Part 13
MY LORD,--The King of Prussia has sent His Minister at this Court a proposition for regulating the position of the Christians in Syria, which, if it were acted upon, would in Prince Metternich's opinion throw that Country into inextricable confusion. His Highness transmitted a few days back a memorandum on the subject to London which He persists in regarding as establishing the only advantageous mode of treating the question, and as He purposes drawing up a statement of his objections to the Prussian proposition, He earnestly entreats that no acquiescence may be given to any part of it on behalf of the British Government until those objections have been submitted to Your Lordship.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant,
BEAUVALE.
THE VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, G.C.B.
(F.O. Docs., 7/298.)
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_Lord Palmerston to Lord Beauvale, (Draft)._
F.O., _March 11th, 1841_.
MY LORD,--With reference to Your Excellency's despatch No. 38 of the 2nd instant reporting Prince Metternich's objections to the Prussian scheme for regulating the position of the Christians in Syria, I have to inform Your Excellency that H.M.'s Government agree very much with Prince Metternich's as to that scheme.
P.
(F.O. Docs. 1/296.)
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_Memorandum of Austrian Government delivered to Lord Palmerston by Prince Esterhazy, March 31, 1841._
Sur le Mémorandum du 3 Février[141] et le mémoire Prussien, relativement à la protection des Chrétiens en Syrie.
La différence entre le mémorandum du 3 fév. et le mémoire prussien consiste en ce que le premier fournit un moyen pratique pour _porter remède_ au mal existant, sans entreprendre une reforme dangereuse, tandis que l'autre tend à introduire _un nouvel ordre de choses_ en faveur de la représentation de l'Église évangélique, par des moyens inexécutables.
_Le travail du 3 fevr._ se base sur la vérité, que ni les populations chrétiennes sédentaires et mouvantes, ni les couvens des trois confessions, catholique, grecque et arménienne, n'ont jamais eu à se plaindre d'un manque de tolérance musulmane. C'est un témoignage irrécusable qu'on peut recueillir sur les lieux auprès de ceux même qui y sont les plus intéressés.
Des firmans sans nombre, relatifs à des privilèges et à la donation de lieux saints aux environs de Jérusalem, Bethléhem et Nazareth se trouvent déposés aux archives des différens couvens, et s'ils n'ont point été mis en exécution et forment le sujet de disputes continuelles entre les trois confessions, la faute n'en est pas au Gouvernement Turc, mais uniquement _à la vénalité_ des Musselims, comme autorités locales.
L'exécution des firmans toujours mise arbitrairement à un prix très élevé est devenu de la part des Musselims une spéculation financière.
La désunion regrettable qui règne entre les confessions, ou comme on les appelle sur les lieux, les trois nations, exploite cette corruptibilité, tantôt pour suspendre l'exécution d'un firman jalousé, tantôt pour obtenir moyennant l'intervention du Musselim un second firman annullant le premier, ce qui a surtout lieu, lorsqu'il s'agit de la donation d'un lieu saint. En pareil cas la confession la plus offrante est sûre d'atteindre son but et rien n'est plus à désirer que _la punition sévère du trafic illicite et honteux_, qui se pratique avec les firmans et l'irrévocabilité _de ceux une fois émanés_.
C'est donc en parfaite connoissance du véritable siége du mal, que le mémorandum du 3 février _a cherché le remède dans le renfort de l'action tutélaire du Gouv. par un employé sultanique spécial d'un rang assez élevé pour être placé à côté des Musselims; employé qui serait chargé directement de tout ce qui aurait rapport aux lieux saints et aux pèlerins--qui serait mis en contact avec les Représentans des Gouvernement Chrétiens nommés ad hoc, sous la dénomination de procureurs et qui ne recevrait d'ordres que de Constantinople où les plaintes élevées contre lui seraient portées à la connoissance du Gouvernement dans la voie diplomatique_.
_Le mémoire prussien_ tendant à établir sur les lieux une représentation de l'église évangélique et sa participation aux fondations existantes, suscite une question _toute nouvelle_, dont la portée n'est pas à calculer.
Sans considérer l'opposition de Rome, du St. Synode de St. Pétersbourg, et du Patriarchat grec à Constantinople le mémoire suggère des moyens qui, loin de porter remède au mal existant, feraient naître des nouvelles complications et accroître la désunion parmi les confessions chrétiennes. Ce regrettable résultat serait surtout amené par les points suivans du mémoire prussien:
A. _La propriété des lieux saints à Jérusalem, Bethléhem et Nazareth passerait aux cinq grandes Puissances._
Mais cette propriété est aux différentes confessions, qui déjà jalouses de la partager entre _trois_, ne voudraient certainement pas faire une cession de droits acquis, en faveur d'une _quatrième prétendant_.
B. _Les Chrétiens évangéliques auraient dans l'église du St. Sépulcre à Jérusalem et dans celle de Bethléhem des parties spécialement destinées à leur usage._
Mais dans ces deux églises chaque pouce de terrain est disputé par les trois confessions. Toute la Basilique de Bethléhem fut adjugée, il y a 80 ans, aux Grecs; en vertu d'un firman obtenu par des sommes considérables, eux et les Arméniens possèdent _seuls_ la propriété de la Grotte de la Nativité; les moins franciscains n'osent point y dire la messe, et il n'y a que l'autel de la Ste. Crèche qui appartienne à ces derniers. Dans le temple de Jérusalem existent les mêmes subdivisions exclusives. Chaque chapelle forme pour ainsi dire une monopole; celle du Calvaire est partagée en deux--l'autel des Grecs occupant la place de l'exaltation de la croix, celui des Catholiques celle du crucifiement. Comment faire entrer une quatrième confession dans un partage déjà si contesté? La répartition toute faite de localités dont la propriété est aussi hautement appréciée par la confession qui la possède qu'enviée par la confession qui voudrait l'usurper, s'opposerait du reste à une pareille entreprise.
C. _Chaque Puissance, qui nommerait un résident, mettrait à sa disposition 60 soldats._
A part d'autres considérations qui rendent ce moyen inadmissible, il fournirait des armes à une guerre de religion en petit qui, vu les élémens de jalousie et de discorde déjà existans, ne manquerait pas d'éclater.
(F.O. Docs. 7/302.)
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BRITISH JEWS AND PALESTINE, 1841-1843.
_Colonel Churchill to Sir Moses Montefiore._
_June 14th, 1841._
MY DEAR SIR MOSES,--I have not yet had the pleasure of hearing from you, but I would fain hope that my letters have reached you safe.
I enclose you a petition which has been drawn by the Brothers Harari, in which they state their claims and their earnest desire to be immediately under British protection. I am sorry to say that such a measure is much required even now, not only for them, but also for all the Jews in Damascus.
They are still liable to persecutions similar to those from which, through your active and generous intervention, they have so lately escaped. The Christians still regard them with malevolence, and the statement in the petition enclosed is perfectly correct.
I cannot conceal from you my most anxious desire to see your countrymen endeavour once more to resume their existence as a people. I consider the object to be perfectly attainable. But, two things are indispensably necessary. Firstly, that the Jews will themselves take up the matter universally and unanimously. Secondly, that the European Powers will aid them in their views. It is for the Jews to make a commencement. Let the principal persons of their community place themselves at the head of the movement. Let them meet, concert and petition. In fact the agitation must be simultaneous throughout Europe. There is no Government which can possibly take offence at such public meetings. The result would be that you would conjure up a new element in Eastern diplomacy--an element which under such auspices as those of the wealthy and influential members of the Jewish community could not fail not only of attracting great attention and of exciting extraordinary interest, but also of producing great events.
Were the resources which you all possess steadily directed towards the regeneration of Syria and Palestine, there cannot be a doubt but that, under the blessing of the Most High, those countries would amply repay the undertaking, and that you would end by obtaining the sovereignty of at least Palestine. That the present attempt to prop up the Turkish Empire as at present constituted is a miserable failure, we who see what is going on around us must at once acknowledge. What turn events will take no one can possibly tell, but of this I am perfectly certain that these countries must be rescued from the grasp of ignorant and fanatical rulers, that the march of civilisation _must_ progress, and its various elements of commercial prosperity _must_ be developed. It is needless to observe that such will never be the case under the blundering and decrepit despotism of the Turks or the Egyptians. Syria and Palestine, in a word, must be taken under European protection and governed in the sense and according to the spirit of European administration. It must ultimately come to this. What a great advantage it would be, nay, how indispensably necessary, when at length the Eastern Question comes to be argued and debated with this new ray of light thrown around it, for the Jews to be ready and prepared to say: "Behold us here all waiting, burning to return to that land which you seek to remould and regenerate. Already we feel ourselves a people. The sentiment has gone forth amongst us and has been agitated and has become to us a second nature; that Palestine demands back again her sons. We only ask a summons from these Powers on whose counsels the fate of the East depends to enter upon the glorious task of rescuing our beloved country from the withering influence of centuries of desolation and of crowning her plains and valleys and mountain-tops once more, with all the beauty and freshness and abundance of her pristine greatness." I say it is for the Jews to be ready against such a crisis in diplomacy. I therefore would strenuously urge this subject upon your calm consideration, upon the consideration of those who, by their position and influence amongst you are most likely to take the lead in such a glorious struggle for national existence. I had once intended to have addressed the Jews here in their Synagogue upon the subject, but I have reflected that such a proceeding might have awakened the jealousy of the local Government. I have, however, prepared a rough petition which will be signed by all the Jews here and in other parts of Syria, and which I shall then forward to you. Probably two or three months will elapse first. There are many considerations to be weighed and examined as the question develops itself--but a _beginning_ must be made--a resolution must be taken, _an agitation must be commenced_, and where the stake is "Country and Home" where is the heart that will not leap and bound to the appeal?
I am the Resident Officer at Damascus until further order.
Believe me to be, Dear Sir Moses,
Yours very faithfully,
CHAS. H. CHURCHILL.
Before closing my letter, I cannot avoid offering one or two further considerations.
Supposing that you and your colleagues should at once and earnestly interest yourselves upon this important subject of the recovery of your ancient country, it appears to me (forming my opinions upon the present attitude of affairs in the Turkish Empire) that it could only be as subjects of the Porte that you could commence to regain a footing in Palestine. Your first object would be to interest the Five Great Powers in your views and to get them to advocate your view with the Sultan upon the clear understanding that the Jews, if permitted to colonise any part of Syria and Palestine, should be under the protection of the Great Powers, that they should have the internal regulation of their own affairs, that they should be exempt from military service (except on their own account as a measure of defence against the incursions of the Bedouin Arabs), and that they should only be called upon to pay a tribute to the Porte on the usual mode of taxation.
No doubt, such an undertaking will require _Patriotism_ in the fullest sense of the word, energy and great perseverance. It will require large capital at the outset, but with good prospect of remuneration, returned after the lapse of a few years.
In all enterprises men must be prepared to make great sacrifices, whether of time, health or resources. To reflect calmly before commencing an undertaking and once begun to carry it through, vanquishing, surmounting, triumphing over every obstacle, this is worthy of man's existence and carries with it its own reward, if the judgment is sound, the head clear and the heart honest. I humbly venture to give my opinion upon a subject, which no doubt has already occupied your thought--and the bare mention of which, I know, makes every Jewish heart vibrate. The only question is--_when_ and _how_.
The blessing of the Most High must be invoked on the endeavour. Political events seem to warrant the conclusion that the hour is nigh at hand when the Jewish people may justly and with every reasonable prospect of success put their hands to the glorious work of National Regeneration. If you think otherwise I shall bend at once to your decision, only begging you to appreciate my motive, which is simply an ardent desire for the welfare and prosperity of a people to whom we all owe our possession of those blessed truths which direct our minds with unerring faith to the enjoyment of another and better world.--C. H. C.
I will keep you "au fait" of all that passes in this country if you wish it.
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_15th August, 1842._
MY DEAR SIR MOSES,--I have delayed until now sending to you a written statement of my proposition regarding the Jews of Syria and Palestine partly because I knew you were absent last week from England and partly because I wished to keep the document by me for a few days previous to committing it finally to your care. The subject, I am sure, must in your eyes appear most worthy of consideration, and I trust that when you have perused my paper and matured the contents in your mind, you will come to such a decision as will induce you to give my proposition your warmest support. It appears to me that it might with advantage be brought under the notice of the Jews on the Continent, and if this be your opinion, perhaps you could get my paper, which, as you will perceive, I have drawn up in the shape of an "address," translated into German and forwarded to your friends in Prussia and Germany. I do sincerely believe that were the Jews as a body, both in England and on the Continent of Europe, to so arrange as to present a joint application to the British Government in the sense I propose, they would have reason to rejoice hereafter that they had taken such a step.
I have nothing more to add, as my Document, which I enclose, will express to you all I can say upon the subject.
The only question that remains for your personal consideration is whether you possess the power of having the proposition laid before the leading Jews, abroad as well as in England for their deliberate judgment.
May I beg you to present my kind regards to Lady Montefiore, and believe me to be,
Dear Sir Moses,
Yours most sincerely,
CHAS. H. CHURCHILL.
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_Proposal of Colonel Churchill (Extract)._
Human efforts preceded by prayer and undertaken in faith the whole history of your nation shows to be almost invariably blessed. If such then be your conviction it remains for you to consider whether you may not in all humility, but with earnest sincerity and confiding hope direct your most strenuous attention towards the land of your Fathers with the view of doing all in your power to ameliorate the conditions of your brethren now residing there and with heartfelt aspiration of being approved by Almighty God whilst you endeavour as much as in you lies to render that Land once more a refuge and resting-place to such of your brethren scattered throughout the world as may resort to it.
Hundreds and thousands of your countrymen would strain every effort to accomplish the means of living amidst those scenes rendered sacred by ancient recollections, and which they regard with filial affection, but the dread of the insecurity of life and property which has rested so long upon the soil of "Judea" has hitherto been a bar to the accomplishment of their natural desire.
My proposition is that the Jews of England conjointly with their brethren on the Continent of Europe should make an application to the British Government through the Earl of Aberdeen to accredit and send out a fit and proper person to reside in Syria for the sole and express purpose of superintending and watching over the interests of the Jews residing in that country. The duties and powers of such a public officer to be a matter of arrangement between the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the Committee of Jews conducting the negotiations. It is, I hope, superfluous for me to enlarge upon the incalculable benefit which would accrue to your nation at large were such an important measure to be accomplished, or to allude more than briefly to the spirit of confidence and revival which would be excited in the breasts of your fellow-countrymen all over the world were they to be held and acknowledged agents for the Jewish people resident in Syria and Palestine under the auspices and sanction of Great Britain....
..."God has put into my heart the desire to serve His ancient people. ...I have discharged a duty imposed on me by my conscience."...
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_Resolution of the Board of Deputies of British Jews._
_November 8th, 1842._
That the President be requested to reply to Colonel Churchill to the effect that this Board, being appointed for the fulfilment of special duties and deriving its pecuniary resources from the contributions to the several congregations it represents, is precluded from originating any measures for carrying out the benevolent views of Colonel Churchill respecting the Jews of Syria, that this Board is fully convinced that much good would arise from the realisation of Colonel Churchill's intentions, but is of opinion that any measures in reference to this subject should emanate from the general body of the Jews throughout Europe, and that this Board doubts not that if the Jews of other countries entertain the proposition those of Great Britain would be ready and desirous to contribute towards it their most zealous support.
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_Colonel Churchill to the Secretary of the Board of Deputies._
BEYROUT, _Jany._ 8_th_, 1843.
SIR,--I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the official Communication which the Board of Deputies of British Jews has been pleased to address to me.
It affords me the greatest gratification to learn that the British Jews would zealously co-operate with the general body of their countrymen in endeavouring to procure the permanent amelioration of the condition of Jews in Syria and Palestine.
I humbly venture to express a hope that the Board of Deputies will still continue to entertain this subject, and that it will not think it inexpedient to endeavour to ascertain the feelings and wishes of the Jews in the rest of Europe on a question so interesting and important, one in which is necessarily involved that of the prospective regeneration of their long-suffering and afflicted country.
I beg leave to offer my best thanks and warmest acknowledgements to the Board of Deputies for the kind manner in which it has been pleased to receive my previous communication, and to assure it that my services are ever at its command.
I have the honour to be, &c.,
CHAS. CHURCHILL.
(Minute-Books of Board of Deputies, 1841-43.)
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THE ENTENTE POWERS AND PALESTINE, 1917.
_Extract from Agreement between Great Britain, France and Russia, dated February 21, 1917._
"5.... With a view to securing the religious interests of the Entente Powers, Palestine, with the Holy Places, is separated from Turkish territory and subjected to a special régime to be determined by agreement between Russia, France and England."
(_Manchester Guardian_, January 19, 1918.)
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GREAT BRITAIN AND ZIONISM, 1917.
_Mr. Balfour to Lord Rothschild._
FOREIGN OFFICE,
_November 2nd, 1917_.
DEAR LORD ROTHSCHILD,--I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet:--
"His Majesty's Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country."
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.
Yours sincerely,
ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR.
(_Times_, November 9, 1917.)
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APPENDIX.
INTERNATIONAL ANTI-SEMITISM IN 1498.
The earliest appearance of the Jewish Question in international European politics--or rather the earliest reference to it in the British State Papers--happened in 1498, shortly after the great expulsion of the Jews from Spain. In that year Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain sent a mission to England on business connected with Prince Arthur's marriage. The mission was apparently instructed to deal with the Jewish Question. The envoys expressed to the King their sorrow that, while Spain had been purged of infidelity, Flanders and England were infested by that scourge. Thereupon, according to a dispatch from the chief of the mission, Henry VII, laying both hands on his breast, swore that he would persecute without mercy any Jew or heretic that the King or Queen of Spain might point out in his dominions.
DOCUMENT.
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_De Carta del soprior de Santa Cruza Sus Alts. (Sub-Prior of Santa Cruz to Ferdinand and Isabella, July 18, 1498). Extract._
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Acabada nuestra embasada hable al Rey de Inglaterra solo....
Al otro cabo que le dixe que en su Reyno y en Flandes estaban muchos conversos de los Reynos de V.A. y algunos fuydos por miedo de la Inquisicion y quan firmes V.A. estaban en su amistad y hermandad y que los sobredichos siempre procuraban el contrario que le avisaban dello, holgo mucho de tal avis y dixo la mano puesta en los pechos que por la fe de su coraçon que no decia el de marranos mas del mejor de su Reyno si contra lo que yo le decia algo le dixiese, no le oiria ni le ternia por suyo, y que si S.A. le mandaien airsar si en su tierra hay algun judio o herege que por la fe de su corazon et los castigaria bien. Fue esta habla larga y por ser nuevo oficial abrevie, huelga mucho el Rey de Inglaterra en fablar de la Princesa de Gales....
(Record Office: "Spanish Transcripts," Series I, vol. I, B. 205.)
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INDEX.
Abdul Medjid, Sultan of Turkey, 96
Aberdeen, Earl of, 18, 123
Adler, Cyrus, 67, 70, 71
Agreement, Anglo-Prussian (1841), 106
Alexander I, Tsar, 12, 15
Alexander II, Tsar, 78
Alexander III, Tsar, 55
Alexander, Bishop, 106