Part 3

The pedigree shows the following descent:--Lionel Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, third son of King Edward III. and Philippa of Hainault, left by Elizabeth de Burgh (daughter of William de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and Maud Plantagenet, second daughter of Henry, third Earl of Lancaster) an only child, Philippa, married to Edmund Mortimer, third Earl of March (_Esc._, 5 Ric. II., No. 43.). The eldest daughter of Philippa Plantagenet by the Earl of March was Elizabeth Mortimer, who married the renowned Hotspur, Henry Lord Percy, son and heir apparent of Henry Lord Percy, created Earl of Northumberland, 16th July, 1377, K. G. Hotspur was slain at the battle of Shrewsbury, 7th September, 1403, _v.p._ His widow experienced the revengeful persecution of King Henry (Rymer, viii. 334., Oct. 8, 1403), and died, leaving by her said husband one son, Henry, who became second Earl of Northumberland, and an only daughter, Elizabeth de Percy, who married firstly, John, seventh Lord Clifford of Westmoreland, who died 13th March, 1422 (_Esc._, 10 Henry V., No. 37.), and secondly, Ralph Neville, second Earl of Westmoreland (_Esc._, 15 Hen. VI., No. 55.), by whom she left an only child, Sir John Neville, Knight, who died during his father's lifetime, 20th March, 1451, _s.p._ (Will proved 30th March, 1451.) Lady Elizabeth de Percy, who died in October, 1436, left by her first husband, the Lord Clifford, three children: Thomas, eighth Lord Clifford; Henry, her second son; and an only daughter, Mary, who became the wife of Sir Philip Wentworth, Knight. The Lady Mary Clifford, who must have been born before 1422 (her father having died in that year), was probably only a few years older than her husband Sir Philip, the issue of a marriage which took place in June, 1 Henry VI., 1423 (_Cott. MSS. Cleop._, F. iv. f. 15.); she was buried in the church of the Friars Minor at Ipswich, where her mother-in-law directed a marble to be laid over her body. Sir Philip's father, Roger Wentworth, Esq. (second son of John Wentworth of North Elmsal, a scion of the house of Wentworth of the North), had married in 1423 Margery Lady de Roos, widow of John Lord de Roos, sole daughter and heiress of Elizabeth de Tibetot, or Tiptoft (third daughter and co-heir of Robert, Lord de Tibetot), and of Sir Philip le Despenser Chivaler (_Esc._, 18 Edw. IV., No. 35.). By this marriage came, first, Sir Philip Wentworth, Knight, born circa 1424, and married when about {43} twenty-three years of age, in 1447; he was slain in 1461, and attainted of high treason in the parliament held 1 Edw. IV.; second, Henry Wentworth of Codham, in the county of Essex; third, Thomas Wentworth Chaplain; and fourth, Agnes, wife of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough (_Harl. MSS._, 1560. 1449-1484, and will of Margery, Lady de Roos, proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 28th May, 1478). Sir Philip, about the year 1447, as before stated, married the Lady Mary Clifford (_Harl. MSS._, 154. and 1484.), sister of Thomas Lord Clifford, who was slain at the battle of St. Alban's in 1454, and aunt of the Lord Clifford who stabbed the youthful Edmund Plantagenet at the battle of Wakefield, and was himself slain and attainted in parliament, 1st Edward IV. 1461. The issue of this marriage was Sir Henry Wentworth of Nettlestead, in the county of Suffolk, Knight, his son and heir (will of Margery, Lady de Roos, proved as above), born circa 1448, being thirty years of age at his grandmother's death in 1478 (_Esc._, 18 Edward IV., No. 35.), and died in 1500. His will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 27th February, 1501. Sir Henry, son of Sir Philip, was restored in blood by an act of parliament passed in the 4th of Edward IV. (_Parliament Rolls_, v. 548.), and having married Anne, daughter of Sir John Say, Knight (_Rot. Pat._, 1 Ric. II., p. 2., No. 86., 20th February, 1484), left by her several children, viz. Sir Richard Wentworth, Knight, son and heir, Edward Wentworth, and four daughters, the second of whom, Margery, was married to Sir John Seymour of Wolf Hall, in the county of Wilts, Knight (_Harl. MSS._, 1449-1484. 1560., &c.), of which marriage, among other children, were born Sir Edward Seymour, created Duke of Somerset, and Jane, third wife of King Henry VIII., mother of Edward VI.

WM. HARDY.

[Footnote 1: There is amongst the Records of the Duchy of Lancaster an interesting grant from John, Duke of Lancaster, to his daughter Joan Beaufort, very soon after her marriage with Lord Neville of Raby. This document, of which the following is a translation, proves that Robert Ferrers died before 16th February, 1397.

"John, son of the king of England, Duke of Guienne and of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, of Lincoln, and of Leicester, Steward of England, to all who these our letters shall see or hear, greeting. Know ye that, of our especial grace, and forasmuch as our very loved son, the Lord de Neville, and our very loved daughter, Joan, his wife (sa compaigne), who was the wife (femme) of Monsieur Robert Ferrers (whom God assoyl), have surrendered into our Chancery, to be cancelled, our other letters patent, whereby we formerly did grant unto the said Monsieur Robert and our aforesaid daughter 400 marks a-year, to be received annually, for the term of their two lives, out of the issues of our lands and lordships of our honour of Pontefract, payable, &c., as in our said other letters more fully it is contained: we, willing that our abovesaid son, the Lord de Neville, and our aforesaid daughter, his wife (sa compaigne), shall have of us, for the term of their two lives, 500 marks a-year, or other thing to the value thereof, have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, all those our lordships, lands, and tenements in Easingwold and Huby, and our three wapentakes of Hang, Hallikeld, and Gilling, the which Monsieur John Marmyon (whom God assoyl) held of us in the county of York: to have and to hold our abovesaid lordships, tenements, and wapentakes, with their appurtenances, to our said son and daughter, for the term of their two lives, and the life of the survivor of them, in compensation for 100l. a-year, part of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly. And also, we have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, the manor of Lydell, with appurtenances, to have and to hold for their lives, and the life of the survivor, in compensation for 40 marks a-year of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly, during the wars or truces between our lord the king and his adversary of Scotland: so, nevertheless, that if peace be made between our same lord the king and his said adversary of Scotland, and on that account the said manor of Lydell, with the appurtenances, shall be found lawfully to be of greater and better yearly value than the said 40 marks a-year, then our said son and daughter shall answer to us, during such peace as aforesaid, for the surplusage of the value of the said manor, beyond the said 40 marks a-year, and the yearly reprises of the said manor. And in full satisfaction of the aforesaid 500 marks a-year we have granted to our abovesaid son and daughter 206l. 13s. 4d. yearly, to be received out of the issues of our honours of Pontefract and Pickering, by the hands of our receiver there for the time being. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Given under our seal, at London, on the 16th day of February, in the twentieth year of the reign of our most dread sovereign lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest" (A.D. 1397).

The above grant was confirmed on the 10th of September, in the twenty-second of Richard the Second, 1398, by the eldest son of John of Gaunt, Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, a few weeks only before the duke's banishment, in the following words: "We, willing to perform and accomplish the good will and desires of our said very honoured lord and father, and in the confidence which we have in our said very loved brother, now Earl of Westmoreland, that he will be a good and natural son to our said very dread lord and father, and that he will be to us in time to come a good and natural brother, and also because of the great affection which we bear towards our said very loved sister, the countess his wife (sa compaigne), do, for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, ratify and confirm to our said brother and sister the aforesaid letters patent, &c. Given under our seal, at London, on the 10th day of September, in the twenty-second year of the reign of our most dread lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest."

King Henry the Fifth, on his accession, by a patent under the seal of the duchy of Lancaster, dated at Westminster, on the 1st of July, in the first year of his reign, confirmed the above letters "to the aforesaid earl and Joan his wife;" and King Henry the Sixth in like manner confirmed his father's patent on the 13th of July, in the second year of his reign.--_Regist. Ducat. Lanc. temp. Hen. VI._, p. 2. fol. 41.]

* * * * *

UNCERTAIN ETYMOLOGIES--"LEADER."

(Vol. vi., p. 588.)

I must differ from your correspondent C., in believing that the "N. & Q." have effected much good service to etymology. Even the exposure of error, and the showing up of crotchets, is of no inconsiderable use. I beg to submit that C. himself (unless there are other Richmonds in the field) has done good service in this way. See _Grummett_, _Slang Phrases_, _Martinet_, _Cockade_, _Romane_, _Covey_, _Bummaree_, &c.

I do not, indeed, give implicit faith to his _Steyne_, and some more. He, however, would be a rash man who should write or help to write a Dictionary of the English language (a desideratum at present) without turning over the indices of the "N. & Q." Even in the first volume, the discussions on _Pokership_, _Daysman_, _News_, and a great many others, seem to me at least valuable contributions to general knowledge on etymology.

As to my remark (Vol. vi., p. 462.) about the derivation of _leader_, C. has, perhaps excusably, for the sake of the pun, done me injustice. I hazarded it on the authority of one who has been in the trade, and, as I believe, in the _cuicunque perito_. I beg to inclose his own account. He says:

"It is a fact, that when _editorial_ articles are sent to the printer, written directions are generally sent with them denoting what type is to be used: thus, _brevier leads_, or _bourgeois leads_, signifying that the articles are to be set in brevier or bourgeois type with _lead_ strips between the lines, to keep them further asunder. It is also a fact, that such articles are denominated in the printing-office 'leaded articles'--hence, leaders."

I submit if this does not justify my Note. I grant, however, many of those articles are entitled also to be called _leaden_, as C. will have it.

I do not think, however, that in tracing recent words, we should not give possible as well as certain origins. Many words, if not a double, have at least several putative origins.

Let me subscribe myself--_seu male seu bene_--

NOTA.

P. S.--I would like to suggest that this origin of the term "leading article" is the most favourable to the modesty of any single writer for the Press, who should hardly pretend to _lead_ public opinion.

* * * * *

LINES ON TIPPERARY.

(Vol. vi., p. 578.)

These lines were said to have been addressed to a Dr. Fitzgerald, on reading the following couplet in his apostrophe to his native village:--

"And thou! dear Village, loveliest of the clime, Fain would I name thee, but I scant in rhyme."

I subjoin a tolerably complete copy of this "rime doggrele:"

"A Bard there was in sad quandary, To find a rhyme for Tipperary. Long labour'd he through January, Yet found no rhyme for Tipperary; Toil'd every day in February, But toil'd in vain for Tipperary; Search'd Hebrew text and commentary, But search'd in vain for Tipperary; Bored all his friends at Inverary, To find a rhyme for Tipperary; Implored the aid of 'Paddy Cary,' Yet still no rhyme for Tipperary; He next besought his mother Mary, To tell him rhyme for Tipperary; But she, good woman, was no fairy, Nor witch--though born in Tipperary;-- Knew everything about her dairy, But not the rhyme for Tipperary; {44} The stubborn muse he could not vary, For still the lines would run contrary, Whene'er he thought on Tipperary; And though of time he was not chary, 'Twas thrown away on Tipperary; Till of his wild-goose chase most weary, He vow'd to leave out Tipperary.

. . . . . .

But, no--the theme he might not vary, His longing was not temporary, To find meet rhyme for Tipperary. He sought among the gay and airy, He pester'd all the military, Committed many a strange vagary, Bewitch'd, it seem'd, by Tipperary. He wrote post-haste to Darby Leary, Besought with tears his Auntie Sairie:-- But sought he far, or sought he near, he Ne'er found a rhyme for Tipperary. He travell'd sad through Cork and Kerry, He drove 'like mad' through sweet Dunleary, Kick'd up a precious tantar-ara, But found no rhyme for Tipperary; Lived fourteen weeks at Stran-ar-ara, Was well nigh lost in Glenègary, Then started 'slick' for Demerara, In search of rhyme for Tipperary. Through 'Yankee-land,' sick, solitary, He roam'd by forest, lake, and prairie, He went _per terram et per mare_, But found no rhyme for Tipperary. Through orient climes on Dromedary, On camel's back through great Sahara; His travels were extraordinary, In search of rhyme for Tipperary. Fierce as a gorgon or chimæra, Fierce as Alecto or Megæra, Fiercer than e'er a lovesick bear, he Raged through 'the londe' of Tipperary. His cheeks grew thin and wond'rous hairy, His visage long, his aspect 'eerie,' His _tout ensemble_, faith, would scare ye, Amidst the wilds of Tipperary. Becoming hypochon-dri-ary, He sent for his apothecary, Who ordered 'balm' and 'saponary,' Herbs rare to find in Tipperary. In his potations ever wary, His choicest drink was 'home gooseberry,' On 'swipes,' skim-milk, and smallest beer, he Scanted rhyme for his Tipperary. Had he imbibed good old Madeira, Drank 'pottle-deep' of golden sherry, Of Falstaff's sack, or ripe canary, No rhyme had lack'd for Tipperary. Or had his tastes been literary, He might have found extemporary, Without the aid of dictionary, Some fitting rhyme for Tipperary. Or had he been an antiquary, Burnt 'midnight oil' in his library, Or been of temper less 'camsteary,' Rhymes had not lack'd for Tipperary. He paced about his aviary, Blew up, sky-high, his secretary, And then in wrath and anger sware he, There was _no_ rhyme for Tipperary."

May we not say with Touchstone, "I'll rhyme you so, eight years together; dinners, and suppers, and sleeping hours excepted: it is the right butter-woman's rank to market."

J. M. B.

* * * * *

SHAKESPEARE EMENDATIONS.

(Vol. vi., p. 312.)

I cannot receive MR. CORNISH'S substitution (p. 312.) of "chommer" for _clamour_ in the _Winter's Tale_, Act IV. Sc. 3. In my opinion, _clamour_ is nearly or altogether the right word, but wrongly spelt. We have a verb _to clam_, which, as connected with _clammy_, we use for sticking with glutinous matter; but which originally must, like the kindred German _klemmen_, have signified _to press_, _to squeeze_; for the kind of wooden vice used by harness-makers is, at least in some places, called a _clams_. I therefore suppose the clown to have said _clam_, or perhaps _clammer_ (_i.e._ hold) _your tongues._

Highly plausible as is MR. C.'S other emendation in the same place of _2 Henry IV._, Act III. Sc. 1., I cannot receive it either. In Shakspeare the word _clown_ is almost always nearly equivalent to the Spanish _gracioso_, and denotes humour; and surely we cannot suppose it to be used of the ship-boy. Besides, a verb is wanted, as the causal particle _for_ is as usual to be understood before "Uneasy lies," &c. I see no objection whatever to the common reading, though _possibly_ the poet wrote:

"Then, happy _boy_, lie down."

There never, in my opinion, was a happier emendation than that of _guidon_ for _guard_; _On_, in _Henry V._, Act IV. Sc. 2.; and its being made by two persons independently, gives it--as MR. COLLIER justly observes of _palpable_ for _capable_ in _As You Like It_--additional weight. We are to recollect that a Frenchman is the speaker. I find _guidon_ used for banner in the following lines of Clément Marot (Elégie III.):

"De Fermeté le grand _guidon_ suivrons,"

and--

"Cestuy _guidon_ et triomphante enseigne, Nous devons suyvre: Amour le nous enseigne."

The change of _a sea of troubles_ to _assay of troubles_ in _Hamlet_ is very plausible, and ought perhaps to be received. So also is SIR F. MADDEN'S of _face_ for _case_ (which last is downright nonsense) in _Twelfth Night_, Act V. Sc. 1. But I would just hint that as all the rest of the Duke's speech is in rhyme, it is not impossible that the poet may have written--

"O thou dissembling cub! what wilt thou be When time hath sow'd a grizzle upon thee?"

{45}

Allow me now to put a question to the critics. In the two concluding lines of the _Merchant of Venice_ (the speaker, observe, is the jesting Gratiano):

"Well, while I live, I'll fear no other thing So sore, as keeping safe Nerissa's ring."

May there not be a covert allusion to the story first told by Poggio in his _Facetiæ_, then by Ariosto, then by Rabelais, then by La Fontaine, and, finally, by Prior, in his _Hans Carvel_? Rabelais was greatly read at the time.

THOMAS KEIGHTLEY.

* * * * *

STATUES REPRESENTED ON COINS.

(Vol. vi., p. 485.)

Mr. Burgon (_Inquiry into the Motive of the Representations on Ancient Coins_, p. 19.) says:

"I do not believe that the types of coins are, on any occasion, original compositions; but always copied from some sacred public monument.... When we find Minerva represented on coins, we are not to understand the type as _a Minerva_, but _the Minerva of that place_; and in some cases which might be brought forward, the individual statues which are represented on coins, or ancient copies, will be found still to exist."

This opinion is certainly borne out by a very great number of proofs, and may almost be considered demonstrated. The Farnese Hercules is found on many coins, Roman and Greek. The commonest among the Roman are those of Gordianus Pius, 1st and 2nd brass, with "VIRTVTI AVGVSTI." Three colonial coins of Corinth, of Severus, Caracalla, and Geta (Vaillant, _Num. Imp. Coloniis percuss_., ii. 7. 32. 54.), exhibit the same figure. As an additional illustration of Mr. Burgon's view, I would advert to the Corinthian coin of Aurelius (Vaill. i. 182.), which has a Hercules in a different attitude; and which Vaillant regards as a copy of the statue mentioned by Pausanias as existing at Corinth. Du Choul (_Religio vet. Rom._, 1685, pp. 158, 159.) gives a coin representing Hercules killing Antæus; and quotes Pliny for a statue representing this by Polycletus. Haym also (_Tesoro_, i. 248.) gives a coin with a reversed view of the same subject. The figures of Hercules on coins of Commodus are certainly copied from the statues of that Emperor. Baudelot de Dairval (_De l'Utilité des Voyages_) gives a small silver statuette of Commodus as Hercules, certainly copied from the larger statues, and corresponding with those on coins.

I am not aware of any coins exhibiting exactly the Venus de Medici. It is possible, however, that they exist, though I cannot at present find them. Haym (_Tesoro_, ii. 246., tab. xvi. 3.) gives a coin of Cnidus, with a very similar representation, the Cnidian Venus, known to be copied from a statue by Praxiteles.

I must say the same as to the Apollo Belvidere.

I cannot at present refer to an engraving of the equestrian statue of Aurelius, but Mr. Akerman (_Descr. Cat._, i. 280. 12. 14., 283. 10.) describes gold coins and a medallion of Aurelius, representing him on horseback; and I find in the plates appended by De Bie to _Augustini Antiquatum ex Nummis Dialogi_, Antw., 1617, plate 47., one of these coins engraved. I find the medallion engraved also by Erizzo (last edition, n. d., p. 335.) who explains it as referring to this statue. He says, however, that the attribution of the statue was uncertain; and that on a medallion of Antoninus Pius, which he possessed, exactly the same representation was found, whence he was inclined to suppose it rather erected for Antoninus Pius.

I suppose the coins of Domna, alluded to by MR. TAYLOR, are those with the legend "VENERI VICTRICI." In spite of the attitude, I can hardly think this intended for Venus Callipyge, from the fact that Venus Victrix is found in the same attitude on other coins, holding arms; and sometimes again holding arms, but in a different attitude, and more or less clothed. The legend is opposed also to this idea. See the coins engraved by Ondaan, or Oiselius, Plate LII. The coin of Plantilla in Du Choul (l. c. p. 188.) is a stronger argument; for here is seen a partially clothed Venus Victrix, with the same emblems, leaning on a shield, as the Venus of Domna leans on a column, but turned towards the spectator instead of away: thus demonstrating that no allusion to Callipyge is to be seen in either.

Erizzo (l. c. p. 519.) mentions the discovery at Rome of a fragment of a marble statue inscribed "VENERIS VICTRICIS."

In the British Museum (_Townley Gallery_, i. 95.) is a bas-relief representing the building of the ship Argo. There is described in the _Thomas Catalogue_, p. 22. lot 236., an unpublished (?) medallion of Aurelius, possibly copied from this very bas-relief. A very doubtful specimen exists in the Museum of the Scottish Antiquaries, which enables me to make this assertion, although it is not minutely described in the catalogue, and is otherwise explained. This is an additional confirmation of the original statement, and many more might be added but for the narrower limits allowed, which I fear I have already transgressed.

W. H. SCOTT.

Edinburgh.

* * * * *

JUDGE JEFFREYS.

(Vol. vi., pp. 149. 432. 542.)

This extraordinary and inhuman man was the sixth son of John Jeffreys, Esq., of Acton, near Wrexham, co. Denbigh, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Ireland, Knight, of Bewsey, and was born _at his father's house_ about the year 1648. {46} He died on the 19th of April, 1689, at thirty-five minutes past four in the morning. The tradition that his remains were deposited at Enfield is incorrect. He was first interred in the Tower privately, and after three years, when the day of persecution was past, his friends petitioned that they might be allowed to remove the coffin. This was granted, and by a warrant dated the 30th of September, 1692, signed by the queen and directed to the governor of the Tower, the body of Lord Jeffreys was removed, and buried a second time in a vault under the communion-table of St. Mary, Aldermanbury. As regards the number of places pointed out as the residence of Judge Jeffreys, the following are mentioned in the bill that was brought in for the forfeiture of his honour and estate.