute Welt (Amsterdam, 1673,) probably on the authority of Ribaut.

[135] The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous tree, but was cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his travels, the botanist Bartram never found it wild in the forests, “but always in old deserted Indian plantations.” (Travels, p. 38.)

[136] See Appendix III.

[137] Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de l’Amerique, Liv. II., pp. 331-353. Rotterdam, 1658.

[138] History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666.

[139] Geographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil der ganzen Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Relationen, Franckfort am Mayn, 1679. This is a German translation of D’Abbeville’s geographical essays. I have not been able to learn when the last part, which contains Bristock’s narrative, was published in French.

[140] America. London, 1671.

[141] De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671.

[142] Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1673.

[143] The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708.

[144] Geschichte von Amerika, B. H. Halle, 1753. The articles in these volumes were selected with much judgment, and translated by J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schrœter, Baumgarten merely writing the bibliographical introductions. It contains a curious map entitled _Gegend der Provinz Bemarin im Königreich Apalacha_.

[145] The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin, and even their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from time to time. (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 195.)

[146] Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error are adduced by D’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, Tom. II., p. 275, et seq. Among later authors who have been misled by such authorities are Humboldt, (“Reise nach dem Tropen, B. V., s. 181,”) and the eminent naturalist F. J. F. Meyen, (Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, in the Nov. Act. Acad. Cæsar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Cur. Vol. XVII., Sup. I.)

[147] Writers disagree somewhat as to the situation of this fountain. Hackluyt (Vol. V., p. 251) and Gomara (Hist. de las Indias Occidentales, Cap. XLV., pp. 31, 35) locate it on the island Boiuca or Agnaneo, 125 leagues north of Hispaniola. Some placed it on the island Bimini,--which, says Oviedo, is 40 leagues west of Bahama (Pt. I., lib. xix., cap. xv., quoted in Navarrete,)--a name sometimes applied to Florida itself, as on the Chart of Cristobal de Topia given in the third volume of Navarrete. Herrera, La Vega, Fontanedo, Barcia, Navarrete and most others agree in referring it to Florida. Fontanedo confuses it with the river Jordan and the Espiritu Santo or Mississippi. Gomara (ubi suprà, p. 31) gives a unique interpretation to this myth and one quite in accordance with the Spanish character, namely, that it arose from the rare beauty of the women of that locality, which was so superlative that old men, gazing upon it, would feel themselves restored to the vigor of youth. In this he is followed by Ogilby. (America, p. 344.)

[148] See Appendix I. The later Indians of Florida seem to have preserved certain relics of a superstitious veneration of the aqueous element. Their priests had a certain holy water, sanctified by blowing upon it and incantation, thought to possess healing virtues (Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 141;) Coacooche said that when the spirit of his twin-sister came to him from the land of souls, she offered him a cup of pure water, “which she said came from the spring of the Great Spirit, and if I should drink of it, I should return and live with her for ever.” (Sprague, Hist. Florida War, p. 328.)

[149] Parallel myths are found in various other nations. Sir John Maundeville speaks of the odoriferous fountain of youth near the river Indus, and Ellis mentions “the Hawaiian account of the voyage of Kamapiikai to the land where the inhabitants enjoy perpetual health, where the _wai ora_ (life-giving fountain) removed every internal malady and external deformity or decrepitude from those who were plunged beneath its salutary waters.” (Polynesian Researches, Vol I., p. 103.)

[150] Fontanedo, Memoire, pp. 17, 18, 19, 32, 39. Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. XLI., p. 31.

[151] Intro. to the Ensay. Cron.; Fontanedo makes the same statement.

[152] Despues de establecido los Españoles en las Islas de Santo Domingo, Cuba, y Puerto Rico, averiguaron que los naturales conservaban algunas ideas vagas de tierras situadas à la parte septentrional, donde entre otras cosas maravillosas referian la existencia de cierta fuente y rio, cuyas aguas remozaban à los viejos que en ella se bañaban; preocupacion tan añeja y arraigada en los Indios, que aun antes de la llegada de los españoles los habia conducido à establecer allì una colonia. Viages y Descubrimientos, Tomo III., p. 50.

[153] L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique, Tome VIII., p. 185.

[154] Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI., p. 249.

[155] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., Año 1698, p. 317, Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll. Vol. IV., p. 537.

[156] William Bartram, Travels, p. 227.

[157] See Labat, Voyage aux Isles de l’Amerique, Tome I., p. 136, and Hughes, Nat. Hist. of Barbadoes, p. 5.

[158] Jucaias a conjecturis junctas fuisse quondam reliquis magnis insulis nostri arbitrantur, et ita fuisee a suis majoribus creditum incolæ fatentur. Sed vi tempestate paulatim absorpta tellure alterne secessisse, pelago interjecto uti de messenensi freto est autorum opinio Siciliam ab Italia dirimente, quod una esset quondam contigua. De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. II., p. 468, Editio Hackluyti, Parisiis, 1587.

[159] On this topic consult Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. II., s. 583; Jefferys, Hist. of the French Dominion in America, Pt. II., p. 181; Adelung, Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, Th. II., Ab. II., s. 681; Barton, New Views of the Tribes of America, p. lxxi.; Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas, Tomo I., p. 387.

[160] See Appendix II.

[161] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 267.

[162] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc. Vol. II., p. 103 seq. Bossu found the tradition of De Soto’s invasion rife among the Alibamons (Creeks) of his day. (Nouv. Voyages aux Indes Occident. I’t. II., pp. 34, 35. Paris, 1768.)

[163] Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[164] The Cherokees plastered their houses both roofs and walls inside and out with clay and dried grass, and to compensate for the lowness of the walls excavated the floor as much as three or four feet. From this it is probable they were the “Indi delle Vacche” of Cabeza de Vaca “tra queste case ve ne havea alcune che erano di terra, e tutte l’altre sono di stuore.” (Di Alvaro Nunnes Relatione in Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., fol. 327, B.) A similar construction was noticed by Biedma in Acapachiqui where the houses “etaient creusées sous terre et rassemblaient à des cavernes,” (Relation, pp. 60, 61,) by the Portuguese Gentlemen in Capachiqui, (Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 498.) and by La Vega among the Cofachiqui, (Conq. de la Florida, Lib. III., cap. XV., p. 131.) Hence the Cherokees are identical with the latter and not with the Achalaques, as Schoolcraft erroneously advances. (Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 595.) I suppose it was from this peculiar style of building that the Iroquois called them _Owaudah_, a people who live in caves. (Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163.)

[165] Adair, Hist. of the N. Am. Inds., pp. 413, 420, 421; Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 367, 388; Le Page Dupratz, Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., pp. 351-2.

[166] Hist. N. Am. Inds., pp. 422-3.

[167] François Coreal, Voyages, Tome I., p. 31; Catesby, Account of Florida and the Bahama Islands, p. viii.

[168] Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 116.

[169] Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida, pp. 71, 83.

[170] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[171] George White, Hist. Colls. of Georgia, p. 423. It has also been described to me by a gentleman resident in the vicinity.

[172] See the Christian Advocate and Journal for 1832, and the almost unintelligible abstract of the article in Josiah Priest’s American Antiquities, pp. 169, 170, (third edition, Albany, 1833.) Though the account is undoubtedly exaggerated, it would merit further investigation.

[173] See Appendix II.

[174] I give these according to the orthography of Baumgarten, who may differ slightly from other writers.

[175] Oratio Dominica Polyglotta, Amstelædami, 1715. He does not state where he obtained them.

[176] Hewitt, History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p 156.

[177] El Cacique principal de Apalache, Superior de muchos Caciques, Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 323.

[178] Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 14.

[179] Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, Vol. V. p. 259.

[180] Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians in Mass. Hist. Colls. Vol. II. (2 ser.,) p. 26; Alcedo, Hist. and Geog. Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 82.

[181] Views of Louisiana, p. 150.

[182] Trovarono terre grandi piene di genti molto ben disposte, savie, politiche, e ben’ ordinate. Bartolome de las Casas, Istoria della Distruttione dell’ Indie Occidentali, p. 108. Venetia, 1626.

[183] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 71.

[184] Memoire, p. 13.

[185] At what time or by whom Tampa Bay was first so called I have not been able to learn. Its usual name in early narratives is Baia de Espiritu Santo, which was given by De Soto; sometimes from separate discoveries it was called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay,) El Lago de San Bernardo, Baie de St. Louis, and by the Indiana Culata (Barcia, Ensayo Cron. p. 342, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. I., Cap. VI.) Herrera in his map of the Audiencia de la Española marks it “B. de tampa,” and after him Gerard a Schaagen in the Nov. et Accurat. Americæ Descriptio.

[186] Williams, Hist. of Florida, pp. 36, 212. Ellicott’s Journal, p. 247. Robert’s Hist. of Florida, p. 17.

[187] Guaicum officinale; the _el palo_ or _el palo santo_ of the Spaniards.

[188] Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1566.

[189] See Prior’s Journal in Williams’ Florida, p. 299. The name Miami applied to a tribe in Ohio, and still retained by two rivers in that State, properly Omaumeg, is said to be a pure Algic word, meaning, People who live on the peninsula. (Amer. Hist. Mag. Vol. III., p. 90.) We are, however, not yet prepared to accept this explanation as applicable to the word as it appears in Florida.

[190] Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 49, and compare the Hist. Notable, p. 134.

[191] For these facts see Fontanedo’s Memoire, _passim_, and Barcia, Años 1566, 1567.

[192] Bernard Romans, pp. 291-2.

[193] Desde los Martires al Cañaveral, Herrera, Dec. IV., Lib., IV., cap. VII.

[194] Barcia (En. Cron. p. 118) says Ais commences twenty leagues up the St. Johns river; but distances given by the Spanish historians were often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy.

[195] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 133-4.

[196] Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, pp. 74-5.

[197] Biedma, Relation, p. 53; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, V., p. 492; La Vega, Lib. II., cap. x., p. 38.

[198] Irving’s Conquest of Fla., p. 84, note.

[199] Barcia, Año 1567; Fontanedo, pp. 20, 35.

[200] Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 190-1, 108-9, 140 sq.

[201] Jusqu’à Mayajuaca, dans la contrée de Ais, vers _le lieu planté de roseaux_. Fontanedo, Memoire, p. 35. Cañaveral is a Spanish word signifying the same as the expression I have italicised.

[202] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 90.

[203] Ibid.

[204] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 8.

[205] Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 492, Fontanedo, p. 15.

[206] Les Floridiens ne sement, ne plantent, ne prennent rien ni à la chasse, ni à la pêche, qui ne soit à la disposition de leurs chefs, qui distribuent, et donnent, comme il leur plait, etc. François Coreal, Voiages, Tome I., p. 44. The chiefs on the Bahamas possessed similar absolute power. (Peter Martyr, De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. I., p. 467.)

[207] Basanier, Hist. Not., p. 132.

[208] Basanier, pp. 9, 141.

[209] Fontanedo, pp. 10, 11.

[210] Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 7.

[211] Travels, p. 456.

[212] E. G. Squier, Aborig. Mon. of N. Y., App. pp. 135-7; Serpent Symbol, pp. 90, 94, 95.

[213] Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 205.

[214] They came to meet Narvaez playing on such flutes, “tañendo unas Flautas de Caña,” Cabeza de Vaca, Naufragios, cap. V.

[215] Bernard Romans, p. 62.

[216] Francisco Ximenez, Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 179.

[217] De Morgues, Brevis Historia, Tab. XXI.

[218] Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, etc., p. 46.

[219] Brevia Historia, Tab. XXX., and compare the Histoire Memorable, p. 261.

[220] Naufragios, cap. III.

[221] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 62. This style of building was common among the Caribs, and may have been derived from them.

[222] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 8, 101.

[223] See Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 143, note 152, and authorities there quoted.

[224] Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXV.; Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 87.

[225] Klemm, Culturgeschichte der Menscheit, B. II, s. 179.

[226] Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 43 sqq.

[227] On the Trinity in aboriginal American religions, see Count Stolberg in the Wiener Yahrbücher der Literatur, B. XVI., s. 278.

[228] God’s Protecting Providence, p. 12.

[229] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 38, 39.

[230] Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 22. He embraces all tribes “from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi,” and adds that they had no lascivious or Priapean images or rites, in which he is equally at fault.

[231] Man hat weder bei den Sudamericanern noch bei den Nördlichen eigentliche Götzenbilder oder I dole bemerkt. Culturgeschichte der Menschheit, B. II., s. 172. This is confined of course to the “Yägervolker.”

[232] Barcia, Ensayo Cron. Año 1566, p. 94; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, Vol. V. p. 491, mentions this as existing among the tribes near Tampa Bay.

[233] Moris apud illos est primogenitum masculum Regi victimum offerre, etc. Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXIV.

[234] La Reprinse de la Floride, p. 264.

[235] Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 263, and compare Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Inds. pp. 238-9.

[236] Brevis Historia, Tab. XL. Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 10, 11.

[237] Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 129.

[238] Tucururu or Tacatacuru was on the Atlantic coast south of St. Augustine, between it and Santa Lucea. (Barcia, En. Cron., p. 121.)

[239] Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas de las naciones conocidas, Tom. I. p. 387. Madrid, 1800-1805.

[240] Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, B. III., s. 285.

[241] Gallatin, Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 178.

[242] Basanier, Hist. Not. pp. 67, 69, 72; Coppie d’une Lettre venant de la Floride, p. 244.

[243] Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 106.

[244] Hewitt, Hist. of S. Car., Vol. I., p. 222. He gives 1714 as the date of this occurrence. But see Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., p. 353.

[245] On the Yemassees consult Hewitt, ubi suprà; Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1686; the tracts in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., pp. 106, 246, 353, 355; Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 15; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent traveller, p. 57.

[246] On the migrations of this tribe consult the Colls. of the Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. I., pp. 145-6; Vol. II., pp. 61, 71; John Filson; The Disc., Settlement, and Pres. State of Kentucké, App. 3, p. 84; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., pp. 84, 95; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 59; Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 70 et seq.; Moll’s Map of the Northern Parts of America, and Sprague’s Hist. of the Florida War.

[247] Travels, pp. 388-9, and see p. 486.

[248] Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Año 1686, p. 287.

[249] Jedediah Morse, Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 93, Archæol-Amer., Vol. I., p. 273, and others.

[250] Other forms of the same are Little St. Johns, Little Savanna, Seguano, Suannee, Swannee. It was also called the Carolinian river.

[251] H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 161. Adair, however, says they recorded themselves to be _terræ filii_. (Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 257, but compare p. 195.)

[252] For the individual nations composing the confederacy see Romans, Hist. of Fla., p. 90; Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 13, and Adair, p. 257.

[253] Giddings (Exiles of Florida, p. 3) gives the incorrect translation “runaways,” and adds, “it was originally used in reference to the Exiles long before the Seminole Indians separated from the Creeks.” The Upper Creeks called them Aulochawan. (American State Papers, Vol. V., p. 813.)

[254] Establishment of the Colony of Georgia, pp. 10, 12, in Peter Force’s Historical Tracts, Vol. I.

[255] Major C. Swan, in Schoolcraft’s Hist. of the Indian Tribes. Vol. V., pp. 260, 272.

[256] _Smilax_, _China_, and _Zamia pumila_.

[257] On the civilization of the Seminoles, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 192-3, 304, the American Jour. of Science, Vol. IX., pp. 133, 135, and XXXV., pp. 58-9; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent Traveller, and the works on the Florida War.

[258] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 75. The author supposed this was to receive the injunctions of the dying mother, but more probably it sprang from that belief in a _metasomatosis_ which prevailed, and produced analogous customs in other tribes. See La Hontan, Voiages, Tome I., p. 232; “Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouv. France pour l’an 1636, ch. IX.” Pedro de Cieza, Travs. in Peru, ch. XXXII., p. 86 in Steven’s Collection.

[259] Notices of East Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 79. For the extent and meaning of this singular superstition, see Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 149, note; Hist. of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III., p. 66; Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Vol. II., p. 271; Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 415; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. I., p. 146, and note^{15}.

[260] Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 77.

[261] C. Swan in Schooloraft’s His. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 260.

[262] By the whites I refer to the descendants of the English of the northern states. While under the Spanish government, up to the first Seminole war, their nation was said to be “numerous, proud and wealthy.” (Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, App., p. 215.) This was owing to the Spanish laws which gave them equal privileges with white and free colored persons, and drew the important distinction that they could hold land _individually_, but not _nationally_. How different these beneficent regulations from the decree of the Florida Legislature in 1827, that any male Indian found out of the reservation “shall receive not exceeding thirty-nine stripes on his bare back, and his gun be taken away from him.” (Laws relating to Inds. and Ind. Affairs, p. 247, Washington, 1832,) and similar enactments.

[263] Roberts, First Disc. of Fla., p. 90.

[264] Collections of Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. II., p. 318.

[265] Ibid., p. 73.

[266] Travels, p. 211.

[267] Nat. History, p. 91.

[268] Report on Indian Affairs, p. 33.

[269] Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 48.

[270] Sprague, Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 19.

[271] American State Papers, Vol. VI., p. 439.

[272] Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 97.

[273] Ibid., p. 409.

[274] Ibid., p. 512.

[275] Ibid.

[276] Relation de la Floride apportée par Frère Gregorio de Beteta, in Ternaux’s _Recueil_. They did not touch the coast beyond the Bay of Apalache nor much south of Tampa Bay. Both Barcia (En. Cron. Año 1549) and Herrera (Dec. VIII., Lib. V., cap. XIV., XV.) say they entered the latter, but this cannot be, as the supposed description is entirely inapplicable. For other particulars see Eden’s translation of Peter Martyr, (fol. 319, Londini, 1555.)

[277] The authority for this, as well as most of the facts in this chapter where other references are not given, is Barcia’s Ensayo Cronologico.

[278] Sometimes called Santa Maria or St. Marys; now Amelia Island, so named, from the beauty of its shores, by Gov. Oglethorpe in 1736. (Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, in Ga. Hist. Soc.’s Colls. Vol. I., p. 124)

[279] Called by the natives Ylacco or Walaka, the river of many lakes; by the French Rivière Mai, as Ribaut entered it on the first of that month; by the Spaniards Rio Matheo, Rio Picolato, on some charts by mistake Rio San Augustin, Rio Matanca and Rio Caouita, and not till much later Rio San Juan, which the English changed to St. Johns, and St. Whan.

[280] Barcia, p. 123, and cf., p. 128.

[281] Williams, Florida, p. 175.

[282] Though Drake left nothing but the fort, and the dwellings were a second time destroyed by Col. Palmer, in 1727, yet Stoddard (Sketches of Louisiana, p. 120) says houses were standing in his time bearing the date 1571!

[283] Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. Pedro Morales adds, “The greatest number of Spanyards that have beene in Florida these sixe yeeres, was 300.”

[284] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350.

[285] Nat. and Civ. Hist. of Fla., p. 175.

[286] Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350; Barcia, Años 1603 and 1612.

[287] L’interieur, non plus que les parties de l’ouest et du Nord n’est pas en notre pouvoir. Voiages aux Indes Occidentales, T. I., p. 27.

[288] He published two Cedulas Reales for this purpose, bearing the dates Oct. 20, 1680, and Sept. 30, 1687.

[289] Barcia, p. 317; Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll., Vol. IV., p. 537.

[290] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 77-8.

[291] Maintenant ils sont presque touts Chrètiens. Louys Morery, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique, ou le Melange Curieux, Vol. I., Art. _Apalaches_. (Amsterdam and La Haye, 1702.)

[292] See the Report on Oglethorpe’s Expedition, and Col. Moore’s Letter to the Governor, in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. C., Vol. II.

[293] Williams, View of W. Fla., p. 107.

[294] Alcedo, Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 81.

[295] God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 68-9.

[296] Herman Moll, Thesaurus Geographus, Pt. II, p. 211, 4th ed. London, 1722.

[297] Dickinson, God’s Protecting Prov., p. 63.

[298] Roberts, Hist, of Fla., p. 15, and Francis Moore’s Voyage to Georgia.

[299] Travels, p. 233.

[300] Travels in E. Fla., p. 32, Darlington, Mems. of Bartram and Marshall, p. 284.

[301] Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 277-8.

[302] Nat. and Civil Hist. Fla. Preface and p. 175.

[303] See his letter on the Antiquities of the State in Williams’ View of W. Fla., pp. 105-110.

[304] The War in Fla., by a late Staff Officer, p. 5; see also, the account of Black Hoof in Morse’s Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 98, and cf. Archæol. Am., Vol. I. p. 273.

[305] Dr. Stork, Des. of E. Fla., p. 8.

[306] Capt. Robinson, in Roberts, p. 97.

[307] Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 5.

[308] Parliamentary History, Vol. XV., Col. 1301, Art. XX.

[309] Travels, p. 65.

[310] Jour. of Travels in E. Fla., p. 25.

[311] Travels, p. 99.

[312] Ibid., p. 521.

[313] Travels, p. 99.

[314] Au sorty du village d’Edelano, pour venir au port de la rivière il faut passer par une allée, longue environ de trois cens pas et large de quinze, aux deux costez de laquelle sont plantez de grands arbres, &c. Hist. Notable, p. 138.

[315] Il y a au sortir du village une grande allée de trois à quatre cens pas, laquelle et recouverte de grands arbres des deux costez. Hist. Not. pp. 164-5.

[316] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. II., P. I, cap. ult.

[317] La Vega, Ibid., Lib. I., cap. V., pp. 30-1.

[318] Lafitau in Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 71; Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, Vol. II., pp. 52, 190.

[319] Knight, Anc. Art. sect. 162; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol I., p. 198, note^{28}; Montfaucon, Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235; Görres, Mythengeschichte, B. I., s. 171.

[320] Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, in Navarrete Viages, Tom. III. p. 153; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 29, and comp, p. 78.

[321] Real cedula dando facultad à Francisco de Garay para poblar la Provincia de Amichel, in Navarrete, Tom. III., p. 148. The account says they were “de diez à once palmos en alto.”

[322] Histoire de la Virginie, Liv. III., p. 259, (Orleans, 1707.)

[323] Notes on the Iroquois, p. 482.

[324] Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, Let. XX. p. 162.

[325] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I.

[326] On the _rôle_ of trees in primitive religions consult Guigniaut, Religions de l’Antiquitè, T. I., pp. 81, 150, note, 391, 406.

[327] La Vega, Conq. de la Florida, Lib. I., cap. IV., p. 5.

[328] Ibid. Lib. III., cap. XIV., p. 129. cap. XV., p. 131, et sq.

[329] For descriptions of this mode of interment, essentially the same in most of the tribes from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence, and very widely prevalent in South America, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 516; Romans, Nat. Hist. Fla., pp. 88-90; Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 183; Lawson, New Account of Carolina, p. 182, in Stevens’ Collection; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, pp. 259-62; Baumgarten, Ges. von Amerika, B. I., s. 470; Colden, Hist. of the Five Nations, p. 16, and many others.

[330] See an instructive notice from Pere le Petit in the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, T. IV., pp. 261-2, and the Inca, Lib. II., pp. 69-70; Lib. IV., p. 188; Lib. V., pp. 202, 231, &c.

[331] Port. Gent, in Hackluyt, V., p. 489.

[332] Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, pp. 71-2. The author speaks of one “that must have covered two acres of ground,” but this is probably a misapprehension.

[333] I am aware that Mr. Schoolcraft places the pottery of Florida intermediate between the coarse work of the northern hunter tribes, and the almost artistic manufactures of Yucatan and Mexico, (see an article on the Antiquities of Florida, in the Hist. of the Ind. Tribes, Vol. III.;) but the numerous specimens obtained in various parts of the peninsula that I had opportunities to examine, never seemed to indicate a civilization so advanced.

[334] There is an excellent paper on this topic by the well-known geologist, Lardner Vanuxem, in the Trans. Am. Assoc. Geol. and Naturalists, for 1840-42, p. 21. sq.

[335] This is not an invariable proof however; see Tuomey, Geol. Survey of S. Car., p. 199, note.

[336] Second Visit to the United States, Vol. I., p. 252.

[337] Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. XI., (2 ser.) pp. 164-74.

[338] Le case loro sono edificate di stuore sopra scorze d’ostriche, e sopra di esse dormono sopra cuoi d’animali. Relatione que fece Alvaro Nunez, detto Capo di Vaca, Ramusio, Viaggi, T. III., fol. 317., E.

[339] On the geology of these bluffs, see the articles by Mr. Allen, in the first, and Mr. Conrad in the second volume of the Am. Jour. Science. (Second series.)

[340] Travels, p. 198.

[341] The peculiar hue of the whole St. Johns system of streams has been termed by various travellers a light brown, light red, coffee color, rich umber, and beer color. In the sun it is that of a weak lye, but in the shade often looks as black as ink. The water is quite translucent and deposits no sediment. The same phenomenon is observed in the low country of Carolina, New Jersey, and Lake Superior, and on a large scale in the Rio Negro, Atababo, Temi, and others of South America. In the latter, Humboldt (Ansichten der Natur, B. I., p. 263-4) ascribes it “to a solution of carburetted hydrogen, to the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, and to the quantity of plants and herbs on the ground on which they flow.” In Florida, the vast marshes and hammocks, covered the year round with water from a few inches to two feet in depth, yet producing such rank vegetation as to block up the rivers with floating islands, are doubtless the main cause. The Hillsboro, Suwannee, and others, flowing through the limestone lands into the Gulf, are on the other hand remarkable for the clarity of their streams. I have drank this natural decoction when it tasted and smelt so strongly of decayed vegetable matter as almost to induce nausea. A fact not readily explained is that while the dark waters of other regions are marked by a lack of fish and crocodiles, a freedom from stinging musquitoes, a cooler atmosphere and greater salubrity, nothing of the kind occurs on these streams.

[342] For particulars concerning some of these, see Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 145, 165, 206, 230; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent Trav., pp. 28, 44; American Journal of Science, Vol. XXV., p. 165, I., (2 ser.) p. 39.

[343] Flint, (Travels, Let. XVI., p. 172,) says that neither of those found in 1810 measured more than four feet. This is an error. He only saw the female, whose age was not over fourteen, and the squatting position in which the body was, deceived him.

[344] Conq. de la Florida, Lib. V., P. II., cap. VIII.

[345] In French’s Hist. Coll. of La., Pt. I., p. 61.

[346] Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I., pp. 154-5.

[347] Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 230.

[348] A New Account of Carolina, p. 191.

[349] Joutel, Jour. Hist., p. 218; Mems. of Sieur de Tonty, p. 61; Dupratz, V. II., p. 22; Cabeza de Vaca. in Ramusio, T. III., fol. 317, E.

[350] Lawson, ubi suprà, p. 180.

[351] It was remarked of the mummy found in the Mammoth cave, “In the making of her dress there is no evidence of the use of any other machinery than bone and horn needles.” (Collin’s Kentucky, p. 257.)

[352] Archæologia Americana, Vol. I., p. 230.

[353] Whence the French verb _boucaner_, and the English _buccaneer_. Possibly the custom may have been introduced among the tribes of the northern shore of the Gulf by the Caribs.

[354] Dumont, Mems., Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I, p. 240.

[355] De Bry, Peregrinationes in America, P. I., Tab. XXII.; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, Liv. III., pp. 285-6; Lawson, Acc’t of Carolina, p. 182; Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 693.

[356] See the Inca, Lib. IV., caps. VIII., IX.

[357] See the Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. I., p. 429; Vol. XXII., p. 124; Collin’s Kentucky, pp. 177, 448, 520, 541; Bradford, Am. Antiqs., Pt. I., p. 29.

[358] Dumont, Mems. Hist. T. II., pp. 178, 238; Dupratz, Vol. II., p. 221, and for the latter fact, Mems. of the Sieur de Tonty, p. 61.

[359] Medical Repository, Vol. XVI., p. 148. This opinion is endorsed by Bradford, Am. Antiqs., p. 31.

[360] Humboldt, Krit. Untersuch. ueber die Hist. Entwickelung der Geog. Kentnisse der neuen Welt, B. I., s. 322; the same reason is given by De Laet, Descrip. Ind. Occident. Lib. IV., cap. XIV.

[361] “Guañines de oro,” Navarrete, Viages, Tom. III., p. 52; Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI.

[362] Mais on n’y trouve pas d’or, parce qu’elle est eloignè des mines d’Onagatono, situées dans les montagnes neigeuses d’Onagatono dernieres possessions d’Abolachi, Memoire, p. 32.

[363] Pedro Morales, in Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432.

[364] See Lanman’s Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, pp. 9, 26, 27; White, Hist. Coll. of Georgia, pp. 487-8.

[365] Humboldt, Island of Cuba, p. 131, note.