Part 4

A highly respected correspondent, DR. S. R. MAITLAND, has seen an advertisement in the _Mercurius Reformatus_ of June 11, 1690, announcing the intention of Bunyan's widow to publish ten manuscripts which her husband had left prepared for the press, together with some of his printed treatises which had become scarce. He inquires whether such a publication took place. In reply I beg leave to state that they were published in a small folio, containing "ten [and two fragments] of his excellent manuscripts, and ten of his choice books formerly printed." The volume bears the title of "The Works of that eminent Servant of Christ Mr. John Bunyan, late Minister of the Gospel and Pastor of the Congregation at Bedford. The first volume. London, by Wm. Marshall, 1692." It has the portrait by Sturt, and an impression from the original curious copper-plate inscribed, "A Mapp, showing the order and causes of Salvation and Damnation." In addition to the _Mercurius_, John Dunton and others noticed, in terms of warm approval, the intended publication, which became extensively patronised, but has now become very scarce.

To the lovers of Bunyan it is peculiarly interesting, being accompanied by a tract called "The Struggler," written by one of his affectionate and intimate friends, the Rev. C. Doe, containing a list of Bunyan's works, with the time when each of them was published, some personal characteristic anecdotes, and thirty reasons why all decided Christians should read and circulate these invaluable treatises. A copy presented to me by my worthy friend the late Mr. Creasy of Sleaford, which is in remarkably fine condition, has on the title to the Index a printed dedication to Sir John Hartop of Newington, the patron and friend of Dr. Watts. This volume was to have been followed by a second, to complete Bunyan's works, but difficulties arose as to the copyright of the more popular pieces, which prevented its publication. The original prospectus is preserved in the British Museum, which, with "The Struggler" and a new index to the whole of these truly excellent treatises, is reprinted in my edition of Bunyan's whole works for the first time collected and published, with his Life, in three volumes imperial 8vo., illustrated with fac-similes of all the old woodcuts and many elegant steel plates.

GEORGE OFFOR.

Hackney.

* * * * *

THE ASTEROIDS, ETC.

(Vol. ix., p. 36.)

It is certainly an uncomfortable idea to suppose that the asteroids are the fragments of a former world, perhaps accompanied with satellites which have been scattered either by internal convulsion or external violence. By looking into the constitution and powers contained within our own earth, we know that the means are not wanting to rend us asunder under the combined effects of volcanic action, intense heat, and water, meeting deep within the substance of the earth under great pressure.

However, there is much to be said against the theory of Olbers, notwithstanding its plausibility. The distance between the internal asteroid Flora, and the external one Hygeia, exceeds ninety millions of miles; or nearly the distance between the earth and the sun. The force which could shatter a world into fragments, and drive them asunder to such an extent, must indeed be tremendous.

Mr. Hind has drawn attention to the singular fact, that the asteroids "appear to separate the planets of small mass from the greater bodies of the system, the planets which rotate on their axes in about the same time as our earth from those which are whirled round in less than half that time, though of ten times the diameter of the earth and," he continues, "it may yet be found that these small bodies, so far from being portions {130} of the wreck of a planet, were created in their present state for some wise purpose, which the progress of astronomy in future ages may eventually unfold."

One thing I think is certain, that no disruption of a world belonging to our system could take place without producing some perceptible effect upon every other member of the system. The single centre of attraction being suddenly diffused and spread abroad into many smaller ones, at variable distances, must produce a sudden sway and alteration of position in all the other planets, and to a certain extent, derange their respective economies. From this some striking changes would necessarily arise, such as in the length of their respective periods of revolution, the amount of light and heat, and other physical conditions. Certain geological phenomena should be found to confirm such a change, if these suppositions be true.

As far as the theological part of the question is concerned, it is, I should think, opposed to Olbers' theory. Human intellect can scarcely conceive the necessity for the utter breaking up of a globe, even for the most grievous amount of sin. A more merciful dispensation was granted to our earth in the deluge; and the Power which removed all but eight lives from the earth could have equally removed the eight also, without destroying the integrity of the globe. It is as easy, and far more reasonable I think, to suppose, that the same Power which gave to Saturn a satellite nearly equal in size to Mars, should throw a cluster of minute planetoids into the space which, according to Bodes' empirical law, should have been devoted to one planet of larger dimensions.

Whilst addressing you on astronomical subjects, I would beg leave to offer a few remarks upon Saturn, which I have not observed in any work on astronomy which I have yet consulted. This planet, with its satellites, appear to exhibit a close resemblance to the solar system, just as if it were a model of it.

Besides his rings, Saturn is attended by eight satellites, so far as is at present known. The names of the satellites in their order from the body of the planet, are 1. Mimas, 2. Euceladus, 3. Tethys, 4. Dione, 5. Rhea, 6. Titan, 7. Hyperion, 8. Japetus. If we place them in a list in their order, and overagainst each place the names of the planets in their order from the sun, certain parallelisms will appear:

1. Mimas 1. Mercury. 2. Euceladus 2. Venus. 3. Tethys 3. Earth. 4. Dione 4. Mars. 5. Rhea 5. Asteroids. 6. Titan 6. Jupiter. 7. Hyperion 7. Saturn. 8. Japetus 8. Uranus.

The relative magnitudes and relative positions of these bodies correspond in many points, I believe, so far as is at present known. Titan, like Jupiter, is the largest of his system; being but little less in size than the primary planet Mars. The next in magnitude is Japetus. Rhea is supposed to be of considerable size. The four inner ones are smaller than the others. Sir William Herschell considered that Tethys was larger than Euceladus, and Euceladus larger than Mimas. Dione and Hyperion have not yet been well estimated. These dimensions, if correct, correspond in many points with those of the planets. The first three satellites revolve in orbits of less diameter than that of our moon. The orbit of Dione, the fourth satellite, is almost precisely at the same distance from its primary as the moon is from the earth. As if to carry out the parallelism to the utmost, the zodiacal light of the sun has often been compared to the ring of Saturn.

One remark it would appear arises out of these observations, viz. that the laws of attraction and gravitation seem to require, for the proper regulation of the whole system, that where a number of bodies of various sizes revolve round one common centre, the larger body should revolve at a certain relative distance from that centre. Thus Titan, like a huge pendulum, seems to sway and maintain the regularity of the minor system, just as Jupiter may be imagined to do in the great one.

I must not intrude too far on your valuable space, but there remain some interesting points for discussion in the Saturnian system.

JOHN WILLIAM HARRRIS.

Exon.

* * * * *

CAPS AT CAMBRIDGE.

(Vol. ix., p. 27.)

The extract from an unpublished MS. given by A REGENT M.A. OF CAMBRIDGE refers to the year 1620, as will appear from the following passages in Anthony à Wood's _Hist. and Antiq. of Univ. of Oxford_.

"1614.--In the latter end of the last and beginning of this year, a spirit of sedition (as I may so call it) possessed certain of the Regent Masters against the Vicechanc. and Doctors. The chief and only matter that excited them to it was their sitting like boys, bare-headed, in the Convocation-House, at the usual assemblies there, which was not, as 'twas thought, so fit, that the Professors of the Faculty of Arts (on which the University was founded) should, all things considered, do it. The most forward person among them, named Henry Wightwicke, of Gloucester Hall, having had some intimation of a statute which enabled them to be covered with their caps, and discovering also something in the large west window of St. Mary's Church, where pictures of Regents and non-Regents were sitting covered in assemblies before the Chancellor, clapt {131} on his cap, and spared not to excite his brethren to vindicate that custom, now in a manner forgotten; and, having got over one of the Regents to be more zealous in the matter than himself, procured the hands of most, if not all, of them to be set to a petition (in order to be sent to the Chancellor of the University), for the effecting and bringing about the matter. But the Vicechancellor, Dr. Singleton, having had timely notice of the design, sends a full relation of the matter to the Chancellor; whereupon answer was returned, that he should deal therein as he should think fit. Wightwicke, therefore, being called into question for endeavouring to subvert the honour and government of the University, whereby he ran himself into perjury (he having before taken an oath to keep and maintain the rites, customs, and privileges of the University), was banished, and his party, who had proved false to him, severely checkt by the Chancellor.

"At length Wightwicke's friends, laying open to him the danger that he would run himself into, if he should not seek restauration and submit, did, after his peevish and rash humour had been much courted to it, put up a petition (subscribed in his behalf by the Bishop of London and Sir John Bennett) to the Chancellor of the University for his restauration, which being with much ado granted, but with this condition, that he make an humble recantation in the Convocation, sent to his Vicechancellor what should be done in the matter, and among other things thus:--'For the manner of his submission and recognition which he is to make, I will not take upon me to direct, but leave yt wholy unto your wisdomes, as well for manner as for the matter; only thus much generally I will intimate unto you, that the affront and offence committed by Whittwicke in the Congregation House by his late insolent carriage there was very great and notorious, and that offence afterwards seconded and redoubled by another as ill or worse than the former, in his seditious practizing and procuring a multitude of handes, thereby thinking to justifie and maintain his former errors, and his proud and insolent disobedience and contempt. I hold yt therefore very requisite that his submission and recognition, both of the one fault and of the other, should be as publique and as humble as possibly with conveniencye may bee. Which being thus openly done, as I hope yt will bee a good example to others, to deter them from committing the like offence hereafter, so I do also wishe this his punishment may be only _ad correctionem et non ad destructionem_."

"This being the effect of the Chancellor's mind, Wightwicke was summoned to appear to make his submission in the next Convocation, which being held 25 June this year, he placed himself in the middle of St. Mary's chancel, and spoke with an audible voice as followeth:

"'Ornatissime Domine Procancellarie, vosque Domini Doctores pientissimi, quotquot me vel banniendum vel bannitionem meam ratam esse voluistis ut vobis omnibus et singulis innotescat discupio: me Henricum Whitwicke pileum coram Domino Vicecancellario Thoma Singleton capiti haud ita pridem imposuisse, quod nemini Magistrorum in Congregatione vel Convocatione [in presentia Domini Vicecancellarii aut Doctoris alicujus] licere fateor. Scitote quæso prætereà, me supradictum Henricum à sententia Domini Vicecancellarii ad venerabilem Domum Congregationis provocasse, quod nec licitum nec honestum esse in causa perturbationis pacis facilè concedo. Scitote denique me solum, manus Academicorum egregiè merentium Theologia Baccalaureorum et in Artibus Magistrorum in hac corona astantium Collegiatim et Aulatim cursitando rescripto apponendas curasse, in quibus omnibus Præfectis [summe] displicuisse, in pacem almæ hujus Academiæ et in dignissimum nostrum Procancellarium deliquisse, parum nolenti animo confiteor, et sanctitates vestras humillimè imploro, ut quæ vel temerè et inconsultò, vel volenter et scienter feci, ea, ut deceat homines, condonentur.

'HENRICUS WIGHTWICKE.'

Which submission or recognition being ended, he was restored to his former state, and so forthwith reassumed his place. But this person, who as lately beneficed at Kingerbury in Lincolnshire, could never be convinced, when he became Master of Pembroke College, forty-six years after this time, that he made any submission at all, but carried the business on and effected it against all the University; as to his young acquaintance that came often to visit him and he them (for he delighted in boyish company), he would, after a pedantical way, boast, supposing perhaps that, having been so many years before acted, no person could remember it; but record will rise up and justify matters when names and families are quite extirpated and forgotten among men. Pray see more of this cap-business in the year 1620."

"1620.--In the beginning of Michaelmas Term following, the cap-business, mentioned an. 1614, was renewed again: for some disrelishment of the former transactions remaining behind, the Regent Masters met together several times for the effecting their designs. At length, after much ado, they drew up a petition subscribed by fifty-three of the senior Masters for this year, and presented it to one whom they knew would not be violent against them, as Dr. Singleton was before. The beginning of it runs thus:

"'Reverendissimo Viro Domino Doctori Prideaux ornatissimo hujus Academiæ Vicecan. digniss, &c.

"'Multa jamjudum sunt (reverendissime Vicecancellarie) quæ ab antiquis hujus Academiæ institutis salubriter profecta, mala tandem consuetudo, et in pejus potens aut abrogavit penitus aut pessime corrupit, &c.'

"Among those that subscribed to it were these following, that afterwards became persons of note, viz, Gilbert Sheldon, Alexand. Gill, jun., and Anthony Farndon, of Trinity Coll.; Pet. Heylin of Magd. Coll. [Robert Newlin of C. C. C., &c.]. The chief solicitor of the business was Rous Clopton of Corpus Ch. Coll., a restless, busy person, and one afterwards as much noted for his infamy as any of the former for their learning or place. This petition, I say, being presented to Dr. Prideaux the Vicechancellor, and he considering well their several reasons for their sitting covered (one of which was that they were Judges in Congregations and Convocations), sent it to the Chancellor to have his consent, who also, after he had considered of it, wrote a letter to the Vicechancellor, to {132} be communicated to the Convocation: the chief contents of which are these:

"'After my very harty commendations, I doe take this manner of proceeding by the Regent Masters (for their sitting covered at Congregations and Convocations) in soe good part, that although I might well take some time to advise before I give answer, especially when I consider how long that custom hath continued, how much it hath been questioned, and that upon a long debate it hath been withstood by so grave and wise a Counsellor of State as your late Chancellor, my immediate predecessor; yet, when I weigh their undoubted right, their discreet and orderly proceedings to seek it, not to take it, the chief, if not the only, cause why it was formerly denied; the good congruity this doth beare, not with Cambridge alone (though that were motive enough), but all other places, it being no where seen that those that are admitted Judges are required to sit bare-headed; I cannot choose but commend and thus farre yield to theire request as to referre it to the Convocation House. I hope no man can have cause to think that I have not the power to continew this custom as well as some others of my predecessors, if I had a mind to strive; nor that I seek after their applause in yielding them that now, which hath been so long kept from them, but the respect I have to their due, to the decency of the place, and honour of the University, which I cannot conceive to bee anyway diminished, but rather increased, by their sitting covered, are the only reasons that have moved me, and carried me to so quick a resolution, wherewith you may acquaint the Convocation House with this also, that what they shall conclude I shall willingly agree to. And soe I doe very hartely take leave, and rest

Your assured loving friend, PEMBROOKE. Baynard's Castle, this 4 of December, 1620.'

Which letter being publickly read in a Convocation held 20 Dec., it was then agreed upon by the consent of all there present, that all Masters of what condition soever might put on their caps in Congregations and Convocations, yet with these conditions: That in the said assemblies the said Masters should use only square caps, and not sit bare, or without cap. And if any were found faulty in these matters, or that they should bring their hats in the said Assemblies, they should not only lose their suffrages for that time, but be punished as the Vicechancellor should think fit. Lastly, it was decreed, under the said conditions and no otherwise, that in the next Congregation in the beginning of Hilary Term, and so for ever after, all Masters, of what condition soever, whether Regents or not Regents, should, in Congregations and Convocations, put on and use square caps.

"All that shall be said more of this matter is, that the loss of using caps arose from the negligence of the Masters, who, to avoid the pains of bringing their caps with them, would sit bare-headed; which being used by some, was at length followed by all, and so at length became a custom."

It would seem, from Lord Pembroke's letter, that the right of the senate of this university to wear their caps had not been questioned.

C. H. COOPER.

Cambridge.

* * * * *

RUSSIA, TURKEY, AND THE BLACK SEA.

(Vol. ix., p. 103.)

Statements and complaints have often been made respecting the imperfect knowledge possessed by English navigators of the shores and coasts of the Black Sea, and of the great danger thence arising to ships and fleets from England, which would thus seem to be without the charts necessary for their guidance. _The Guardian_ newspaper reiterates these complaints in its number for Jan. 11. This deficiency of charts, however, ought not to exist, and probably does not; since, no doubt, the English and French Governments would take care to supply them at the present time. As respects England, Dr. E. D. Clarke, in his well-known _Travels in Russia, &c._ (see vol. i. 4th edit., 8vo., London, 1816, Preface, p. x.), states that he brought--

"Certain documents with him from Odessa, at the hazard of his life, and deposited within a British Admiralty."

These documents, we are led naturally to infer, were charts; for he adds:

"They may serve to facilitate the navigation of the Russian coasts of the Black Sea, if ever the welfare of Great Britain should demand the presence of her fleets in that part of the world."

Happening to meet with this passage, in consulting Dr. Clarke's _Travels_, at the beginning of December, when the Fleets of Great Britain and France were on the point of entering the Black Sea, and having read in many quarters fears expressed for the fleets from the want of charts, I ventured to copy out the passage relating to these remarkable documents, and sent it to Lord Aberdeen; in case, from the alleged poverty of charts in the Admiralty Catalogues (see _The Guardian_, Jan. 11.), Dr. Clarke's "documents" should have fallen out of sight, and were forgotten. No notice, however, was taken of my communication; from which I concluded that it was wholly valueless.

JOHN MACRAY.

Oxford.

* * * * *

HIGH DUTCH AND LOW DUTCH.

(Vol. viii., pp. 478. 601.)

If "N. & Q." were the publication in which questions were cursorily settled, the answer of JAMES SPENCE HARRY (p. 478.) might suffice with regard to the Query of S. C. P. (p. 413.); but your correspondent E. C. H., who seems also {133} to know something about the matter, wishes for German evidence.

Should your correspondents JAMES S. HARRY and E. C. H. be acquainted (and I doubt not but they are) with the song, in which a German inquires "What is his native land?" and having called over some of the principalities, as Prussia, Suabia, Bavaria, Pomerania, Westphalia, Switzerland, Tyrol, he cries disdainfully, "No! no! no! my fatherland must be greater:" at last, despairing, he asks to name him that land, and is answered, "Wherever the German tongue is heard:"--should JAMES S. HARRY and E. C. H. recollect these words, they will conceive that such a people must have several tribes, and each tribe their peculiar dialect, founded on prescribed rules, and to which individually equal justice is due.

The dialects of the Deutsche Sprache, the German language, are the Ober Deutsche and Nieder Deutsche, Upper German and Low German: from the former dialect has, in course of time, proceeded the Hoch Deutsche Sprache, the High German language, now used exclusively as the book language by the more educated classes throughout Germany.

The principal dialects of the Ober Deutsche are the following:

1. The Allemanic, spoken in Switzerland and the Upper Rhine.

2. The Suabian, spoken in the countries between the Black Forest and the River Lech.

3. The Bavarian, spoken in the South of Bavaria and Austria.

4. The Franconian, spoken in the North of Bavaria, Hessen, and the Middle Rhine.

5. The Upper Saxon or Misnian, spoken in the plains of Saxony and Thüringia.

These dialects differ from each other, and particularly from the High German language, with regard to their elements.

The Ober Deutsche dialects differ from each other by the introduction of peculiar vowels.

The Nieder Deutsche is distinguished from the Ober Deutsche by the shifting of consonants: _ex. gr._: