Part 2

BRIGHT'S "TREATISE OF MELANCHOLY," | BURTON'S "ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY," 1586. | edit. 1651. | _The Contentes of the Booke according | _Parallel Sections._ to the Chapters._ | | 1. How diversely the word Melancholy | Definition of Melancholy: name, is taken. | difference. | 2. The causes of natural melancholy, | The causes of melancholy. and of the excesse thereof. | | 3. Whether good nourishment | Customs of dyet, delight, appetite, breede melancholy, by fault of the | accessity: how they cause body turning it into melancholy: | or hinder. and whether such humour is found | in nourishments, or rather is made | of them. | | 4. The aunswere to objections | Dyet rectified in substance. made against the breeding of | melancholicke humour out of | nourishment. | | 5. A more particular and farther | answere to the former objections. | | 6. The causes of the increase and | Immediate cause of these precedent excesse of melancholicke humour. | symptomes. | 7. Of the melancholicke excrement. | Of the matter of melancholy. | 8. What burnt choller is, and | the causes thereof. | | 9. How melancholie worketh | Symptomes or signes in the fearful passions in the mind. | mind. | 10. How the body affecteth the | Of the soul and her faculties. soule. | | 11. Objections againste the manner | how the body affecteth the | soule, with answere thereunto. | | 12. A farther answere to the | former objections, and of the simple | facultie of the soule, and onely | organicall of spirit and body. | | 13. How the soule, by one simple | facultie, performeth so many and | diverse actions. | | {192} 14. The particular answeres to | the objections made in the 11th | chapter. | | 15. Whether perturbations rise | Division of perturbations. of humour or not, with a division | of the perturbations. | | 16. Whether perturbations which | are not moved by outward occasions | rise of humour or not: and | how? | | 17. How melancholie procureth | Sorrow, fear, envy, hatred, malice, feare, sadnes, despaire, and such | anger, &c. causes. passions. | | 18. Of the unnaturall melancholie | Symptomes of head-melancholy. rising by adjustion: how | it affecteth us with diverse passions.| | 19. How sickness and yeares | Continent, inward, antecedent, seeme to alter the mind, and the | next causes, and how the body cause: and how the soule hath | works on the mind. practise of senses separated from | the body. | | 20. The accidentes which befall | An heap of other accidents causing melancholie persons. | melancholy. | 21. How melancholie altereth | Distemperature of particular the qualities of the body. | parts. | 22. How melancholie altereth | those actions which rise out of the | braine. | | 23. How affections be altered. | | 24. The causes of teares, and | their saltnes. | | 25. Why teares endure not all | the time of the cause: and why in | weeping commonly the finger is | put in the eie. | | 26. Of the partes of weeping: | why the countenance is cast down, | the forehead lowreth, the nose | droppeth, the lippe trembleth, &c. | | 27. The causes of sobbing and | sighing: and how weeping easeth | the heart. | | 28. How melancholie easeth | both weeping and laughing, with | the reasons why. | | 29. The causes of blushing and | Causes of these symptomes [_i.e._ bashfulness, and why melancholie | bashfulness and blushing]. persons are given therunto. | | 30. Of the naturall actions altered | by melancholie. | | 31. How melancholie altereth | Symptomes of melancholy the naturall workes of the body: | abounding in the whole body. juice and excrement. | | 32. Of the affliction of conscience | Guilty conscience for offence for sinne. | committed. | 33. Whether the afflicted conscience | be of melancholie. | | 34. The particular difference betwixt | How melancholy and despair melancholie and the afflicted | differ. conscience in the same | person. | | 35. The affliction of mind: to | Passions and perturbations of what persons it befalleth, and by | the mind; how they cause what means. | melancholy. | 36. A consolation to the afflicted | conscience. | | 37. The cure of melancholie; | Cure of melancholy over all the and how melancholicke persons | body. are to order themselves in actions | of minde, sense, and motion. | | 38. How melancholicke persons | Perturbations of the mind are to order themselves in their | rectified. affections. | | 39. How melancholicke persons | Dyet rectified; ayre rectified, &c. are to order themselves in the rest | of their diet, and what choice they | are to make of ayre, meate, and | drinke, house, and apparell. | | 40. The cure by medicine meete | Of physick which cureth with for melancholicke persons. | medicines. | 41. The manner of strengthening | Correctors of accidents to procure melancholicke persons after | sleep. purging: with correction of some | of their accidents. |

EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.

* * * * *

*** Transcriber's note: in the following item the Greek omega is transcribed as oo to distinguish it from o = omicron

"[Greek: Aioon]," ITS DERIVATION.

As the old postulate respecting the etymology of this important word, from [Greek: aeioon], however superficial, is too attractive to be surrendered, even in the present day, by some respectable authorities, the judgment of your classical correspondents is requested, as to the accuracy of the more philosophical origin of the term which has been adopted by commentators of unquestionable erudition and undisputed eminence.

The rule by which those distinguished scholars, Lennep and Scheidius, determine the etymology of [Greek: Aioon], is as follows:

"Nomina in [Greek: oon] desinentia, formata ab aliis nominibus, _collectiva_ sunt, sive _copiam_ earum rerum, quae _primitivo_ designantur notant--ut sunt [Greek: dendroon], a [Greek: dendron], arboretum; [Greek: Elaioon], olivetum, ab [Greek: Elaion]; [Greek: Rhodoon], rosetum, a [Greek: rhodon] (also the nouns [Greek: ankoon, agoon, akremoon, bonboon, paioon, ploutoon, poogoon, chitoon]).--Nempe formata videntur haec nomina in [Greek: oon], a genitivis pluralibus substantivorum. Genitivus singularis horum nominum, in [Greek: oonos], contractione sua, hanc originem satis videtur demonstrare."

In immediate reference to the word [Greek: Aioon], they say:

"[Greek: Aioon], Aevum, Aeternitas. Nomen ex eo genere, quod natura sua _collectionem_ et _multitudinem_ rerum notat; ut patet ex terminatione [Greek: oon]. Quemadmodum in voce [Greek: aei], vidimus eam esse translatam eximie ad significationem _temporis_, ab illa flandi, spirandive, quae est in origine [Greek: aoo]; sic in nostro [Greek: Aioon] eadem translationis ratio locum habet; ut adeo quasi _temporum collectionem_, vel _multitudinem_ significet. A qua denuo significatione propria profectae sunt eae, quibus vel _aevum_, vel _aeternitatem_, vel _hominis aetatem_ descripsere veteres. Formata (vox) est a nomine inusitato [Greek: Aios], vel [Greek: Aios], quod ab [Greek: ais], cujus naturam, in voce [Greek: aei], expossi. Caeterum, a Graeco nostro [Greek: Aioon], interposito digammate Aeolico, ortum, est [Greek: Aiwoon], et hinc Lat. aevum."

As then it is impossible to place [Greek: Aioon], whose genitive is [Greek: Aioonos], in the same category with the derivatives from [Greek: oon], the participle present of [Greek: Eimi], whose genitive is [Greek: ontos]; and as, secondly, this derivation places the word out of the range of the collective nouns so declined, which are derived from other nouns, as this appears to be, can the real etymology of the word [Greek: Aioon], and its derivatives, remain any longer a matter of question and debate?

C. H. P.

* * * * *

WILLIAM LYON, BISHOP OF CORK, CLOYNE, AND ROSS.

It is very generally believed that Dr. William Lyon (not Lyons, as he is sometimes called) was originally in the navy; that having distinguished himself in several actions against the Spaniards, he was promised by Queen Elizabeth the first crown appointment that should be vacant; and that this happening to be the see of Cork, he was appointed to it. This is mentioned in other works as well as in Mr. Crofton Croker's very agreeable _Researches in the South of Ireland_, p. 248.; and I have more than once heard it given as a remarkable instance of church preferment. {193}

Sir James Ware informs us that Bishop Lyon was Vicar of Naas in 1573, Vicar of Brandanston in 1580, and chaplain to Lord Grey, who was sent to Ireland as Lord Deputy in September, 1580. This is inconsistent with the statement, that Queen Elizabeth took him from the quarter-deck to make him a bishop, inasmuch as he was in holy orders, and in possession of preferment in Ireland, nearly ten years before he was raised to the highest order in the ministry. If, therefore, he was ever distinguished for gallantry in naval warfare, it must have been before 1573; for we have no reason to suppose that the Rev. George Walker, the hero of Londonderry, had him as an example. But, as no action with the Spaniards could have taken place prior to 1577, how is this to be reconciled with the common account, that his gallantry against them attracted the notice of the queen? In a miscellaneous compilation, entitled _Jefferson's Selections_ (published in York in 1795, and indebted for its information about Lyon to an old newspaper, which gave oral tradition as its sole authority), we are told that his picture, in the captain's uniform, the left hand wanting a finger, is still to be seen in the bishop's palace at Cork. The picture is there, and represents him certainly as wanting a finger; he is dressed, however, not in a captain's uniform, but in a very scholar-like black gown.

I know not how Mr. Croker could have given the year 1606 as the date of his appointment to the see of Cloyne, for we learn from Ware, who is no mean authority, that he was first appointed to the see of Ross in 1582; that the sees of Cork and Cloyne were given to him _in commendam_ in 1583 (as is recorded in the Consistorial Court of Cork), and that the three sees were formally united in his person in 1586.

In 1595 he was appointed one of the commissioners to consider the best means of peopling Munster with English settlers, and of establishing a voluntary composition throughout that province in lieu of cess and taxes; this does not look as if he had been an illiterate captain of a ship, or one of those "rude-bred soldiers, whose education was at the musket-mouth." In fact, Ware does not seem to have considered him remarkable for anything except such qualities as well became his order. And we have the high testimony of Archbishop Bramhall (quoted by Ware), that "Cork and Ross fared the best of any bishoprick in that province, a very good man, Bishop Lyon, having been placed there early in the Reformation."

ABHBA.

* * * * *

CURIOUS MARRIAGE AGREEMENT.

The original of the following paper is in existence in this city:

"To MRS. DEBORAH LEAMING.

"Madam.--Seeing I, Jacob Sprier, have addressed myself to you upon the design of marriage, I therefore esteem it necessary to submit to your consideration some particulars, before we enter upon that solemn enterprise which may either establish our happiness or occasion our inquietude during life, and if you concur with those particulars, I shall have great encouragement to carry my design into execution; and since happiness is the grand pursuit of a rational creature, so marriage ought not to be attempted short of a prospect of arriving thereat; and in order thereto (should we marry) I conceive the following rules and particulars ought to be steadily observed and kept, viz.:

"1st. That we keep but one purse: a severance of interest bespeaking diffidence, mistrust, and disunity of mind.

"2nd. That we avoid anger as much as possible, especially with each other; but if either should be overtaken therewith, the other to treat the angry party with temper and moderation during the continuance of such anger; and afterwards, if need require, let the matter of heat be coolly discussed when reason shall resume its government.

"3rd. As we have different stocks of children to which we are and ought to be strongly attached by ties of nature, so it's proper when such children or any of them need correction, it be administered by the party from whom they have descended; unless, in the opinion of both parties, it shall be thought necessary to be otherwise administered for the children's good.

"4th. That no difference or partiality be made with respect to such children who live with us in point of common usage touching education, food, raiment, and treatment, otherwise than as age, circumstance, and convenience may render it necessary, to be agreed upon between us, and grounded upon reason.

"5th. That civility, courtesy, and kind treatment be always exercised and extended towards such child or children that now is or hereafter may be removed from us.

"6th. That we use our mutual endeavours to instruct, counsel, improve, admonish, and advise all our children, without partiality, for their general good; and that we ardently endeavour to promote both their temporal and eternal welfare.

"7th. That each of us use our best endeavours to inculcate upon the minds of our respective stocks of children a venerable and honourable opinion of the other of us; and avoid as much as possible any insinuation that may have a different tendency.

"8th. That in matters where either of us is more capable of judging than the other of us, and best acquainted therein, that the person so most capable of judging, and best acquainted, do follow his or her own judgment without control, unless the other shall be able to give a sufficient reason to the contrary; then, and in such case, the same to be conclusive; and that we do adhere to each other in things reasonable and expedient {194} with a mutual condescension, and also advise with and consult each other in matters of importance.

"9th. That if any misunderstanding should arise, the same be calmly canvassed and accommodated between ourselves, without admitting the interposition of any other, or seeking a confident to either to reveal our mind unto, or sympathise withal upon the occasion.

"10th. That no suspicious jealousies of any kind whatever be harboured in our breasts, without absolute or good circumstantial evidence; and if conceived upon proof or strong presumption, the same to be communicated to the suspected person, in temper and moderation, and not told to another.

"11th. That we be just, chaste, and continent to each other; and should either prove otherwise, that then we separate, notwithstanding the most solemn ties to the contrary, unless it shall suit the injured party to forgive the injury and continue the coverture; and in case of separation, each of us to keep such share of wealth as we were possessed of when are came together, if it remains in the same state, as to quantum; but if over or under, then in proportion to what we originally had.

"12th. That we neither give into, nor countenance any ill advisers who may have a design to mar our happiness, and sow discord between us.

"13th. That in matters of religious concernment, we be at liberty to exercise our sentiments freely without control.

"14th. That we use our mutual endeavours to increase our affection, cultivate our harmony, promote our happiness, and live in the fear of God, and in obedience to His righteous laws.

"15th. That we use the relatives of each other with friendly kindness; and that the same be extended to our friends and benefactors, mutually, without grudging.

"16th. That the survivor of us endeavour, after the death of either of us, to maintain the reputation and dignity of the deceased, by avoiding levity of behaviour, dissoluteness of life and disgraceful marriage; not only so, but that such survivor persevere in good offices to the children of the deceased, as a discreet, faithful, and honourable survivor ought to do.

"17th. That in case Jacob Sprier, after trial, shall not think it for his interest, or agreeable to his disposition, to live at the plantation where Deborah Leaming now resides, then, and in such case, she to remove with him elsewhere upon a prospect promising to better his circumstances or promote his happiness, provided the landed interest of the said Deborah's late husband be taken proper care of for the benefit of her son Christopher.

"18th. That the said Jacob Sprier be allowed from time to time to purchase such books from our joint stock as he shall think necessary for the advantage and improvement of himself and our children jointly, or either of them, without grudging.

"19th. That the said Jacob Sprier do continue to keep Elisha Hughes, and perform his express agreement to him according to indenture already executed, and discharge the trust reposed in him the said Sprier by the another of the said Elisha, without grudging or complaint.

"20th. And as the said Deborah Leaming, and the said Jacob Sprier, are now something advanced in years and ought to take the comfort of life as free from hard toil as convenience will admit, therefore neither of them be subject thereunto unless in case of emergence, and this exemption to be no ways censured by each other, provided they supervise, contrive, and do the light necessary services incumbent on the respected heads of a family, not omitting to cultivate their minds when convenience will admit.

"21st. That if anything be omitted in the foregoing rules and particulars, that may conduce to our future happiness and welfare, the same to be hereafter supplied by reason and discretion, as often as occasion shall require.

"22nd. That the said Jacob Sprier shall not upbraid the said Deborah Leaming with the extraordinary industry and good economy of his deceased wife, neither shall the said Deborah Leaming upbraid the said Jacob Sprier with the like extraordinary industry and good economy of her deceased husband, neither shall anything of this nature be observed by either to the other of us, with any view to offend or irritate the party to whom observed; a thing too frequently practised in a second marriage, and very fatal to the repose of parties married.

"I, Deborah Leaming, in case I marry with Jacob Sprier, do hereby promise to observe and perform the before-going rules and particulars, containing twenty-two in number to the best of my power. As witness my hand, the 16th day of Decem'r, 1751:

(Signed) "DEBORAH LEAMING.

"I, Jacob Sprier, in case I marry with Deborah Leaming, do hereby promise to observe and perform the before-going rules and particulars, containing twenty two in number, to the best of my power. As witness my hand, the 16th day of December, 1751:

(Signed) "JACOB SPRIER."

OLDBUCK.

Philadelphia.

* * * * *

ANCIENT AMERICAN LANGUAGES.

(_Continued from_ Vol. vi., pp. 60, 61.)

Since communicating to you a short list of a few books I had noted as having reference to this obscure subject, I have stumbled over a few others which bear special reference to the Quichua: and of which I beg to send you a short account, which may be worthy a place in your valuable pages.

The first work upon the Quichua language, of which I find mention, is a grammar of the Peruvian Indians (_Gramatica o arte general de la lengua de los Indios del Peru_), by the brother Domingo de San Thomas, published in Valladolid in 1560, and republished in the same year with an appendix, being a Vocabulary of the Quichua. The demand for the first edition appears to have been considerable; or, what is more likely, from the extreme rarity of the work, the careful author {195} suppressed or called in the first edition, in order to add, for the benefit of his purchasers, the vocabulary which he had found time to prepare within the year.

The work of San Thomas seems to have glutted the market for some twenty years; for we do not find that any one made a collection of words or grammatical forms until the year 1586, when Antonio Ricardo published a kind of introduction to the Quichua, having sole reference to that language, without anything more than an explanation in Spanish.[1] This work, like that of his predecessor, was immediately remodelled and re-published in a very much extended form in the same year. Ricardo's books are amongst the first printed in that part of America.