Part 3

217. _Full Orders._--This term is well understood to mean those orders conferred in the church which elevate a deacon to the rank of a priest, capable of a full and entire performance of the duties of the Christian ministry. An interesting point has recently been stirred afresh, touching the validity of any ministerial commission which does not draw its authority from the imposition of episcopal hands. I am not proposing to start a controversial question, unsuited to the quiet and pleasant pages of "NOTES AND QUERIES;" but there branches out from this question a Query solely relating to the Church of England, and involving no dispute; and therefore I beg to ask, whether our church holds that a bishop can confer the full orders of the priesthood without any concomitant laying on of the hands of the presbytery? The rubric in the office for the Ordering of Priests, says, "_The Bishop with the Priests present shall lay their hands severally upon the head of every one that receiveth the order of Priesthood_:" and the Bishop then says, "Receive the Holy Ghost for the office and work of a Priest in the Church of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands," &c. Is, then, the aid of the priests _essential_ to the due performance of the rite? Does the expression "_our_ hands" mean both bishop's and priests' hands, as the joint instruments of conveying authority to do the work and office of a priest? Is there any instance of an Anglican bishop ordaining a priest without assistance? I am aware that Beveridge considers that the bishop's hands alone are sufficient; that it has never been the practice in the Greek or the Eastern churches for priests to take a part in the ceremony of conferring "full orders;" and that the custom of their doing so is referred to a decree of the Council of Carthage, A.D. 398, which says, "When a priest is ordained, the bishop blessing him and laying the hand upon his head, let all the priests also, that are present, hold their hands upon his head, by the hands of the bishop." Without the slightest reference to which is really the orthodox method, I would merely ask, whether the Church of England could _legally_ forego the intervention of the priests, just as the Church of Scotland dispenses with the aid of bishops in the act of conferring "full orders?"

ALFRED GATTY.

218. _Earwig._--Can any correspondent furnish a derivation of _ear-wig_ superior to the ones in vogue?

[Greek: AXÔN.]

219. _The Soul's Errand._--I will thank any one to tell me on what grounds the stanzas called the _Soul's Errand_ are reported to have been written by Sir Walter Raleigh the night before his execution. The first stanza is (memoriter)--

"Go, soul, the body's guest, Upon a thankless errant! Fear not to touch the best, The truth shall be thy warrant. Go, since I needs must die, And give the world the lie."

It will be satisfactory to hear at the same time in what work they are to be found. A nobleman of high rank is said to have them engraved on a silver table of the period.

ÆGROTUS.

Minor Queries Answered.

_Call a Spade, a Spade._--What is the origin of the common saying _to call a spade, a spade_? Is it an old proverb or a quotation? In a letter of Melancthon's to Archbishop Cranmer respecting the formularies of the Anglican Church, dated May 1st, 1548, the following sentence occurs, which seems to be another form of it:--

"In Ecclesiâ rectius, _scapham, scapham dicere_; nec objicere posteris ambigua dicta."

Is _scapham, scapham dicere_, I would also ask, a classical quotation, or a modern Latin version of the other expression?

W. FRASER.

[Mr. Halliwell, in his _Dictionary_, says, "The phrase _To call a spade a spade_ is applied to giving a person his real character or qualities. Still in use." "I am plaine, I must needs call _a spade a spade_, a pope a pope."--_Mar-Prelate's Epitome_, p. 2.]

_Prince Rupert's Drops._--At the risk of being thought somewhat ignorant, I beg for enlightenment with regard to the following passage extracted from a late number of _Household Words_:--

"Now the first production of an author, if only three lines long, is usually esteemed as a sort of Prince Rupert's Drop, which is destroyed entirely if a person make on it but a single scratch."

If you, or some of your correspondents, would not think this too trivial a matter to notice, and would inform me what the allusion to "Prince Rupert's Drop" refers to, I should be very much obliged.

YRAM.

[For the history of Prince Rupert's Drops our correspondent is referred to our 100th Number, p. 234. These philosophical toys, which exhibit in the most perfect manner the effects of expansion and contraction in melted glass, are made by letting drops of melted glass fall into cold water. Each drop assumes an oval form with a tail or neck resembling a retort; and possesses this singular property, that if a small portion of the tail is broken off the whole bursts into powder with an explosion, and a considerable shock is communicated to the hand that grasps it.]

_"Worse than a Crime."_--Who first remarked, with reference to the murder of the Duc D'Enghien by Napoleon, "It was worse than a crime, it was a blunder?"

T. ALLASON.

Furnival's Inn, Oct. 3. 1851.

[This saying has always been attributed to Talleyrand; and it is so clearly the remark of a clever politician, but lax moralist, that we have little doubt it has been very justly appropriated to that distinguished sayer of good things.]

_Arbor Lowe, Stanton Moor, Ayre Family._--Can any of your readers oblige me with information respecting the Druidical remains at Arbor Lowe and Stanton Moor, in the Peak of Derbyshire? I am unable to find any but meagre notices; and in one or two so-called histories of Derbyshire, they are only casually mentioned. Also any particulars concerning the old family of the Ayres, who formerly lived at Birchever, and whose house still stands in a very ruinous condition at the foot of the Routor Rocks?

I have heard that some very singular histories are connected with the family.

H.

[Arbor Lowe and Stanton Moor will be found very fully described by that indefatigable Derbyshire antiquary Mr. Bateman, in his _Vestiges of the Antiquities of Derbyshire_, published in 1848.]

_Bishop of Worcester "On the Sufferings of Christ."_--Who was the Bishop of Worcester about the year 1697? I have a book by him _On the Sufferings of Christ_, and it only states by Edward Bishop of Worcester. I presume it is Dr. Stillingfleet.

[Greek: Sigma.]

[This work is by Bishop Stillingfleet; the first edition was published in 1696, and Part II. in 1700, the year following the Bishop's death.]

_Lord Clifford._--Is the present Lord Clifford lineally descended from the Lord Clifford who was Lord High Treasurer _temp._ Charles II., or whether he derives through any collateral branch?

CLERICUS.

[The present Lord Clifford, the eighth baron, is lineally descended from Thomas first Baron Clifford of Chudleigh, who was so created 22nd April, 1672.]

_Latin Translation of Sarpi's Council of Trent._--Can any one inform me who translated this into Latin? I have a copy of an early edition, without printer's name or place of publication, and with the fictitious name _Petri Suavis Polani_; an anagram, though not an accurate one, of _Pauli, Sarpis, Veneti_. The date is 1622, and over it is the device of a man under a tree, round which a vine twines, with "non solus" on a scroll. At the foot of the title-page is a MS. note in the handwriting of Rev. Francis Boult, who was a dissenting minister in Shrewsbury about a hundred years ago. It would enable those who have access to public libraries (which I have not) to answer the question above proposed. _Si scire cupias quis interpres hanc historiam ex Italico in Latinum sermonem verterit, consula opusculum Degorii Wheare, Relectiones Hyamales vocatum pag. 219 et 220._

E. H. D. D.

[This is the first edition of the very inaccurate Latin translation of Sarpi's _Council of Trent_. The first two chapters were translated by Sir Adam Newton, and the last two by William Bedell, afterwards Bishop of Kilmore.]

_Livery Stables._--What is the meaning of _livery_ stables, and when were they first so called?

J. C. W.

[_Livery_, i.e. _delivery_, from the French _livrer_, to deliver. To the origin of this word (says Junius) these words of Chaucer allude, "that is the conisance of my _livery_, to all my Servants _delivered_." Richardson also gives the following quotation from Spenser explanatory of it:--"What _livery_ is, wee by common use in England know well enough, namely, that it is allowance of horse-meate, as they commonly use the word in stabling, as to keepe horses at _livery_:--the which word, I guesse, is derived of _livering_ or delivering forth their nightly foode. So in great houses the livery is said to be served up for all night, that is, their evening's allowance for drinke. And livery is also called the upper weede which a serving man weareth, so called (as I suppose) for that it was delivered and taken from him at pleasure."--_Spenser on Ireland._]

Replies.

MABILLON'S CHARGE AGAINST THE SPANISH CLERGY.--CAMPANELLA AND ADAMI.--WILKES MSS.

It may seem a little too late to notice a criticism nearly two years old; but, though I had casually looked at "NOTES AND QUERIES," it is but lately that I have, with very great pleasure, read through the volumes which have appeared. I was therefore ignorant of some remarks relating to myself, which from time to time have been made. Greatly as I am open to the charge of too frequent inaccuracy in what I have published, I can defend myself from some strictures of your correspondents.

The first of these is contained in a letter signed CANTAB (Vol. i., p. 51.), and relates to a passage in my _History of the Middle Ages_, where I have said, on the authority of Mabillon, "Not one priest in a thousand in Spain, about the age of Charlemagne, could address a common letter of salutation to another." CANTAB produces the passage in Mabillon, which contains exactly what I have said; but assigns as a reason for it, that the Christians, that is, the clergy, had wholly devoted themselves to the study of Arabic and Hebrew books. And this excuse CANTAB accepts. "They were devoting all their energies to Arabic and Chaldean science, and in their pursuit of it neglected other literature. A similar remark might be made respecting many distinguished members of the university to which I belong." In order to make this a parallel case, it should be asserted, not that many senior wranglers would be at a loss in a Greek chorus, but that they cannot write a good English letter. CANTAB seems to forget, that in the age of Charlemagne, all that was necessary towards writing a Latin letter in Spain was to substitute regular grammar for the corrupt _patois_, the _lingua Romana rustica_, which was soon to become Castilian. The truth is, that the reasons assigned by Mabillon's authority, whoever it might be, is wholly incredible. I am not convinced that it was more than a sarcasm on the ignorance which it affects to excuse. Does CANTAB believe that the whole body of the Spanish clergy relinquished at once, not other literature, but the most elementary knowledge, for the sake of studying Arabic and Chaldee books? And this is not alleged to have been for the purpose of converting Moors and Jews, but as a literary pastime. They are expressly said to have neglected the Scriptures. The object that I had in view was to show the general ignorance of various nations in those ages and this charge of ignorance, as to what lay most open to the Spanish clergy, would hardly be alleviated, even if it were true, that some of them had taken to the study of Arabic.

Another criticism in Vol. i., p. 435., relating to what I have said in _Hist. of Literature_, vol. iii. p. 149. (1st edition), concerning Campanella and Adami, is better founded, though your correspondent C. is himself not wholly accurate. I have said of Tobias Adami, that he "dedicated to the philosophers of Germany his own _Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ_ (Instaur_atio_ is, of course, an error of the press), prefixed to his edition of Campanella's _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_, published at Frankfort in 1617." C. says, "This _Prodromus_ is a treatise of Campanella's, not, as Mr. Hallam says, of Adami. Adami published the _Prodromus_ for Campanella, who was in prison; and he wrote a preface, in which he gives a list of other writings of Campanella, which he proposes to publish afterwards. What Mr. Hallam calls an edition, was the first publication."

The words _Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ_, which appear only on the title-page, are of Adami himself, not of Campanella. The work of the latter is called _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_, and is printed, after the preface, with this running title. The error into which I fell was to refer the words _Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ_ to the preface of Adami, and not to the entire work. It may be satisfactory to give the title-page, and one or two extracts from the preface:--

"Prodromus Philosophiæ Instaurandæ, id est, Dissertationis de Natura rerum Compendium, secundum sera principia, ex scriptis Thomæ Campanellæ præmissum, cum præfatione ad philosophos Germaniæ. Francofurt. 1617."

_Prodromus_, of course, means the _avant-courier_ of a new philosophy; and this, I might think, was intended for Adami himself. But, on looking again at the preface, I perceive that it refers to the _Compendium_, which was to lead the way to ulterior publications.

"Præmittere autem hoc saltem opusculum visum nobis est, quo brevis [Greek: anakephalaiôsis] physicorum philosophematum conjecta est, ut judicia doctorum ex eo in Germania experiremur, exercitaremusque. Cui si operæ pretium videbitur, subjungemus posthac autoris pleniorem et concinniorem Epilogismum Philosophiæ Naturalis, Moralis et Politicæ, addito opusculo Civitatis Solis, quo idea ingeniosissima reipublicæ philosophiæ secundum naturam instituendæ proponitur."

I had at one time a doubt, suggested by the language of the title-page, whether the _Compendium de Rerum Naturâ_ were not an abridgment of Campanella, by Adami himself. But the style has too much vigour and terseness to warrant this supposition. And the following passage in the preface leads us to a different conclusion:

"De stylo, si tam delicatæ, ut nostratium nonnullæ sunt, aures reperiantur, quibus non ubique ita accuratus, _et ex scriptis mendosis interdum depravatus videatur_, supervacuum puto excusare, cum philosophus non loquatur, ut loquatur, sed ut intelligi velit."

Your correspondent observes also: "What Mr. Hallam calls an 'edition,' was the first publication." Is not this rather hyper-critical? "First edition" is a familiar phrase, and Adam was surely an editor.

In Vol. iii., p. 241., it is said that "in 1811 these MSS. (viz. of Wilkes) were, I presume, in the possession of Peter Elmsley, Principal of St. Alban's Hall, as he submitted the Junius Correspondence, through Mr. Hallam, to Serjeant Rough, who returned the letters to Mr. Hallam." And it is asked, "Where now are the original Junius letters, and where the other MSS.?"

I have to answer to this, that I returned the Junius letters (I never had any others of Wilkes) to Mr. Elmsley some years before his death in 1825. They are, in all probability, in the possession of his representatives.

HENRY HALLAM.

PRINTING.

(Vol. iv., p. 148.)

More than a few of your contributors have, I trust, concurred with me in hoping, if not expecting, that something will be done to effect the object presented to our notice through M.'s most judicious suggestion. It will be admitted that now, for about thirty years, the study of the history of early printing has been commonly neglected, frequently despised. The extent of the advance or decline of any science in general estimation can always be accurately computed by means of a comparative view of the prices demanded at different periods for the works which treat of it; and it is unquestionable, that books on bibliography, which once were highly rated, have latterly become (at least to those who have them already) provokingly cheap. In fact, unless some measures be adopted to revive a taste for this important branch of learning, the next generation will be involved in decrepitude and darkness with respect to typographical antiquities.

M. has incidentally asked, "Do _different books_ circulate under the title of _Fasciculus Temporum_?" I should say, strictly speaking, Certainly not. But there is a sense in which the supposition is perfectly true; for we not only meet with the genuine _Fasciculus_ of 1474, by Wernerus Rolevinck de Laer, but have also to encounter the same work as it was interpolated by Heinricus Wirezburg de Vach, and published for the first time in 1481. Ratdolt's edition of 1484, which M. used, does not contain the remarkable substituted passage in which the author was compelled to record the _invention_, instead of the _propagation_, of printing; and it would appear, therefore, that that impression does not belong to the Wirezburgian class. I have been surprised at finding that Pistorius and Struvius have reprinted the sophisticated, and not the authentic, book; and it is curious to see the introduction of an "&c." along with other alterations in the account given of the death of Henry VII. from the reception of a poisoned Host.

M. will instantly perceive that we cannot safely trust in a _Fasciculus Temporum_ of, or after, the date 1481; but I can answer for the agreement of the impression of Colon. 1479 with the _editio princeps_. The citations respecting the Gutenberg Bible are not from the _Fasciculus Temporum_, but from _Die Cronica van der hilliger Stadt van Coellen_, A.D. 1499; the testimony of which (or rather of Ulric Zell related therein) as to the origin of printing is very well known through the Latin translation of it supplied by B. de Mallinckrot. (Clement, vii. 221.; Meerman, ii. 105.; Marchand, _Hist. de l'Imp._, ii. 4. 104.; Lambinet, 132.)

R. G.

THE PENDULUM DEMONSTRATION, ETC.

(Vol. iv., pp. 129. 177. 235.)

It would have been more courteous in H. C. K. to have requested me to exhibit my authority for the assertion that the pendulum phenomenon had been latterly attributed to differences in the earth's superficial velocity, than to have assumed that explanation as having originated with myself. There is certainly nothing to justify H. C. K. in calling it "A. E. B.'s theory;" on the contrary, my avowed object was to suggest objections to it, and even my approval of it was limited to this, that, providing certain difficulties in it could be removed, it would then become the most reasonable explanation as yet offered of the alleged phenomenon,--the only one, I might have added, that I had the slightest hope of comprehending.

I can understand what is meant by the parallelism of the earth's axis; and, with the slight exceptions caused by precession and nutation, I take _that_ to be the standard of _fixity of direction in space_. When, therefore, I am told that the plane of a pendulum's oscillation is also fixed in direction, and yet that it is continually changing its relative position with respect to the other fixity, the axis of the earth, not only does it not present to my mind a comprehensible idea, but it does present to it a palpable contradiction of the commonest axiom of philosophy.

I am therefore in a disposition of mind the reverse of H. C. K.'s; that which to him is only "hard enough to credit," to me is wholly incomprehensible; while that which to him is "utterly impossible to conceive," appears to me a rational hypothesis in which I can understand at least the ground of assertion.

H. C. K. asks me to "reduce to paper" the assertion of the difference of velocity between two parallels of latitude ten feet apart. He is not surely so unphilosophical as to imagine that a theory, to be true, must necessarily be palpable to the senses. If the element of increase exist at all, however minute and imperceptible it may be in a single oscillation, repetition of effect must eventually render it observable. But I shall even gratify H. C. K., and inform him that the difference in linear circumference between two such parallels in the latitude of London would be about fifty feet, so that the northern end of a ten-feet rod, placed horizontally in the meridian, would travel less by that number of feet in twenty-four hours than the southern end. This, so far from being inadequate, is greatly _in excess_ of the alleged apparent motion in the plane of a pendulum's vibration.

In the remarks of another correspondent, E. H. Y. (Vol. iv., p. 177.), there is but one point that seems to require observation from me; it is his assertion that "there is no force by which a body unconnected with the earth would have any tendency to rotate with it!" Is then the rotation of forty miles of atmosphere, "and all that it inherit," due to friction alone? And even so, can any object, immersed in that atmosphere, be said to be "_unconnected with the earth_"?

A. E. B.

WINIFREDA.--"CHILDE HAROLD."

(Vol. iii., pp. 27. 108. 155.; Vol. iv. p. 196.)

I have not yet thanked LORD BRAYBROOKE for the obliging manner in which, in reply to my inquiry, he furnished a list of the reputed authors of "Winifreda." His recent note on the same subject gives me an occasion for doing so, while expressing my concurrence in his view that G. A. Stevens was not the author. In short, it may be taken now I think as an established fact, that the author is unknown.

Nevertheless, I do not believe that this poem was written in any part of the seventeenth century. It appears to me to be the work of a true poet in the most vicious age of English poetry, and infected with all its faults. Weakened with epithets, and its language poor and artificial, it rises to nature at the close, than which nothing of the kind can be much better. In the following stanza I do not altogether like the personification of Time:--

"And when with envy, Time transported, Shall think to rob us of our joys, You'll in your girls again be courted, And I'll go wooing in my boys."

A likely thought, truly, for a boy of sixteen! My own impression is, that it did not long precede the age of "the little folks on Strawberry Hill."

Since writing the above I have referred to my copy of Steven's songs, which I had not at hand before. It is the Oxford edition mentioned by LORD BRAYBROOKE; and although it does not contain "Winifreda," a clue, it appears to me, may be drawn from it as to Stevens's connexion with this piece. In the first place, it is to be remarked that the title of the book is, _Songs, Comic and Satyrical_, by George Alexander Stevens. The motto is from the author's _Lecture on Heads_, "_I love fun!--keep it up!_" These circumstances are important, as one would hardly expect to find "Winifreda" in such a volume, though it were by the same author. Yet, there is a song which, though written in a more lilting measure, is quite as much out of place; and this song shows evidence, in my opinion, of Stevens having known and admired "Winifreda." It is entitled "Rural Felicity," and is to be found at page 71 of the volume. Compare the two following stanzas with the last two of "Winifreda:"--

III.

"He smiles on his babes, as some strive for his knee, And some to their mother's neck cling, While playful the prattlers for place disagree, The roof with their shrill trebles ring.

VI.

"I remember the day of my falling in love, How fearful I first came to woo; I hope that these boys will as true-hearted prove, And our lasses, my dear, look like you."