Chapter I El Camino Real 1

II Some Early History 4 III Dachicoin—A Noble Indian—Los Adais, 1723 33 IV St. Denis and the Spanish 42 V Doctors and Early Medicine—1722 to 1744 45 VI Romance at Los Adais 51 VII Incidents of the Years, 1735-1742 60 VIII The Three Cabins 63 IX After St. Denis 74 X After the Louisiana Purchase 80 XI The Devil’s Play Ground 83 XII Satan’s Agent—John A. Murrell 89 XIII The Break-up of the Neutral Strip 92 XIV The Filibuster of 1812-1821 95 XV Fort Jesup 103 XVI Texas and Independence, 1831-1836 116 Addenda Land Grants 129 St. Denis’ Family Tree 137 Baptismal Records of Natchitoches, 1734-1740 138 Soldiers in Natchitoches—1742 141 Merchants, Farmers, Traders in Natchitoches, 1742 142 Reference Bibliography 145 Personalities 149

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS

Celebration of the Opening of the Museum at Fort Jesup, 1959 Frontispiece Map Showing Locations of Members of Caddo Indian Federation XV Map of El Camino Real from Mexico City to Natchitoches XVI Hinta-sak—a Caddo house 8 Hinta-sak—top view showing construction 9 Plan of Fort at Natchitoches, 1733 17 Plan of La Presidio Nuestra Senora de los Delores, 1716 19 Mission of San Miguel De Cuellar De Los Adais, 1717 21 Map Showing Location of Mission and Presidio of San Miguel De Cuellar De Los Adais 22 Plan of Presidio De San Antonio De Bexar 24 Plan of Fort Del Pilar De Los Adais 26 La Presidio Nuestra De Senora Del Pilar De Los Adais 28 Map of Natchitoches by Breutin, 1722 30 Map Showing Neutral Strip 87 Map of Fort Jesup Defense Area 102 Map of the Buildings of Fort Jesup 107 Map of Area Around Camp Sabine, 1836 113 Old Ambroise Sompayrac House at Natchitoches 124

WRAP AROUND Opposite Page Fort St. Jean Des Natchitoches 116 Old Kitchen at Fort Jesup 117 Officers’ Quarters at Fort Jesup—Reproduction 132 Original Plans of Fort Jesup 133 Officers’ Quarters—Another view 133

1. Mission San Maria de Los Delores 1698. 2. Mission San Francisco Solano 1700. 3. Presidio San Juan Bautustia _near_ 1685. 4. Mission San Bernardo 1690. 5. Mission San Jose 1722. 6. Mission San Exavier Naxere 1722. 7. Presidio San Antonio de Bexer 1722. 8. Mission Yo Juan 1709. 9. Mission de Bucareli 1714. 10. Mission San Francisco 1690. 11. Mission San Maria 1690. 12. Mission San Francisco 1690. 12.a. Mission Guadlupe 1716. 13. Presidio de Los Texas 1716. 14. Mission Conception 1716. 15. Mission San Jose 1716. 16. Mission de Los Delores 1717. 17. Mission de San Miguel Cuellar de Los Adais 1717. 18. Presidio Neustra del Pilar de Los Adais 1721. 19. Post St. Jean Baptiste des Natchitoches 1714.

I EL CAMINO REAL

Each fall of the year the buffalo came out of the Great Plains through Oklahoma and into Texas. At the Trinity River in Texas many of these herds turned eastward to cross the Sabine River into Louisiana, to travel ever eastward and to cross the Red River in the Natchitoches area. The buffalo, being a heavy beast, left a well-marked trail from the Trinity River to the Red River in the Natchitoches area. The buffalo trail now became part of the Caddo Indian Trail system. And later it became El Camino Real.

In Spanish, the words “El Camino Real” mean “The King’s Road.” That is the exact translation of these words. In Spain, even before the time of the discovery of America, there were several roads or highways listed as El Camino Real. All roads leading to the city in which the King of Spain resided were known as El Camino Real. Actually, the meaning to the Spanish people of the words “El Camino Real” meant _The Road to the King_, hence El Camino Real, _The King’s Road_. So here in America when Mexico was conquered and settled by the Spaniards and Mexico City came into being, expeditions were sent out to conquer this new land for the King of Spain. In all directions from Mexico City, Ranchos, Missions and Presidios were established and all roads leading from these establishments back to Mexico City—to the Viceroy, who was the direct representative of the King—were called El Camino Real because these roads led to the Viceroy who was actually the King and Ruler of this New Country.

This El Camino Real, which we in Louisiana and Texas are interested in, began in Mexico City and ended at the “Old Darkey” Statue, at the North end of Front Street in the City of Natchitoches, Louisiana. Some say that El Camino Real begins in San Antonio, Texas, and ends in Natchitoches, Louisiana. I believe this is wrong because the very name of the Road, “El Camino Real, the Road to the King,” bears out my theory. I will explain: if one left Natchitoches (I speak of the time when Louisiana was under Spanish domination) and wished to go to the King by El Camino Real, or to the one who directly represented the King in this new country, he would have had to travel to Mexico City and there tell his troubles to the Viceroy, the direct representative of the King of Spain. This would have been between the years 1762 when France gave Louisiana to Spain, and ten years later when Los Adais was abandoned and the site of government moved to Natchitoches, thus filling in the last gap on the Road now known as El Camino Real, (the section of road from Los Adais near Robeline, Louisiana to Natchitoches). Until the year 1762 Los Adais was the site of Government of the “Tejas,” or “Texas Country.” This area extended from the Presidio Del Norte, as the French called this Spanish Outpost on the Rio Grande River, or El Presidio San Juan Bautista, as it was known to the Spanish. Now, let us pick up the traveler again who had business with the King, past Los Adais, Nacogdoches, San Antonio, the Presidio Del Norte, Saltillo and Queretaro and then to Mexico City and the Viceroy, whose word was final on all matters concerning the Government and the people, and, of course, that covered everything.

The Caddo Federation of Indians

The southeastern part of Oklahoma, the southwestern part of Arkansas, the Northwestern half of Louisiana and the Northeastern part of Texas was Caddo land, and claimed by the Caddos as their hunting ground. The Caddos were traders and developed trade-routes. Many of the highways of today follow the Caddo trails of yester-year, such as El Camino Real, that portion from the Trinity River in Texas to Natchitoches, Louisiana.

When the Caddo Nations split they settled themselves as follows:

1. The Attaquopois, at the confluence of the Kiamechi River and the Red River in southern Oklahoma.

2. The Caddoquopois or Caddo proper remained on the Red River near Fulton, Arkansas.

3. The Peticaddo on Caddo Lake hear Shreveport, Louisiana.

4. The Koasatti near Coushatta, Louisiana.

5. The Destonies on Saline Bayou near Winnfield, Louisiana.

6. The Yatasse on Nantanchie Lake near Montgomery, Louisiana.

7. The Natchitoches on the Red River at Natchitoches, Louisiana.

8. The Adais near Robeline, Louisiana, on a large lake now called Spanish Lake.

9. The Ais at San Augustine, Texas.

10. The Nacogdoches at Nacogdoches, Texas.

11. The Hasinai consisting of four tribes on the Trinity River in Texas, referred to by the Spanish as the Tejas (some historians classify them as Caddos. They spoke the Caddo language).

The Ais Indians had as their neighbors to the west the Hasinai federation of Indians which was composed of four tribes: The Nacogdoches at Nacogdoches; the Bidais, the Nasoni and the Nabidache, the latter three were located on the Trinity River.

Such was the situation when the first aliens came in contact with the Caddos.

II SOME EARLY HISTORY

In his book, “La Relacion que Dio Alvar Nunez Cabeza De Vaca delo Acaescido unlas Indias”, De Vaca writes in the year 1530 that “we were among the Adayes (Adais), the others were Juan Castillo, Andrea Dorantes and Estabancio of Azmor who was a slave of Dorantes.” These four survivors were of 300 of the Panfilio Narvez expedition that went into Florida in 1528.

Narvez’s expedition, beaten by the Apalache Indians, unable to return to their ships, killed their horses, ate the meat, used the hides to make bellows and water casks; they forged their armor and weapons to make tools and nails, then constructed four boats. They skirted the coasts of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana, foraging for food. During a storm the boats were wrecked, four survived to become slaves of the coastal Indians.

De Vaca and his companions became traders and medicine men. Meanwhile they learned to live off the land as the Indians did. They planned and successfully escaped.... And now they were among the Adais seeking directions. They were the first white men to travel westward over the Buffalo Trail. They wandered ever westward and finally found a Spanish patrol from Mexico.

De Vaca was the only one of the three hundred to return to Spain and even before he published his book in 1542, he had inspired the Hernando DeSoto expedition into Florida with his story of the City of Cibola, a city built entirely of gold.

Hernando DeSoto, the Golden Eagle, led the next expedition into Florida. Continuously harassed by the Appalachie tribes of Indians of the southeastern states he crossed the Mississippi and now in the year 1540 he marched into Louisiana, pillaging, raping and destroying. He was assisted by these trusting Lieutenants: Don Luis Moscoso, Don Juan de Anasco, Don Baltazarde Gallegardo, Don Juan Labillo, Don Carlos Chinquez, Juan de Quizman, Don Vasco de Procello, and Don Diago Vasquez, and these Captains: Espilando, Gallegardo, Maldamando, and Luis Fuentes. The Chronnicalor, Gonzado Quadrado Charmillo de Zafra who wrote (From the translations of B. F. French):

“We marched one day west from the Rio de Cannis in all this cold country this Wednesday, March 21, 1541, at the end of the day we came to a place called _Toalli_. All the Indians have houses built so, the houses are built of reeds in a manner of tules and daubed with mud which show as a mud wall, they are very clean and have a small door; when you shut it up and build a fire within it is as warm as in a stove.”[1]

Don Luis De Moscoso and a scouting party traveled westward over the buffalo trail as far as the Trinity River before returning to the Adais.

For the next hundred and forty years this area was devoid of white explorers.

By early 1682 Cavalier Robert de LaSalle had begun descending the Mississippi River accompanied by Henri De Tonty, the “Iron Hand”, and a party of other Frenchmen.

April 9, 1682, LaSalle discovered the mouth of the Mississippi River and established a plaque there, claiming all land drained by this river for the King of France, Louis XIII. He named this land LOUISIANA in honor of King Louis and Queen Anna.

Returning up the Mississippi near a location in the Illinois country at Starving Rock in that same year he established Fort St. Louis and left Captain Henri De Tonty in command.

LaSalle went to France and received assistance so that he could return and establish a settlement at the mouth of the Mississippi River. Through erroneous navigation the expedition missed the mouth of the Mississippi River and traveled westward, landing at Matagorda Bay, and in the Texas country established another Fort St. Louis in 1685.

LaSalle, realizing that this area was not suitable for colonization, began land excursions in an attempt to reach Canada.

Father Joutel’s diary reveals that in January, 1687, he was with LaSalle, and a scouting party, were among the Nakassa Indians which resided on Nakassa Lake.[2]

In 1682 at Quaerataro, Mexico, The College of the Holy Cross was founded by Priests; Father Francois Hidalgo, Father Jose Diaz, Father Felix Isadore Espinosa, Father Nunez, Father Antonio de San Buenaventura Oliverez, Father Francisco Marino, Father Juan Parez, Father DeVaca, Father Salazar, Father Massinettes and Father Margil de Jesus, the last named, Father Margil de Jesus, being chosen as President of the College. These priests, so as to distinguish their work from the work of others called themselves _Zatachinies_, their purpose being to prepare others for frontier missionary duties. By 1684 they had succeeded in establishing missions south of the Rio Grande.

The most northern Spanish presidio at that time was Fort San Juan Bautista, located on the south bank of the Rio Grande near present day Eagle Pass, Texas. The land of the Coahuile Indians extended from present day San Antonio southward into the Monte Clova-Saltillo area of Mexico. The Matagordo area on the Gulf Coast was included in the land of the Coahuile.

Aside from the duties of the Spanish missions to spread the Catholic faith, they were also, in reality, observation and trading posts of the Spaniards. From one of these missions it was learned from an Indian who came to trade, that other white men had come out of the sea in large houses that floated on the waters of the gulf and had settled on the coast land.

On March 20, 1689, LaSalle was assassinated by some of his own men on a tributary of the Trinity River. Father Joutel reported the men responsible for the assassination were in turn killed by the Indians. The remnants of the party returned to Fort St. Louis and finding it deserted, retraced their journey into the Trinity River area.

Alonzo DeLeon and Captain Flores were leading a scouting patrol when they found Santiago Grislet, Jean Lavaschevque and two very young boys, the Tulon brothers, Roberto and Pedro. This Spanish patrol searched for the next two months for other Frenchmen, but not being successful, returned to Mexico.

1689.

Juan Jarri had, during the absence of LaSalle, deserted Fort St. Louis and had risen to a lordly position among the tribes of the Coahuile Indians. During the search by DeLeon and Flores he had been shifted from tribe to tribe so that the Spanish Patrol failed to capture him. The Spanish now realized that this one Frenchman had the power to upset the semi-peacefulness of the Spanish frontier. The College of the Holy Cross was desiring to extend its Missionary work north of the Rio Grande.

Don Alonzo DeLeon, now the Spanish Governor of the Coahuile Territory, led an expedition to establish three missions among Hasinai Indians south of the Trinity River. He now also found himself in pursuit of a party of Frenchmen (Father Joutel’s party).

Henri De Tonty at the Fort St. Louis near Starving Rock in the Illinois country, realized something was amiss and came in search of LaSalle. It is interesting to note how De Tonty, in all this vast country of the southern United States area chose the exact direction in which to travel. Probably the Caddo federation of Indians had trade agreements with the Indian tribes as far north as the Illinois and even further north among the Ouisconsins, to the west they traded with the Hasinais who in turn traded with the Coahuile Indians.

The Amole root (a species of the Yucca plant) was supplied to the Hasinais by the Coahuile Indians. The Caddos traded for this root, which had cleansing properties such as soap and when boiled in water this liquid was used for bathing purposes, it left a pleasant odor on the body of the user.

The Jumas, traders of the Caddo Indians, were also linguists and it would not have been impossible for them to distinguish the difference of the French and Spanish languages. The same Jumas of the Caddos traveled all of the Caddo trails. The Old Buffalo Trail extending from the Trinity River in Texas to the Red River in Louisiana was now considered part of the Caddo trail system.

In 1690 in the early spring De Tonty, “The Iron Hand,” was among the Adais Indians and the Natchitoches Indians. He, too, went as far as the Trinity River in Texas, but there his guides refused to go further; he gave up his search for LaSalle. In the same year the Joutel Party found the Buffalo Trail beginning at the Trinity River. There among the Hasinai they learned of the Frenchman with the iron hand. They followed the Caddo trail and finally came in contact with De Tonty among the Arkansas Indians. Strangely enough, De Tonty actually came within one days march of finding the Joutel Party.

1690-1691

From the missions south to the Trinity River came the report of two French patrols in the vicinity of the Hainais which also coincided with the report of Don Alonzo De Leon.

Late in 1690 the Don Domingo Teran Del Rios’ expedition left Mexico, and scouted the complete area of the Caddo and Hasinai Federations of Indians; Teran listed the four tribes of the Hasinai as Bidia, Nabadache, Nadaco and the Nacogdoches. Of the Caddos were the Ais, the Adais, the Natchitoches, the Koasatas; he missed the Pedicaddo but listed the Caddoquopois near present day Fulton, Arkansas. He was the first white leader to sight Lake Bistineau. It is believed that the location Father Massinetes, who was with this expedition, established was La Mission Loretteto, near present day Ringgold, Louisiana.

For the reason Teran had not contacted any Frenchmen in all the territory and much to the disappointment of the members of the College of the Holy Cross, all missions north of the Rio Grande were withdrawn.

Padre Francois Hidalgo, being determined to establish missions north of the Rio Grande and among the Texas Indians, which were called by the Spaniards the Federation of Hasinai Indians, secured the support of the College of the Holy Cross to appeal to the Viceroy of Mexico. They only succeeded in obtaining permission to establish a mission at their own expense south of the Rio Grande but in an area visited by the Hasinai Indian traders. On November 7, 1698 Father Francois Hidalgo, assisted by Father Salazar, established the mission Maria de Los Delores, ten leagues north of Lampassas and ten leagues west of the Rio Sabinas. (Note: this Sabine River is not to be confused with the Sabine River which is the boundary between Louisiana and Texas).

From this outpost mission Francois Hidalgo conceived the idea of a “Chain of Missions” to extend to the very eastern edge of the Texas Indians’ territory. He had at his disposal the reports of Father Massinetes and those of Teran and DeLeon. He knew that the land with its fertile soil and the enormous growth of forests, together with an abundance of wild game of the forests and fish of the lakes would supply many families of the frontier settlers with food and shelter. These families, who at this time were no better off than when they left Spain to settle in Mexico, would welcome such an opportunity.

1700

From the Journal of Father Paul De Ru. February 1, to May 8, 1700.

“Iberville, having founded the Fort at Biloxi, ascended the Mississippi River. At the village of the Tensas Iberville became ill but sent westward St. Denis and Bienville with nineteen other Frenchmen, two of whom were the Tulon brothers, Roberto and Piedro;[3] at the village of the Tensas was a Wichita Indian whose tribe had settled near the Tensas.” This Indian declared he had visited a Spanish mission in the Texas Country (The mission Maria de Los Delores). The Indian was immediately employed by Bienville as a guide.

On April 20, 1700 the St. Denis-Bienville party reached the Yatasee village on Nantanchie Lake near present day Montgomery, Louisiana (See Location 5 on map).

The Frenchmen were among the Natchitoches Indians (Location 8 on map), on May 8, 1700 for on this day Bienville departed with Father Paul De Ru leaving St. Denis to scout the locations of the Caddo Indians. Bienville, having secured pirogues from the Natchitoches Indians, returned by water down the Red River to the Mississippi and back to Biloxi. St. Denis soon followed and brought with him a number of the Natchitoches Tribe of Indians, who settled on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain. St. Denis settled near by at Fort Louis.

1701-1707

During these years Father Hidalgo and Father Salazar were trading and preaching to the Indians at Mission Maria de Los Delores. Father Hidalgo traded with the Indians for gold; Anya, who was then the Governor of Coahuile, was aware of this. There are several historical records referring to the raiding of the Hidalgo mission in search of gold. Hidalgo at first did turn the gold over to the government, part of which was to be given to the College of the Holy Cross. A Captain Hernandez was broken in rank when he gave Hidalgo a receipt for the gold. Padre Hidalgo realized that very little, if any, of the gold was reaching the King of Spain.

Anya conceived the idea of cutting off the supplies of trade goods to the mission so that the Indians would then have to come and trade at the Presidio San Juan Bautista. Captain Hernandez upon the urgence of the Priests of the College was restored to rank. Father Hidalgo, realizing that no one would actually know how much gold he was accumulating, began to hoard the gold.

Allarge Bejoux, operating from a location near present day Pointe Coupee, had cut a road or trail overland northwestward to intersect the Buffalo Trail west of the present town of Many, Louisiana, and had by the year 1708 established trade agreements for horses with the Ais Indians (See Location 10 on map). Francois Hidalgo through his trade with the Indians of different tribes soon learned of this.

A Legend of the Flores Family

Hidalgo and Salazar with assistance had solicited the aid of the Flores families of Saltillo, some of whom were merchants and others owners of landed estates. The merchants supplied the mission de Los Delores with trade supplies.

Through Bernardino, Sub-chief of the Hasinai Indians, Hidalgo learned of a meeting place called Campti, where each Fall of every year all of the tribes of the Caddo Federation of Indians gathered for sports and trading purposes. (Campti was the name of the Chief of the Natchitoches tribe who had organized this meeting, held on a great sand-bar near present-day Campti, Louisiana). These meetings were of a secret nature and not sanctioned by the Spanish Government, and the tradition of their occurrence had remained with the Flores family. Hidalgo prevailed on the Flores family, who knew the value of land and what it could produce for settlers, to assist him by sending men to go on a trading expedition to the Campti. Bernardino was to act as guide.

Ramone Flores and a cousin, Joseph Colliea, were designated by the elder Flores to go and assist the Spanish priests. These two made four trips in the Fall of the years 1708, 1709, 1710 and 1711 to the Sand-bar near _Campti, Louisiana_.

The Letter

Francois Hidalgo committed an action which might well be considered treason by the Spanish Government. He wrote three letters of the same content, all dated January 17, 1711, addressed to the Governor of Louisiana. Only one reached its destination. In mid-summer of 1713 the Governor of Louisiana, La Mothe de Cadillac, had the letter in his possession. (There is always an incident in history which incites a chain reaction in such a way that a new era begins, always resulting in the establishment of new frontiers. The Hidalgo letter was such an incident).

One must surmise how such a letter could travel through nearly a thousand miles of wilderness and reach its destination. The whole new frontier of El Camino Real hinged on this accomplishment.

The contents of the letter showed that Father Hidalgo had first-hand knowledge of the land of the Hasinai and the Caddos as well as the waterways of the adjoining area. He wrote that the French traders were to ascend the Mississippi to the confluence of the Red River, then ascend the Red River to the tribe of the Natchitoches Indians, thence to travel westward over the Buffalo Trail to the Hasinai Indians and there procure guides to the Hidalgo Mission.

Father Hidalgo could have acquired knowledge of the Caddo area from the reports of De Leon, Teran and Father Massinetes, but he would have not had the knowledge of the waterways, which could have only been obtained from the Natchitoches Indians who may have come to the Campti from their location on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain; information was given to Flores and Colliea and passed on to Hidalgo.

The letter was an invitation “to come and trade” with the Hidalgo mission, the word “trade” being used as bait could have come from two sources, that of Bejoux to the Ais and that of Flores and Colliea. It is possible that Hidalgo wrote the letters very early in the year so that one could be sent to the Ais Tribe ahead of the arrival of Allarge Bejoux. The later two letters were carried in the Fall of the year by Flores and Colliea, who in turn gave the letters directly to a Natchitoches Indian who had come to the Campti, but who was living on the north shore of Lake Pontchartrain. Several historians say that St. Denis had the letter in his possession before it was presented to Governor Cadillac. St. Denis through his association with the Natchitoches Indians, who were settled near his Fort Louis, would have been the most logical Frenchman to receive the letter. Then, too, St. Denis, while vying with Cadillac to be sent as the leader on the trading expedition to the Hidalgo mission, had stated that he and Jules Lambert, who was at that time in the Illinois country, had been on a trading trip to the Natchitoches Indians in the summers of 1710 and 1712. Here, then, is another possibility that St. Denis may have received the first letter sent by Francois Hidalgo by an Indian messenger to the Ais, and who was instructed to give the letter to the first Frenchman who came to trade in his area.

The letter had the desired effect; St. Denis was appointed to lead the expedition. Cadillac chose wisely because St. Denis was an educated man, and was a third generation Canadian and, further, he understood the ways of the Indians. He was a linguist and could speak many Indian dialects, and also speak, read and write in Spanish.

The trading expedition, consisting of Indians of the Natchitoches tribe, left Biloxi in mid October, 1713. Among the Indians were the White Chief, his son, Koanan, and two daughters, one called _Quilchil_, “the pretty weaver,” and the other called _Olchogonime_, “the good girl.”

The Jean Penicaut narrative is an actual eye witness account of St. Denis’ journey to Natchitoches and on to Mexico. The party consisted of nearly forty Indians and twenty-three Frenchmen, two of whom were St. Denis and Penicaut, and several French traders, Pierre Largen, Jean Lagross, Roberto Talon, Pedro Talon, Lafrinaries, Allarge Bejoux, Labinaries, Enrique Lantillac; Medar Jalot, who was valet and doctor to St. Denis; the two Barberousse brothers were hunters for the party’s food; _Rambin_ was a tailor. Soldiers in the party included Lt. Phillippe Blondell, De Lery, De Muy, Williard Anvillaries, De Beaulieux, De Voixant, Frainbouis, and Lavasseur, who was also a map maker.

Leaving Biloxi, the party traveled what was then known as the Iberville passage, crossing Lake Pontchartrain and through Manchac Pass to Lake Maurepas, then into Manchac Bayou and a short portage to the Mississippi River; ascending the Mississippi to the confluence of the Red River at Baton Rouge, then ascending the Red River to a point opposite the present day town of Colfax. Here the stream divided and Penicaut wrote, “we took the left and larger branch of water.” After some distance upstream he describes the Ecore de La Croix, which must have been the high bluffs near Chopin, Louisiana.

On November 25, 1713, the St. Denis party arrived among the Natchitoches Indians, living on an island that the river formed by dividing into two branches and flowing around it.

St. Denis spent the first few weeks cultivating the friendship of the Indians. Trade was vigorous and profitable, he sent at least twice back to Biloxi for more trade goods. He had traveled at least once as far as the settlement of the Nacogdoches Indians before deciding on an exact location for a trading post. In early Spring of the following year two block houses were erected in the Natchitoches Village, one to store the merchandise and the other to house the ten Frenchmen who were to remain in Natchitoches while the others went west in search of the Hidalgo mission.

While St. Denis was among the Hasinai Indians, an incident happened which causes one to wonder at the foresightedness of Francois Hidalgo. Among the Indians was an Indian maid named Angelica who had received instructions at a Spanish mission and who spoke Spanish fluently. She became the interpreter between St. Denis and Bernardino, Chief of the Hasinai. Bernardino, with some of the members of his tribe, acted as guide, for St. Denis, but instead of bringing the Frenchmen to the Hidalgo mission, they were led to Presidio San Juan Bautista on the south bank of the Rio Grande River on July 19, 1714. Surely these Indians would have known where the Hidalgo mission was located; the leading of the Frenchmen to the Spanish post was just as Hidalgo would have wished, or planned.

Plan du Fort des Natchitoche. A. Church. B. Home of the Commandante. C. Gunpowder and arm storage. D. House of the priest, and where records were kept. E. Barracks of the militia. F. Guardhouse. G. Dining hall for soldiers. H. Houses of domestic servants and kitchen. I. Privy.

There was quite an uproar at Post Du Nord, as the French called the Presidio San Juan Bautista. The French trade-goods were confiscated, and St. Denis was confined to the area inside the presidio. Somehow St. Denis found out about the plans of the Spanish priests to establish missions to the east, and sent word back to Bienville. The Frenchman knew that very often presidios followed the establishments of missions. Bienville was informed by St. Denis that this land belonged to the French.

Claud De Tisne was dispatched to Natchitoches to build a Fort in 1716, Post St. Jean Baptista Des Natchitoches, naming the post after the title given by St. Denis when the two block houses were built in the spring of 1714.

St. Denis remained in the custody of the Spanish from 1714 until February 17, 1716, when he arrived at Presidio San Juan Bautista. When the Don Domingo Ramone expedition left Saltillo, Mexico, St. Denis was selected as guide, along with several other Frenchmen, Medar Jalot, the two Talon brothers, Pierre Largen and Jean Lagross. The other Frenchmen who were with St. Denis had previously returned to Natchitoches, undoubtedly carrying messages for St. Denis. Medar Jalot declared later that he had delivered messages four times for St. Denis, thus the French had been kept well informed of the goings-on of the Spanish.

St. Denis while on this adventure married a Spanish wife, Manuella Sanchez Ramone, daughter of the Alverez, Don Diego Ramone at the Spanish Presidio. He left her at the presidio, which was also her home, and returned to Natchitoches.

The Ramone expedition established the following Missions:

San Francisco de Los Delores on the Neches River, La Purisima Conception on the Angelina River, Mission San Jose, North of Nacogdoches, and Mission Neustra Senora de Guadelupe at Nacogdoches.

All of these were established in 1716.

In 1717 father Margil de Jesus and Father Francois Hidalgo established two missions further to the east, La Mission Nuestra de Los Delores among the Ais Indians, near the present day city of San Augustine, Texas, and on the first day of St. Michael the Archangel, September 29, 1717 established La Mission de San Miguel Cuellar de Los Adais, among the Adais Indians, one mile north of present Robeline, Louisiana.

At this moment Father Francois Hidalgo’s vision had come into being—after twenty-five years of dreaming, he had established his chain of missions to the very end of the Texas Country.

With the establishment of this last mission among the Adais Indians just fifteen miles away from the French post at Natchitoches, both the French and Spanish realized that each must maintain settlements so as to hold the territories thus far gained.

War broke out between France and Spain in 1719 and in that same year Phillipe Blondell from the French post among the Natchitoches Indians, raided the mission among the Adais and allowed one prisoner to escape after making known to him that the French were coming in multitudes to drive the Spanish back. This caused a withdrawal of all Spanish Missions in the Texas area as far as San Antonio.

Every country has its “man of the minute”, and this country of New Spain was no exception. He offered his wealth and abilities to restore the Texas missions and to re-occupy the Texas country. The new governor of Coahuile and the Texas region was the Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo, his title was Don Joseph de Alzar, Knight Commandante de Aragon, Governor and Captain General of the Provinces of Texas-New Phillippines and of Coahuile, New Kingdom of Estrandura—and he had earned every one.

KITCHEN PRIESTS’ HOME STORE HOUSE MISSION

Camino del Bayuco, road to Bayuco. (Bayuco, a house of Entertainment—A Night Club of that period.) Camino de los Ais, road to the Ais tribe of Indians at San Augustine, Texas. This was the dry weather trail and passed through Marthaville, Belmont, Zwolle and Ebarb, Louisiana. Camino de la Laguna, road to swampy lake area, Spanish Lake. Camino del Bano, road to Rancho Bano, allotted to the Mission, also a part of El Camino Real. Arroyo de Chacon, small river of Chacon, named after Chacon who had settled on the Creek—Winn Break today. (Chacon is also a Spanish dance which had its own music set to special tempo.)

By the middle of October, 1720, the Aguayo expedition was well on its way to the Los Adais area, with three thousand nine hundred fifty horses and six hundred mules, loaded with powder, shot, food, clothing and six cannons, five hundred eighty-four men _AND_ two hundred thousand piastres to build presidios on the frontier.

Aguayo, while en-route to Los Adais, received word the war between France and Spain had ended and there would be no war on the frontier, never the less, Aguayo established the missions and the Presidio San Antonio de Bexar at San Antonio. At the tribe of the Adais he began proceedings to establish a presidio there. France, too, had their “man of the minute” in the person of St. Denis.

1. House of the Governor. 2. Church, which was enclosed within the Presidio. 3. Houses of the Soldiers stationed there. 4. Powder Magazine. 5. La Mission San Miguel de Cuellar de Los Adais. 6. Priests’ home. 7. Dwellings of the Adais Tribe of Indians. 8. The Rancho of La Lima, possibly the first merchant and Indian trader of the Spanish in this area.

With St. Denis came the balance of power, which is necessary on any frontier. The Spanish had the French out-numbered ten to one, but they also knew that the tribes of the Caddo Federation favored St. Denis and the French. The gold piasters were of special attraction, as they would have been in any locality, to St. Denis, who was an accomplished trader. Aguayo was quick to realize that the Spanish must trade with the French for food and their very existence. He turned a deaf ear to Captain Reynaud, St. Denis and Bienville, who was now the Governor of Louisiana, and their protests concerning the building of a presidio at Los Adais, and on October 12, 1721 celebrated the rebuilding of the mission. On November 1st in the same year was celebrated the re-establishment of La Presidio de Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais—the Presidio housing the Governor of all the province of Texas.

In 1722 St. Denis was made Post Commandante of Fort St. Jean Baptiste des Natchitoches and all of the Red River Territory.

Breutin’s map of 1722 of the Natchitoches area, shows the names of inhabitants who owned land: Durion, Derbonne, Duplisses, Marachal, Lebrun, Boquet, Prudhomme, LaFleur, Roland, St. Denis, Dauphine, Rondain, Frainbouis, Rambin, Robert and Frainaries.

Other known inhabitants of the Natchitoches area were: Redot, Lieutenant of the Company of the West; Marley Dupuy, Ensigne; Medar Jalot, St. Denis’ valet; Pierre Cotolleau, farmer; Pierre Fausse, Farmer; Francois Berry, soldier; Francois Lemoine, soldier; Estinne LeRoy, soldier; Pierre DuBois, blacksmith; Marainne Benoist, housewife; Louise Francois Gillot, housewife; Pierre Dupuy, called Gaupillion, to distinguish him from Dupuy the ensigne; Jeanne Grinot, housewife; Collette de Poissot, housewife; Marie Cathern de Poutree, housewife; Martine Bonnet, housewife; Antoniette Audebrands, housewife; Pierre Marineau; Sieur De Champingnole, sergeant; Lieutenant Maillard; Louis Reclos, soldier; Emanuella Sanchez Ramone, wife of St. Denis; Sieur Barme, storekeeper; and Jean Lagross and the two Barberousse brothers who had settled near Campti, establishing a trading post among the Yatasee Indians, which had moved from Nantanchie Lake in 1722.

Pierre Largen was trading among the Peticaddos and the Caddoquopois.

La Petit was among the Peticaddos on Caddo Lake near Shreveport, he had the year previously established a trading post there.

Jean Lagross, who had also married an Ais maiden, had a trading post among the Ais Indians on the Angelena River near the present town of San Augustine, Texas. He was not molested by the Spanish because of the marriage he was considered a member of the Caddos of which the Ais was a tribe.

In 1723 St. Denis sent Lieutenant Antoine Layassard to establish Post Du Rapides near present Alexandria. The year previously LaPerrier and his two daughters had been assassinated at the rapids portage by a band of roving Indians, and Post Du Rapides was established to protect travelers en-route to Post des Natchitoches.

In this same year, 1723 St. Denis received reinforcements, Doctor Alexander, Lt. Basset, Lt. Renault de Hautrive and Paul Muller. Michael Robin, a Notary for the Company of the West was also in the group.

Augayo, tiring of the frontier, left for the interior of Mexico. He appointed as Lieutenant Governor of Los Adais, Lieutenant of the King, Almazon, who immediately set up a new trade restriction, forbidding fraternalization and trading of any sort with the French. It was during the tenure of Almazon that a land grant was issued to Juan Sanchez comprising one square league of land (the grant was an area now consisting of high ground astraddle Toplecot Creek in the Allen area between Robeline and Powhattan, Louisiana). Almazon allotted land to Cadet Chacon. There was also land allotted for the support of the Adais mission called Rancho Bano. Manuel Guiterez, who had wed Maria Garcia, also received an allotted land grant. The last three allotments of land were in the immediate Robeline township area.

St. Denis could see permanence in this establishment of farms in the Adais area. The presidio there now had a fighting force of one hundred men-at-arms, many of which were well-mounted and excellent cavalry men. He could to a certain extent visualize a self supporting Spanish frontier if the farmers’ production of crops were successful. The Spanish would need only slight assistance from the Indian farmers with the sale of their produce to the Spanish.

St. Denis retaliated by inviting all of the chiefs of the Caddo tribes of Indians to come to the Post St. Jean Baptiste to receive presents, knowing that all of the chiefs would bring their families and a number of followers and that many would have to pass the Spanish presidios on their way to Natchitoches. He was successful in working out a trade agreement with all of the tribes to buy their entire surplus food supply.

This alliance of the Caddo federation with the French restored the balance of power on the Spanish-French frontier. St. Denis assured the Caddo chiefs that each year such presents would be available as long as the alliance was kept.

This one move by St. Denis brought safety to the French of the area. Thus any unpleasantness which arose thereafter was confined to verbal statements or letter writing.

III DACHICOIN—A NOBLE INDIAN LOS ADAIS, 1723

Dachicoin had only two years before he reached the considered age of an adult, which according to the Adais law was sixteen. He had ignited the council-fire of the Adais and was demanding audience. The Elders came and seated themselves in their proper places and bade him speak.

He brought to the attention of the Adais how nice the Spanish or French treated an Indian of position in any Indian tribe—they dared not molest this Indian or any of his family. Also, the Indian of position seemed to get a better deal in the matter of trade-goods. “If we make all the Indian adult males of the Adais an officer or man of position then the whole tribe will benefit by it. I wish first to test this and, if I am successful, then I demand to be made a _conachas_”.[4] Dachicoin explained his proposed test to the Elders.

Dachicoin went to the Natchitoches Post and demanded of Sieur Barme, a merchant of certain trade-goods, a supply of such goods, saying that he would bring all the profit back to the merchant in return for which he expected something that he could trade for himself at profit. Sieur Barme saw possibilities in Dachicoin because he agreed to the Indian’s terms. Sieur Barme did not overlook the fact that the Indian spoke to him in French. Later he found out that the Indian also spoke Spanish. Dachicoin was made a _conachas_ among the Adais.

When Dachicoin was fifteen years old the Spanish priests came to the Adais. Even at this young age he must have realized that a new way of life was beginning among the Adais, and decided to follow the new trend by working with the Spanish priests, guiding them among the tribes of the Caddos and commuting back and forth with them to the Natchitoches post. Soon he mastered the Spanish language. When he was sixteen and had successfully filled the agreement of his first test with Sieur Barme, the Natchitoches merchant, three other men, Lotbotiniere, Lagross and Largen, saw the possibility of profit in the use of Dachicoin. One or the other of these traders was continuously traveling back and forth to the Hasinai Indians who lived deep in the Tejas Country. So Dachicoin began a tutorship with the traders, and at the same time began to master the French language.

In 1719 Dachicoin, because he could understand French, heard of the salt shortage at the new post at New Orleans. By this time the young Indian trader had acquired five horses as his part of profit while trading with the Hasinai Indians. He went to Sieur Barme and asked for ten knives, explaining that he wished to trade the knives to the Destonies for salt, this salt would be taken to New Orleans and traded for more knives which would be returned to Sieur Barme. He would replace the ten knives and the other remaining knives would be divided equally between himself and the merchant. He would leave two horses with Sieur Barme as security. Dachicoin then went to Largen, who had dug-out canoes. He wished use of the largest one, explaining his intention to Largen, and leaving one of his horses with him as security. In return for the use of the canoe Dachicoin would take some of Largen’s merchandise of furs to New Orleans and trade the furs for knives, all Largen needed to do was to say how many knives he expected in trade for the furs—of course this service would be free for the use of the boat. The Indian then went to Lieutenant Blondell, the Post Commandante, and told him his intentions, wondering if the officer had letters he wished to be delivered to his French superiors, saying that he would deliver the letters which at the same time would explain to the officials at New Orleans that Dachicoin was a high-ranking Indian of the Adais tribe. “This will be important in my getting a fairer trade for salt and other merchandise”, he said. “I would also like for you to request Quitlami, Son of Koanan, who is called the White Chief of the Natchitoches Indians by the French, to insure safe passage among the Indians I might encounter because Quitlami will have the arm band of the Son of a Chief and I the arm band of a conachas of the Adais. These marks of distinction will be observed by those tribes who are not on friendly terms with the French, but who would not wish to arouse an undesirable antagonism between two tribes such as the Adais and the Natchitoches. The letters will safe-guard us from white men who might be inclined to forget the _calumet_ of the French and the Caddos of whose Federacy we are members. For this service I will expect a French soldier’s coat, one of the things I most desire in life. I will leave two horses at your disposal as a guarantee of my return and my true intention to serve the French. Because of my association with the Caddo Federacy I can be of many uses to the French.” The Commandant was no fool. He quickly realized the importance of Dachicoin, and agreed to his wishes even paying Quitlami’s expenses in the form of presents from the company merchandise.

To the average reader it would seem that Dachicoin was risking five horses which were of more value on this frontier than the supposed profits of this particular trading trip, but Quitlami revealed to Lotbotiniere that Dachicoin distributed these horses in good hands and those people were obligated to take as good care of them as if the horses belonged to them. Thus Dachicoin was assured of the good care of his animals with no expense to himself.

The canoe or dug-out of Largen was a four-place canoe, which is a boat that required four men to paddle it and would at the same time, besides the human cargo, carry fourteen hundred pounds of freight. Thus equipped Dachicoin and Quitlami set out from Natchitoches to the Distonies on Saline Bayou in Natchitoches Parish, where he traded five of the knives for two hundred gourds of salt, each gourd contained approximately one pound of salt. From Natchitoches he carried the furs of Largen and small gourds of finely chopped matot, ground leaves of the Sassafras tree. This spice was an excellent trade goods of the Natchitoches tribe. The spice, however, was sent by Blondell and was to be exchanged for some personal things for the Commandant. He did, however, pay for Dachicoin’s coat out of his own merchandise. Because of the success of the trading trip Dachicoin’s name became popular along the frontier. His character was such, that his word was his bond. He never bought any trade goods outright to sell them for a profit as did the French traders. Always he asked for goods on consignment. It was a familiar sight at Natchitoches and at Los Adais to see Dachicoin arrange what he had received for a consignment into three piles—one pile represented the cost of trade goods and one the profits. The one who supplied the merchandise could take his choice of two of the piles, the other went to Dachicoin for his labors.

Dachicoin had taken for his wife, a squaw of the Hasinai said to be a daughter of Bernardino, Chief of that tribe. Upon returning to the Adais, Dachicoin spoke to Largen, who was at the time at the Adais, explaining to him that he wished to be blessed in marriage by a priest just as white men and women were when priests married them. Largen explained to Dachicoin that if he were married by the Church it would be contrary to the beliefs of the Caddos. (The Caddos believed in separations or divorce—that a squaw or man being dissatisfied could separate, the squaw taking the male children and the man the female children. These separations occurred quite often among the different tribes of the Caddos.) At this Dachicoin replied, “A man will have need for only one woman if she is the correct woman for him and a woman needs only one man if he is the correct man for her, my squaw and I understand these things and I, Dachicoin say that it can be no other way.” Pierre Largen sponsored the wedding at the Los Adais Church. It is said that Father Margil De Jesus performed the ceremony.

The squaw, or shall I say wife of Dachicoin, was allowed by her husband to ride a horse instead of walking as most Indians required their squaws to do, and, not only that, but to add to her comfort she was seated on a good Spanish saddle, and even had a pack horse to carry such things that a squaw was required to carry. This caused much dissatisfaction among the other squaws and the Indian men alike.

Dachicoin lit the Council Fire of the Adais and when enough of the tribe had gathered, spoke to them. “You of the Adais are cooking in metal pots that I, Dachicoin gave to you. Because all that I have also belongs to my squaw, then she too gave the pots”. There was no one to criticize her then, for it is a law of the Caddos that no other person can be concerned in the private affairs of a Caddo family unless invited to do so. If one violates this law then he is to be punished by the elders. “If there are any more envious remarks about my squaw I shall see that the law is fulfilled. What I have said shall now be forgotten, it must not occur again.”

At the Natchitoches council fire he berated the Natchitoches in much the same way. Such was the power of Dachicoin that he could demand the obedience of two tribes of Indians.

In 1722 St. Denis returned to Natchitoches replacing Captain Reynaud as Commandante. He, too, was quick to learn the importance of Dachicoin.

In 1723 St. Denis received a demand from Bernardino of the Hasinai for the ransom of a Frenchman. He then sent the small, tin box containing papers of the French officer. St. Denis recognized the name of the officer, a man who once had fought a duel with him. This French officer, Belle-Isle, with St. Denis had attended the Royal School in Paris. They had always seemed to be at odds with each other, and now St. Denis was being asked to pay ransom for him. But St. Denis was not one to hold a grudge, and he knew that Belle-Isle had the makings of a good French officer. He could not bring himself to believe that there was a possibility of Belle-Isle being a deserter and had somehow become a slave of the Indians. Too, he realized the possibility of the Spanish rescuing him, and from gratitude Belle-Isle might have been inclined to offer his services to Spain. St. Denis personally knew French officers in the service of Spain, but now he had the problem of going behind the Spanish Fort at Los Adais to rescue Belle-Isle.

St. Denis sent for Quitlami and had him go to the Adais and bring Dachicoin back with him. When the two Indians returned he sent for Lagross, Largen and Lobotiniere for a conference. All were given the details about Belle-Isle.

The ransom was to be ten French rifles with 100 shots and enough powder to fire those 100 shots for each rifle. This was an impractical and dangerous form of ransom because if the party delivering the rifles should be intercepted by the Spanish they would have grounds to think that the French were trying to supply the Indians with fire arms to be used against them, which could create a disastrous incident on the frontier.

Dachicoin asked if he might speak, and without waiting for a reply, asked St. Denis if he would settle with Bernardino for two rifles and the requested powder and shot. St. Denis would be glad to agree to such a settlement, but continued Dachicoin, “why not turn this trip for ransom into profit?”, which caused a raising of eyebrows. All those present were traders and the word “profit” was music to their ears. Dachicoin explained, “Bernardino is a trader and a clever one, and also the father of my squaw. If I go as a member of the ransom party my squaw must also go as she will wish to see her father again. Also this party will need someone to cook for them, she can do that. Bernardino has sent five of his braves and ten extra horses. He fully expects each of those ten extra horses to have something on them. We must send five men to accompany the Hasinais; to send less would show carelessness, to send more would show we were afraid, five men to ride five of the horses sent by Bernardino. We must fix a box of wood the size of one which would contain ten rifles, but instead of rifles it will contain lengths of cane filled with the seeds of watermelons, squash, gourds, corn and beans. The Hasinais are farmers, but because they move around for place to place, staying in one place only long enough to raise and harvest a crop; they are often short of seed, we will also send salt, honey, pecans, hickory nuts, walnuts; these are the things that we have plenty of. In return we will ask for the Frenchman and horses and some amole root.[5] The last two things are the cheapest trade-goods of the Hasinais. Bernardino has often admired my French coat and has often tried to trade me for it, but I explained to him that it would be too small for him. If M. Rambin can make a coat the size of the one that would fit M. Largen, then Bernardino would try to trade for it especially if Largen pretends he does not wish to trade for the coat. We will have to explain to Bernardino that we have no extra rifles available but the one I am carrying. The other rifle mentioned will be given to me when I return as payment for my assistance in this trip. My squaw will have among the things necessary for her to take some of the knives from the company store, each of us will also have some knives to trade. We will trade for horses and the amole root and anything else that Bernardino has. Quitlami must tell Bernardino that the coat that M. Largen is wearing is magic and is Largen’s trading coat. That when Largen has it on he always makes more profit on his trades. That it would be a great service to the Natchitoches and the Adais if Bernardino could trade Largen out of the coat. So far no one has been able to do this.”

The trip from Natchitoches to the Hasinais was roughly about 360 miles.

Immediately on the arrival of the party Bernardino brought the slave Belle-Isle forward and demanded the rifles when he was told that there was only one rifle and it belonged to Dachicoin. He was furious and threatened to kill the slave on the spot. Dachicoin explained that there were many other trade goods of value and things that the Hasinais needed. Largen was not then wearing the coat made by Rambin the tailor.

In true Caddo fashion Bernardino either spit upon or kicked the trade goods offered for Belle-Isle (this was characteristic of the Caddos, any trade goods was treated in such a way as to cheapen it in the eyes of the one offering it for trade. Those things that they wanted most they spurned the most). Each time Bernardino spit on the trade goods, Largen in turn spit upon Belle-Isle, meanwhile telling him in French that this was necessary. Largen picked up a bundle and went into the Hinta-sak of Bernardino. Quickly Quitlami went to Bernardino and explained to him about the coat of Largen. When Largen came back he was strutting and showing off the coat. He explained the designs on the coat, the hawk on one side was an emblem of the Caddos. He was a Caddo because he had taken an Ais Squaw. The Fleur De Lys because he was also French. Twenty buttons, more buttons than on any French or Spanish officer’s coat (Rambin had surely done his best work here). Bernardino began wanting to trade for the coat but Largen would hear none of it. Finally Bernardino offered the slave for the coat and explaining that if the slave was a Frenchman and Largen was a Frenchman then they were brothers—surely a brother would give a coat to save his brother’s life and if they did not come to an agreement about the coat then the slave was sure to die. Largen then surprised Bernardino by saying he would give the coat if the Chief would given ten horses to the slave and ten horses to him and then trade horses for the other trade goods along with the amole root and some wolf hides. This Bernardino agreed to.

St. Denis was awakened by the sound of thundering hooves. Lobotiniere called to him. St. Denis wiped his eyes as he witnessed the success of the trip—eighty horses, many of them loaded with hides and other merchandise.

After all settlements were made among those who participated on the trip, Belle-Isle told St. Denis of his misfortune. The ship he was on left France in 1718. After they had entered the Gulf of Mexico a storm came up and the ship was blown off course. Then scurvy broke out aboard ship. Finally land was sighted. The ship’s captain, believing that the ship was at a point east of Biloxi, put ashore those who were not yet affected, instructing them to go west overland where they would be sure to find the French. However, it must have been west of the Mississippi instead of east of it. Belle-Isle related, “there were five of us, all died except me. In the distance one day I saw a camp fire and went to it. The Indians took me captive and made me a slave. I was with them eighteen months when Bernardino bought me from them. Bernardino could understand a few words of French. He sent the tin box to you. You know the rest. Bernardino, however, did treat me very well”. (Belle-Isle was indeed lucky; that ship and its entire crew were never heard of again).

I suggest a toast to Dachicoin, who thought like a Frenchman, spoke like a Spaniard, had all the cunning of an Indian, and the honesty of a Pilgrim. Such was the importance of Dachicoin.

By the year 1740 Belle-Isle had become a power in politics at New Orleans.

In 1737 the Natchitoches tribe was able to ship 350 head of horses to New Orleans as part of its surplus trade-goods, and all because of Dachicoin, a _conachas_ of the Adais.

IV ST. DENIS AND THE SPANISH

In 1724 St. Denis and Almazon affixed the Arroyo Hondo as the boundary between the French and the Spanish. There was also an agreement to allow the French traders, who were to go to the Upper Caddos during the wet season, to pass through the Los Adais area. In this same year Jean Muller was permitted to establish La Post du Bayou Pierre[6].

By 1725 St. Denis had won the Spanish commandant over to his point of view and persuaded him to allow free trade in the area. The French were also allowed at Los Adais on Sundays to attend religious services. (The French, up until a few years later, were without the services of a priest at Natchitoches).

Word reached the Viceroy in Mexico City that Almazon was too lenient with the French and that he was actually encouraging open trade with them. In 1730 Almazon was replaced by Don Juan Antonio de Bustillio y Zavalles, who was quick to realize that La Presidio de Los Adais was entirely dependent on the French for its very existence. He sent a letter to the Viceroy to that effect, further advising that the Spanish settlers of the area scarcely produced enough crops to sustain themselves and their families. Zavalles was an experienced military officer and understood the importance of maintaining a modicum of friendship on the frontier with the French and the Indians. Zavalles in 1730 issued a land grant to Juan de Mora.[7]

In 1730 Natchitoches welcomed the arrival of its first French priest, Father Vietry.

In April of 1731 Zavalles received an urgent message from St. Denis saying that the Natchez Indians were on their way to attack the French Post and asked for assistance. Zavalles sent fifteen men, which may just have been enough to help St. Denis gain a victory over the Natchez Indians. One Spaniard lost his life in the battle.

Zavalles was criticized by his Spanish superiors at San Antonio and Mexico City for assisting the French, but Zavalles reasoned that if the French Post had fallen to the Natchez Indians nothing would have prevented the Natchez from attacking the Spanish presidio. There was also the possibility of the Caddos aligning themselves with the Natchez. Such a procedure had often happened among warring Indian tribes against the white man. It is far better, if a battle is to be fought, that it take place in foreign territory. He reasoned that even if the French lost, there would be other Frenchmen to return and settle the land. If the Spanish had gained control of the Adais-Natchitoches frontier their dominance would not have been for long. As a result of this assistance of the Spanish, food and trade-goods from the French became more plentiful and cheaper in price.

Manuel de Sandoval in 1734 replaced Zavalles as Governor of Los Adais. After a few months on the frontier he left and assigned Jose Gonzales as Governor of Los Adais. Zavalles in the meanwhile was being prosecuted at San Antonio de Bexar because of his leniency with the French. An investigation of the conditions on the Spanish frontier proved that Zavalles was correct in his actions. His rank and prestige were restored. St. Denis took advantage of the unrest of the Spanish, and in the midst of protests and letter writing, he moved the Post St. Jean Baptiste “one pistol shot” distance to the west bank of the Red River.

Jose Gonzales was commandante of an ill-equipped presidio, the crops were failures and the French had control of the food, but the Spanish always had time for fiesta. And the French came to visit and trade. Much to the discomfort of Gonzales, fraternization became the order of the day.

It was the year 1735, when Chamard erected his home and added a chapel so that civil marriages could be blessed by the priests from Los Adais on their monthly visits. Natchitoches was quite often without the services of a priest at this time. Chamard came to the Natchitoches area in 1730 as an agent and notary for the Company of the Indies. Chamard was a very devout Catholic and was a leader in rebuilding the church which had burned in 1734. He set an excellent example on the frontier for those who were not inclined to attend religious services regularly.

V DOCTORS AND EARLY MEDICINE—1722 TO 1744

Medar Jalot had some learning under the direction of Dr. Ambroise Benoist Gendron of Quebec, Canada. Jalot became a member of a party under the guidance of Henri De Tonty (The Iron Hand) that left Quebec in 1710. They came to Biloxi via the Great Lakes, the Illinois River, the Mississippi River, Lake Manchac and Lake Pontchartrain. Jalot was with the St. Denis expedition to Mexico in 1714 as the valet to St. Denis, and in 1722 was listed in the Natchitoches census. Jalot, although not a doctor by title, served the Natchitoches Post in that capacity because of his skill in treating wounds and body sores. Jalot also had knowledge of many Indian remedies for the sicknesses of the country.

It was the custom at this time for Kings to issue certificates to men of the medical profession, designating them as _Docteur du Roi_, Doctor of the King. Doctors who would accept such a commission for frontier duty would receive a year’s salary in advance, clothing, a chest of medicine, an allotment of paper, note books and the personal best wishes of the King. The physician would then in turn be obliged to render his services free to the militia and others connected with the service of a post and the Indians of the surrounding area. The post of his designated-location would place at the doctor’s disposal, an office, lodging and food at the officers’ table. Transportation was obligingly supplied by the King, “a one way ticket.”

To the young Doctor who had thus qualified himself this would seem to be a golden opportunity. Dr. Le Beau was the first to arrive at the Natchitoches post. He was the first Doctor to realize that this golden opportunity did not supply medium-of-exchange. The post personnel, their wives and children were exempt from payment for his services. All of the inhabitants and their families supplied the post with food and produce, so they were also exempt as were the Indians. The doctor knew that he would have to wait two years before he would receive his next salary from the King. He could receive payment for his services to the Spanish at Los Adais, but traffic with the Spanish was forbidden. He was soon to realize that the first year’s pay that had been issued would only buy three pairs of pants at Rambin’s Tailor shop ... and that Rambin was making his livelihood by redoing old clothing rather than tailoring new garments. Too, he was duty bound to stay one year in the service to fulfill his obligation to the Crown. By not doing so he was subject to arrest. Needless to say, after his year was up Dr. Le Beau resigned his commission and struck out on his own.

In 1727 Dr. Alexander was the next “Docteur du Roi” to arrive in Natchitoches. He was killed in a duel by Captain Jentzen, a Swedish officer in the service of the King of France.

In 1730 Dr. Godeau arrived with a King’s Commission. He wed the Widow Brossilier, and adopted his two-year-old stepdaughter. The Widow Brossilier had land, and so this doctor became a farmer and notary, with his medical profession becoming a sideline.

The people of the Natchitoches area did not like the idea of having to pay for doctor’s services. Doctor Godeau had, after his first year resigned his commission, and now could charge legally for his services. They waited but no new Docteur du Roi arrived.

Dr. Godeau was at the Natchitoches Post at the time of the Natchez Indian attack. In this two-months war on the Natchitoches frontier the Doctor won the friendship of the fifteen Spaniards who assisted in the defense of the French Post. In 1733 Dr. Godeau travelled to the Adais Post on Saturdays and Sundays to render his services to the Spanish, and to attend mass on Sunday. Thus, in the Robeline area was set up the first form of medical clinic in all the territory later comprised in the Louisiana Purchase. The Spanish had money to pay for professional services which naturally attracted men of any profession.

The people’s voice must have been heard, for the Good King Louis XV sent in 1737 Dr. Tontin. By this time King Louis must have decided that it was easier to send new doctors each year as soon as they were qualified _medecins_. He realized that the “one way ticket” was just another way to populate Louisiana with learned men. Doctor Pain (or Payne) was sent in 1738, Doctor Jaubaer in 1739, and Doctor Bonnafons in 1740.

So now it was Dr. Bonnafons’ turn to match his wits with this French frontier. In sizing up his predicament Dr. Bonnafons found that the recognized occupations listed on the post roster as ones that were to obtain free medical service were: Trappers, Traders, Commercial Hunters and Fishermen, Druggists, Farmers, Blacksmiths, Store owners, Tailors, Bakers, Carpenters, Gunsmiths, Butchers, Soldiers and the Indians. The good commandante, Louis Juchereau de St. Denis, saw to it that all of these men obtained their just share of the Post business. I feel sure, too, that the doctors, Pain, Jambare and Tontin advised Doctor Bonnafons what to expect. This doctor, however, had the wits to fit the occasion. He demanded of St. Denis that because the office space inside the fort was too small, that a building be erected outside the fort for his home and office. He showed the commandante that according to the rights enumerated in his commission that the Post Commander must furnish him with these suitable conveniences. St. Denis complied with the doctor’s demands.

Dr. Bonnafons became a barber and for this privilege he paid a license. Being a barber he was allowed to sell drugs. The druggist was part of the Grocery Guild, so that he was now qualified to sell “stuffs” (bolts of uncut cloth). Sieur Ignace Antee, a farmer and part-time cobbler, was encouraged to erect a lean-to on the opposite side of the doctor’s building. Because he had assisted Laignon and Antee to erect their lean-tos, Dr. Bonnafons considered himself a carpenter. He informed Jacques Turpeax, a soldier and baker at the Natchitoches Post, that he would purchase the surplus bread which was baked and not used by the militia, thus furnishing quick lunches for weary, hungry travelers. Because the Doctor was in the grocery business, he could sell wine which went well with the cheese brought to the French Post by the inhabitants of Campti.

One must realize that we are at a time between the dates 1740 and 1744, because St. Denis died in 1744, and that the location of Dr. Bonnafons’ building would have been near the new fort which had been erected by St. Denis “one pistol shot to the west” from the location of the Fort St. Jean Baptiste as shown on Breutin’s Map of 1722. This placed the new fort in the environs of what was later the American cemetery. As to the location of Dr. Bonnafons’ building we have this clue. In his ledger he states that he obtained land adjoining his from Duplessis. On Breutin’s map the Duplessis land would have been in the vicinity of the south bank of Bayou Amulet near G. W. Black’s Grocery and Market. Also, in this same area along Bayou Amulet the traders coming to Natchitoches tethered their mules.

Having obtained this land adjoining his building, Dr. Bonnafons erected a blacksmith shop for Jean Baptist Marin. As the doctor’s business grew, so did the buildings and the good doctor had his eye out for more business and reasoned that “where their is a demand, there should be a supply”.

About 20 years preceding Dr. Bonnafons’ arrival in Natchitoches, some of the farmers had obtained slaves from New Orleans. The slaves, coming directly from Africa, believed in voodoo, and for a generation had sold their charms, amulets, love potions and cure-all charms to the Indians, as well as the white inhabitants.

Dr. Bonnafons, being a druggist and grocer was allowed, according to the Drug Guild, to sell notions. So he added a trinket department to his store which had such items as earrings, necklaces, mirrors and of course the voodoo charms. Bonnafons reasoned that the local natives and inhabitants might just as well have the imported kind from New Orleans where the voodoo charm-makers were more skilled and the charms had more power. He reasoned with himself that according to law, slaves were not allowed to have money or engage in a business which would supply them with money. So he decided to put them out of business. Naturally Dr. Bonnafons told his customers that he did not believe in voodoo, that he was a doctor and that only a doctor could cure illnesses—that the charms were just novelties and that some people bought them in ignorance.

Commercial traders with the Indians who bought such trinkets from Dr. Bonnafons at a discount were Jean Camion, Nicholas and Jean Lassard, Pierre Gaigne, Lantallac, Nicholas Tibaud, Francois Gueno, De Lima of Los Adais, Francois Moreau, Jean Robalet, Louis Barme, Joseph Le Douc, Jean Baptiste Derbonne, Le Bomme, Henri Vidol and Pierre Bossier. By supplying these traders Dr. Bonnafons became the first wholesaler of merchandise in the Natchitoches section.

As the following bill testifies, Dr. Louis Bonnafons served the Natchitoches area well. The bill concerns the services rendered to Pierre Fausse’s young son.

1. Pour _6_ bouttiles de quillendive[8] per l’order du chirurgiens. 2. Pour _6_ denier (6 articles of merchandise.) 3. Pour 12 boutilles d’eau de vie. (Brandy used as a sedative to settle nerves and upset stomach.) 4. Pour _6_ bouttiles de medecine laxatif (laxatives). 5. Pour le cerceuil de defuma. (For making the coffin.)

The child was given 6 bottles of nausea medicine, 12 bottles of brandy (that is, if the child was given all of the brandy—he may have had help in disposing of this medicine) and 6 bottles of laxatives. This was enough of such medicine to kill any patient. Dr. Bonnafons, being the doctor in attendance, would also be the first to know of the child’s death. Thus being a carpenter he was also a cabinet maker which made him a coffin-maker. Thus Dr. Bonnafons was also an undertaker.

From Dr. Louis Bonnafons’ ledger, covering a six-year period from 1741 to 1747, come these names and families: Joseph Lattier, soldier; Claud Bertrand, soldier; Jean La Berry, soldier; Louis Juchereau de St. Denis family; Antoine Chesneau family; Michel Chesneau family; Pierre Baillio, soldier; Vencient Perrier family; Remi Possiot family; Louis Rachal family; Gaspard Barbier, brother of Madam Cheveret—“bought violin sold to me by Bartholmey Rachal”; Joseph Robideux (Robeaux), one powder horn; Jean Baptiste Gonnin, carpenter; Francois Gurno, carpenter; Pierre Allarg, carpenter; Pierre Mercer, farmer; Andre Barringer, farmer; Remi Possiot, soldier; Fancois Langlois, soldier; Edwardo Lattier, soldier-farmer; Louis Badin, farmer; Andries Rambin family; Louis Rambin family; Madam de La Chaise. There were many more, but to list them would be a repetition of names mentioned earlier in this book.

Dr. Louis Bonnafons died in 1759. He never married. His ledger brings out but one important fact: Natchitoches and El Camino Real area has always had possibilities for the right sort of man. Likewise, these so-called, one-stop, shopping centers are nothing new to our country. Too, during this early period of the Natchitoches community there was a form of socialized medicine, which proved even at this early period a doctor could not exist by merely depending on his chosen profession for a livelihood when controlled or limited by the state.

VI ROMANCE AT LOS ADAIS

There was quite a stir on the fine spring morning of April 8, 1735 at Los Adais. Senorita Victoria Gonzales, daughter of the Lieutenant Governor of this Spanish presidio, had eloped with a Frenchman, Jean Baptista DerBonne, assisted by two other Frenchmen of the Post St. Jean Baptiste des Natchitoches after the High Mass that Sunday. Governor Gonzales, holding office during the absence of Governor Manuel de Sandoval, and Reverend Padre Ignacio Certa were talking when word of the elopement was brought. A searching party was immediately organized but was unsuccessful in capturing the culprits.

The next day Gonzales wrote a letter to his superiors, stating the above details and adding that, even though DerBonne was a French officer and a gentleman, he had refused permission for the marriage. He was so infuriated that he disowned his daughter, thereby wishing to show to the officials over him that he had nothing to do with this matter. However, he did suspect Padre Certa and his brother-in-law Juan de Mora, because both had intervened in DerBonne’s behalf. He also added that de Mora was in jail and at present he had not decided what to do with him. He received word that the party arrived in Natchitoches at midnight, and Father Pierre Vietry, a priest of the Jesuit Order, had married Victoria and DerBonne immediately, thus violating the laws of the Catholic Faith. He wrote: “As you know the banns of betrothed have to be announced at three Sunday Services before the wedding. I am told that the elopers traveled by pirogue, going from arroyo to arroyo and finally reaching the Red River and then on to Natchitoches, which explains why our land searching-party did not find them. Padre Vallejo of the Mission Margil de Los Adais is going to Natchitoches to request wine so necessary in the procedure of the Mass. I am sure Victoria will accompany him back to Los Adais to get her things and the family blessing. Now that she has been married by the Church there is nothing I can do. She is seventeen and of marriageable age.”

The two nationalities had much to say to each other about this wonderful new topic of conversation. The Spanish would give credit to Victoria for planning the whole thing, after all a woman of Victoria’s intelligence must have planned it because certainly a Frenchman could not have had the head for such clever thinking—DerBonne was just the lucky one who won her heart. The French would say that DerBonne was a sly one, that he had stolen Victoria from under their very eyes. The stupid Spanish bachelors, allowing such a pretty prize as Victoria to slip away from them. And so the talk went, but there has to be a formula for each and every elopement that is successful.

Now in this case, take three bayous, a little river and a larger river, mix with one uncle, a willing duenna, two willing assistants, two understanding priests, a friend. Add a handsome French officer, a beautiful senorita and an irate father. Then allow a certain amount of time for observation to turn into fascination, watch closely as fascination develops into desire and desire materializes into love, then you will have the correct ingredients for a successful elopement. So explains the material gathered from John Eskew, Belisle, J. Fair Hardin, Ross Phares and Poitre-Babinsik. All of these authors have shed some light on this incident.

Now, as a certain character would say, let’s add up the facts.

Jean Baptist Der Bonne or Derbonne as the French would write it, was an officer at the French Post, Jean Baptist Des Natchitoches. The Spanish Post, Del Presidio Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Los Adais, was roughly 17 miles due west. The dividing boundary was the Arroyo Hondo, a small stream that ran roughly north and south midway between these two outposts. True, both nationalities respected this boundary to a certain extent, that is they visited openly but hid their trading with each other.

The Spanish had use of the good Doctor Payne (Pain), the post Doctor at Natchitoches, in return the Spanish Fiesta was open to all. If a Frenchman visited the Spanish Church for Mass or Confession he was very welcome.

Father Ignacio Certa admitted in one of his letters that he had spoken to Gonzales in behalf of Der Bonne. Certainly this priest must have approved of the Frenchman or he would not have intervened for him.

The foster brother of Gonzales’s wife, Juan de Mora, was a very good friend of Der Bonne because he helped and was put into prison because of the incident. Even this imprisonment was a sham, as de Mora could have gone to the post at Natchitoches a guest of DerBonne. He could have left immediately after the two eloped and with a fast horse, reached Natchitoches well ahead of any searchers. I believe de Mora remained at Los Adais and allowed himself to be imprisoned so that his brother-in-law, Gonzales, might save face with his superiors in Mexico and the Tejas country. There are no records revealing a trial or punishment of Juan de Mora. One thing is certain, there was a food and clothing shortage at Los Adais and de Mora was one of the Spaniards who was on very good terms with the French officer, DerBonne. And DerBonne, being an officer, would have enough influence at the French post at Natchitoches to assist the Spanish traders in getting more reasonable bargains when purchasing food and clothing there. Too, DerBonne being a French officer, as a side line, also was a trader among the Indians and certainly with the Spanish. Now that the Frenchman had taken a Spanish wife and she being the daughter of Gonzalez, the Gonzalez family would certainly profit by this marriage. The deals, however, having been transacted through DerBonne and de Mora and both men now being of the Gonzalez family would leave the Lieutenant Governor in the clear as far as his superiors were concerned.

The duenna (chaperone) of Victoria Gonzalez must have assisted the two lovers, reasoning that the duties of a duenna, are to look after her charge’s morals and religious training and to teach her things she must know concerning her social standing and her responsibilities to her family in respect to marriage. A duenna, therefore accepted or rejected those who wished to court her charge. Quite often the duenna had to be won as well as the young senorita. The chaperone’s duty was to channel her young charge’s affections and thoughts toward the suitor considered most able to support the young lady in the manner to which she was accustomed; but the duenna would also observe the suitors that the senorita liked best, and by elimination, to these she thought most suitable, certain privileges would be allowed. In this case the suitor was DerBonne. Now came the time for observation to turn into fascination. To watch closely as fascination develops into desire, and then when desire materializes into love, arrangements must be made so that the wedding can be solemnized. The duenna or chaperone was also a match-maker.

Now for allowing those certain privileges. At a fiesta at Los Adais, DerBonne and Victoria danced, and after a while walked out into the patio for a breath of fresh air. The man, being a gentleman, would not on first meeting attempt to guide his companion to a darkened shadowy spot for closer conversation. The duenna naturally followed and observed at a discreet distance. She would locate herself at such vantage point where she could see and yet not be seen.

At Church on Sunday, DerBonne having received an invitation from de Mora, with de Mora advising DerBonne to be there early, arrangements were made so that DerBonne sat next to Victoria, with the duenna on one side of the couple and de Mora on the other. Perhaps at sometime during the services of the Mass the duenna suggested a walk in a certain direction, making sure that DerBonne overheard the suggestion intended for Victoria. Just to be sure, immediately after the Church Services de Mora would suggest a stroll before eating the noon meal, and, as if by chance both parties met at some point on a secluded footpath, the young couple would find that for the moment they were alone and unobserved, while the elderly couple was engaged in some topic of conversation. Now for a quick embrace and kiss while the old duenna was not looking. To these well planned, or chance meetings as the young couple thought, surely fate was lending a helping hand. So fascination turns into desire and desire into love. Now to ask for her hand in marriage (the old duenna and de Mora must have felt proud of themselves.) DerBonne asked the father, Jose Gonzalez, but the irate father refused. Then the priest, Father Ignacio Certa, interceded on behalf of DerBonne. Another refusal as the obdurate father explained that the Spanish authorities would not permit such a thing on the frontier. After all, the Spanish and the French were rivals here, and such a marriage might even lead to war among the two nationalities at these outposts of empire.

DerBonne was well aware of the dire consequences that might result from the marriage and without a doubt had discussed the situation with his Commandante, St. Denis. Now, Louis Juchereau de St. Denis was one of the slyest and most commercial-minded men who ever trod the soil of Natchitoches, certainly the most adventurous. Without accusing him of entering into a conspiracy, he evaluated the circumstances concerning this elopement, and weighed the risks of the outcome.

First, DerBonne was a good French soldier and officer and if he were to get married this would bring about family ties on the frontier, which would keep him in the Natchitoches district (quite often when a soldier’s enlistment expired he left the Natchitoches area for greener pastures). DerBonne would settle land nearby so that his wife to be would be near her own people. Eventually when his enlistment expired, the French would have an experienced officer in this area without having to pay for his services. DerBonne was also a trader, and his supplies were furnished by the store at the Natchitoches post and St. Denis received a commission on all merchandise sold at the post as well as on all trade merchandise sent back to New Orleans. This marriage between DerBonne and the daughter of a high ranking official at Los Adais would naturally bring on better trade relations, even if it was to be effected in a slightly underhand way.

Secondly, St. Denis understood the love of a Spanish parent wishing to see his offspring happily married. He probably thought of his own marriage to Manuella and how her family risked all their worldly possessions and position of office to protect his marriage into the Don Diego Ramone family. The Spanish, to be sure, had their faults, but also they must be commended for their forgiving and understanding nature when the welfare of their families was concerned. In this respect Jose Gonzalez, the Lieutenant Governor of Los Adais, would be no exception. He knew that this man would have to do a great deal of letter writing and pretending but in the end would be a forgiving father-in-law. St. Denis, after weighing the risks, secretly consented to lend his support to this marriage. Even if the risks had been greater St. Denis would have given his consent because his whole life, if one studies it carefully, was full of risks and intrigue. One more incident would have made no difference to him. The fact is that he probably enjoyed the entire situation, for this affair would bring a new topic of interest and conversation to the dull life of the frontier.

The whole procedure of the successful elopement suggests the cool, calculating mind of one such as St. Denis possessed, not the flustrated mind of a young lover.

Let us examine the water-route that these two elopers traveled: The Arroyo Adais, a small stream of water that ran near the Presidio De Los Adais and then into the Bayou Mayoux. This bayou ran into La Petite Rigolet (Little River, as it is known today) in turn ran into Bayou Pierre, which drained into Red River (just above Grande Ecore) flowed past the French fort at Natchitoches. The distance traveled would be about twenty-four miles.

Governor Gonzalez’s letter states that DerBonne and two Frenchmen ran off with his daughter. These two Frenchmen would have to be hand-picked men capable of carrying out an assignment without a flaw. Men who could stand the rigors of twenty-four miles of continuous paddling, part of the time being in the black of the night, men who could be trusted to keep their mouths shut, and above all men who were not afraid of danger for which there would be no profit to them and certain imprisonment if they were caught. Evidently the post at Natchitoches had two such men. However, their names are not mentioned. So by process of elimination of the known inhabitants of Natchitoches at this time let’s see if we can determine who these two men were. But first, one most important point that should be brought out, because as they were to travel by water there could be no risk of a drowning, especially of the girl—if this were to happen war would certainly follow. The inhabitants of Natchitoches in 1736 were: St. Denis, Commandante, his wife, Manuella and his children; Pierre Largen, trader, married to an Ais Indian maiden; Lt. Basset next in command; Lobotiniere, trader and farmer, married; Duterpints, soldier and baker for the post; Jean Lagross, trader and merchant, settled across the river from Campti; Dr. Payne (Pain), Doctor and Notary, married; Jean Baptista Deherbonne (BerBonne, Derbon, Derbonne); Lt. Gautren, married; Lafreniere, soldier; Joseph La Duc, soldier; Prudhomme, planter and trader, married; Sieur Barme, store keeper, married; Jacques De La Chase, government storekeeper, married; P. Duplessis, Notary, married; Father Pierre Vietry, Jesuit Priest; Sieur Bacque, farmer, married; Pierre Mercer, farmer; Andre Berrange, farmer; Antoine Germaine, soldier; Juan Biseros, merchant, married; Antonio Charbonnet, merchant; Gilbert Maxent, merchant; Pierre Gaignie, trader, married; Nicholas Tibaud, trader; Paul Muller, soldier; the two Barberousses, hunters contracted to supply meat for the Post; LaRenaudiere, a miller; Rambin, a tailor, married; the Dupress brothers, hunters and trappers; DeLame, storekeeper and trader; Jean Layssard and Nicholas Layssard, brothers, soldiers and traders; Lantallic, farmer and trader; Sieur Badin, farmer, trader and storekeeper; Francois Lemoine, soldier in love with Victoria Emanuella Garcia; Sieur Jambare, doctor.

According to a 1735 census there were only 32 people at Natchitoches, however, this must have meant the personnel of the Post St. Jean Baptist. It will be noticed that there were many traders listed, undoubtedly many of these were also soldiers, but not listed as soldiers, because a soldier’s pay was so small, and that they were paid only once a year, if at all. Many of them drew from the Army Post Exchange and sold this merchandise either to the Indians or the Spaniards, who seemed to have many gold coins, but there the army post had nothing to sell them. The reason being that Los Adais was too remote from its base of supplies.

Of all the names listed, the two most likely to have assisted DerBonne would have been Francois Lemoine and Jean Lagrosse. I give these reasons—Francois Lemoine was young, strong and ablebodied or he would not have been a soldier. He was in love with a Spaniard, Victoria Emanuello Garcia. Therefore, if someone was willing to break the barrier between the two nations he might profit by assisting and observing the outcome. Jean Lagross, Indian trader had married a Caddo maiden of the Ais tribe. By so doing he was recognized as a member and friend of the Caddo federation of which the Adais Indians at Los Adais was also a tribe of this federation. This being the case the Adais would not take part in a search for a member of their own nation if their assistance was requested by the Governor of the Spanish Fort. Lagross had been with St. Denis during his stay in Mexico, he had a good knowledge of the Spaniard’s abilities, and too, Lagross had many friends among the Spanish. Being a trader he had traveled this water route many times. His skilled hands would surely be the ones to steer the pirogue safely back to Natchitoches.

The good friends, St. Denis and Manuella, would have met the boat when it arrived at Natchitoches. Manuella would not have missed this wedding for anything. After all Victoria was of her own people and who in Natchitoches could best represent her.

Now for the part of Gonzalez’s letter stating that a priest could not marry a couple without the proper notices of the betrothal being read on three consecutive Sundays. This is true in most cases, but, there is an old saying that the French always had a way for everything, and so in this case they had a way which was recognized by the Church. Due to the shortage of priests in Louisiana there was a ceremony of marriage called “jumping the broom” and in the eyes of witnesses this was considered a just and true marriage. The couple vowed that the wedding would be solemnized as soon as a priest was available (Quite often in recent years this procedure was looked upon as a joke but in the year 1735 in Louisiana it was no joking matter). Here, too, a time element was necessary. Possibly somewhere en-route to Natchitoches this party pulled the boat onto the bank long enough to make a broom of switch cane and the two witnesses, Lagrosse and Lemoine, watched as DerBonne and Victoria jumped the broom. This was necessary. You will note that the wedding took place after mid-night or right at mid-night, the beginning of another day. When the couple told Father Vietry that they had jumped the broom yesterday they did not lie, they had witnesses to prove it. Father Pierre Vietry had no choice but to marry them.

Just so you do not get the wrong impression of Jose Gonzalez you should know that in his letter he states that Padre Vallejo was going to Natchitoches the next day and that Victoria would return with him to receive blessings of her family. Later maps of Natchitoches show that DerBonne owned more land than St. Denis, the Commandante of the Natchitoches Post. Gonzalez could have refused Victoria her dowry because she eloped. Either she got the dowry or DerBonne was an excellent trader. With twenty eight known competitors in the same profession, I believe he got the dowry, and Papa Gonzalez saved face and his position by the elopement happening as it did. And, too, I believe Jose could have written that letter before the elopement and put down the facts just as they occurred.

In July of the same year Francois Lemoine married Victoria Manuella Garcia. And so ... the Arroyo Honda barrier came down.

VII INCIDENTS OF THE YEARS, 1735-1742

In 1735 Justine de Louche was the first to settle in the area of Cloutierville, Louisiana.

In 1736 Manuel Flores and Carlos Bustimento demanded the same privileges allowed Sanchez, that the Spanish Governor of Los Adais give them title to their land. This was granted and soon to follow were grants to Solice, Toro, Rodriguez, Martinez and Garcia. These family men soon became independent and also became traders among the Indians.

In this same year Benites Franquis de Lugo replaced Sandoval as Governor of Los Adais. An old enemy of Sandoval, he placed him under arrest and stripped the ex-governor of his wealth and rank. He was charged with deserting the post at Los Adais and going to live at San Antonio de Bexar, thereby neglecting the duties of his office; and for recognizing the Arroyo Hondo boundary instead of the west bank of the Red River, thus allowing the French to build a new fort on that side of the Red River.

The friends of Sandoval appealed to the Viceroy to send witnesses to Los Adais to investigate the charges of Governor Lugo.

In 1737 Fernandez de Jauregui y Urritgua, who was at that time Governor of Nueva Leon, a region which adjoined the Coahuila and Tejas country, came to Los Adais as a _visatador_ (witness). He questioned the population, visited the post at Natchitoches and made inquiries there. Lieutenant Gonzalez explained the conditions of the presidio, the shortage of manpower and food and how nearly all the necessities necessary to sustain life had to be obtained from the French.

Urritgua left Prudincio de Orbito as temporary governor, arrested Lugo, sent a message back to the Viceroy clearing Sandavol of all charges and requesting that the prisoner be restored to his position. In the same year San Antonious Bazaterra was sent as Governor of Los Adais and all of the Texas Region. Bazaterra was a merchant from Saltillo in Mexico, and he used his new position to transport his personal merchandise to the Adais frontier. He demanded that the Spanish cease trading with the French.

In April, 1738, he detained and arrested Jean Lagross, a French trader en-route to the Upper Caddos on the big bend of the Red River. According to the Arroyo Hondo agreement between Sandavol and St. Denis, the French traders were to be allowed to pass through the Spanish held Adais land during the wet season. Jean Lagross had a passport to that effect, but Bazaterra refused to recognize the passport and had Lagross’ merchandise burned in front of witnesses.

Word of his action soon reached St. Denis and messages were sent to Los Adais, to San Antonio and to Mexico City, by means of Indian carriers. Bazaterra was accused of trouble making and charged with making advances toward Lagross’ wife, who, although an Indian, had been legally wed to Lagross at La Mission Senora de Guadelupe at Nacogdoches. Therefore she was a French woman and had been recognized as such by the French at Natchitoches and by the Spanish at Los Adais since her wedding. St. Denis also reminded the Spanish officials that due to the fact that Lagross had taken an Ais maiden for his wife, in the eyes of the Caddo Federation of Indians, Lagross was a Caddo according to the Indian’s viewpoint, therefore, this injustice could lead to serious trouble if the Frenchman were not compensated for his loss. Much to the disappointment of Bazaterra, he was ordered to pay Lagross for his merchandise out of his own pocket. “Such”, remarked St. Denis, “is the power of the pen”.

Bazaterra, however, in spite of his difficulties, piled up the equivalent of forty thousand dollars during his nearly four-year tenure as Governor on the Adais frontier. It must be said on his behalf that he was an excellent tradesman. St. Denis admitted that he was glad to see him leave.

In 1741 Thomas Phillip Winthuisin replaced Bazaterra as Governor of Los Adais. The new governor was a civilian and lacking in the knowledge of the military. This in itself presented a dangerous situation on the Adais frontier. The inhabitants requested that a man of the military be sent to Los Adais.

And in 1742 the talk of the year was how two ex-French soldiers, Lavespere and Brossilier, maintained _travasser_ (a kind of flat boat) service from New Orleans to Natchitoches, bringing additional medical supplies to Dr. Bonnafons. These two men had rigged their boat with pulleys which enabled them to pull the boat through the shallow places in the river at low-water stage.

VIII THE THREE CABINS

Jose Guiterez, a _mestizo_ (a person of mixed Indian and Spanish blood) was returning from Natchitoches after having visited the store of Dr. Bonnafons. As he descended the trail down the side of Grand Montania he allowed his horse to pick its way. At the foot of this high hill a small creek flowed called the Arroyo Hondo and at the bank of the small creek he must rest his animal for a while before continuing on to his home near the Presidio de Los Adais. The spring of the year 1742 had been a very trying and wet year, the Arroyo Hondo would be wider now because of so much rainfall. He always felt good when he reached this small rivulet, considered the half-way distance from Los Adais to Natchitoches, for in his mind he felt he was more than half-way home.

As Guiterez rested he thought of his horse, a beautiful stallion. He often wondered if the Indian who had traded the mare, which was with foal at the time and later delivered this colt, envied him now because of the trade. Certainly many of the French officers at Natchitoches and Los Adais had tried to buy the animal, but Jose would always refuse to consider even talking of a trade or sale. Not only because he was such a fine animal, he loved the horse, _El Trumpitero_, named so because of the shrill whinnies the horse voiced when a female of his species was in his vicinity. And Jose had reaped generous profits in stud fees. The horse had made quite a name for himself and for his owner, Jose Guiterez.

The year before the young Spaniard had been sent to the Presidio de San Antonio de Bexar to deliver a message from the Governor, Winthusin, to the alvarez of San Antonio de Bexar asking his opinion about paying the French trader, Jean Lagross, for goods that had been confiscated by the former Governor of Los Adais, Bazaterra, after he had granted a passport to the Frenchman to travel through the Spanish territory when going to trade with the Caddos on upper Red River.

The alvarez at San Antonio de Bexar did not see the situation as clearly as did the Governor of Los Adais and was inclined to advise against paying Lagross. He first asked Guiterez’s opinion concerning the contents of the message because he was the only one present who would know some of the events that led to the new Governor of Los Adais’ request. Guiterez explained to the alvarez that this particular situation was important because the French trader had married an Ais Indian maiden, therefore, in the eyes of all of the Caddo tribes he was considered a Caddo and the whole Caddo Federacy might take offense if the goods were not paid for; that on the Adais frontier it was necessary to maintain friendly relations with the French in order to purchase much-needed food supplies for the Spanish troops at el Presidio de Los Adais. Jean Lagross was one of the Frenchmen with the Ramone Domingo expedition that established the Spanish missions as far as the Nacogdoches Indians, and from that year, 1716, he had traded among the Indians of this frontier. For the last twenty-five years he had been known favorably in all this country.

“This is no ordinary French trader but one who is loved by the Spanish, French and the Indians, it is best to pay him for his merchandise.”

El Trumpitero had carried his master to San Antonio de Bexar and back to Los Adais in less than three weeks, a distance of over a thousand miles. Another time the horse went to Natchitoches and back to Los Adais for medicine for a sick soldier, over thirty miles, in five hours. Because of his horse Guiterez had become the official messenger of Los Adais, which had by now realized the importance of his horse. The children at Los Adais greeted the horse and waved at him as if the animal was a human being. Jose and his horse were such a common sight at Natchitoches even inside the post.

On each occasion when he arrived at Natchitoches he always felt obliged to go by the house of St. Denis, whose wife was Spanish, and tell her of the news at Los Adais. He was likewise welcomed at the house of Jean Baptist DerBonne who had wed Victoria Gonzalez, the daughter of a past governor of Los Adais. Another hospitable friend, Francois Lemoine, was a cousin of Louis Juchereau de St. Denis of the Lemoyne family as were Iberville and Bienville. This young French soldier had married Victoria Emmanuella Garcia, the daughter of a Spanish sergeant of the Presidio at Los Adais. Thus Jose Guiterez was most welcome at these three homes of Frenchmen in Natchitoches. Aside from bringing news to these three Spanish ladies, they in turn found out through Guiterez what the needs of the women of Los Adais were and then purchased these necessities for them from the stores at Natchitoches because trade between the two posts was forbidden. As a result the Spanish women at Los Adais did their trading through the Spanish women at Natchitoches, which custom continued even when trade between the two posts was not forbidden.

As Jose sat on the bank of the Arroyo Hondo admiring his horse, he leaned against the trunk of a tall, slender tree and began to think about his future. For a long time he had felt that there was something lacking in his life but he had not been able to put his finger on the cause of his unrest. He questioned himself about his status in life, concerning his accomplishments and his ability to support himself and his parents, and came to the conclusion he needed a wife and property of his own—either a farm or a business of some kind. He knew that his parents did not need support from him and that his older brothers actually operated the small rancho and farm—they were all married and therefore would continue to remain on the family estate. According to the custom of the times, the oldest brother would inherit the estate, that is the profits from the operation of it. He, Jose Guiterez, decided he would strike out for himself, perhaps engaging in some kind of business for he did not like rancho or farm work. Being a soldier had too many disadvantages. True, in the end after an enlistment period, a soldier was given a certain amount of land, farm animals and equipment. He could get them from his own family if he needed them. Being a settler on a frontier was just as important as being a soldier, each in his own way was serving the purpose of making the frontier secure.

There was a chatter of birds in the tree tops just above his head which broke his train of thought and brought him back to reality. As he looked upward Jose marvelled at the size and the straightness of the trees from which the chatter of the birds had come. Then he noticed how nearly all the trees were of uniform size, straight, and all nearly sixty feet high. Here was definitely cabin material and even in this small grove there were enough such trees to make several cabins. Odd, he thought, he had passed this place many times and did not notice the surroundings as he did this day. As his thoughts raced ahead he remembered that he had stopped to rest, almost always everyone else who passed this way also stopped. Here would be the place to establish some sort of tavern, wine shop or eating place. Why, he wondered, had not someone thought of this before, to erect such a place here on the Arroyo Hondo where people must pass and where they always stop to rest a while. Jose reasoned that the wine shop, tavern and inn, must be available for the French, Spanish and Indian trade, and regardless of what would be traded to him, whether furs or trade goods, sooner or later he could turn them into gold and silver. Now, for obtaining the land. The east side of the Arroyo Hondo, where he intended to establish this new business, belonged to the French. According to an agreement between St. Denis and Governor Almazon in 1724, the dividing line between the French and Spanish would be the Arroyo Hondo instead of the west bank of the Red River as previously claimed by the Spanish. To acquire this deed would require some tact. First, he would get the land and then a wife who could be able to help him operate his business. Which nationality owned this land on the east bank of the Arroyo Hondo made no difference. Jose decided that he would get a grant-title from both representatives of their respective governments. It would be interesting to see if he, a Spaniard, might obtain a land grant from the French, too, and if this could be done, it would be quite a feather in his hat, making him more popular among his Spanish friends.

The grove of trees and the slight rise of the earth there formed a sort of flat shelf. The land was about ninety _toises_ (540 feet) square and extended from the Arroyo Hondo to the base of Grand Montania, and the trail leading up the face of Grand Montania divided the land. This was a good feature and he would ask for all land on each side of the trail so that no one else could come in and establish another business near this resting place and be his competitor.

Guiterez was excited. Even he, with no experience in the operation of such a tavern, could see the immediate success of it.

El Trumpitero with a loud whinney announced the presence of other horses in the vicinity, and, as Jose looked across the Arroyo Hondo, he could see a small pack train composed of eight horses and three riders. As the train neared and the animals began to ford the stream he recognized the party of Jean Lagross with his Ais squaw wife, Isobel, and their daughter, Francine Manuella, named “Manuella” to honor Madam St. Denis, who was her godmother.

Because of so much rainfall the water of the stream was swift and deep, and Jose rode El Trumpitero out to the ford to offer assistance to the party if needed.

One thing that both the French and Spanish had learned from the Indians was the maintenance of markers on fordable streams such as the Arroyo Hondo. Slender, cypress poles were placed in a line and at intervals across the stream, each pole was painted in rings of green, yellow and red; the red being at the top of the pole. By looking at the poles and their markings the depth of the water could be ascertained. The markers were on each side of the crossing marking the now submerged trail. This ford crossing of the Arroyo Hondo was only about sixty feet from bank to bank, but on occasion it could be very dangerous if one were not careful and allowed the current to get the upper hand. The water at this time had risen past the red markings on the poles, denoting the stream to be nearly six feet deep and warning that fording it would be dangerous. Jose had noticed the markings and this was the reason that he rode his horse part way out into the water.

Jose shouted across to Lagross to have the women mount the largest horses, and in the meantime he cast his long rawhide rope to Lagross. The rope was put around the lead-horse’s neck and other rawhide ropes were placed around the other horses’ necks and attached to the packs. In this manner the single file of horses and their burdens crossed the Arroyo Hondo without mishap.

As is common in the Los Adais-Natchitoches area in the month of March, rains can come suddenly and frequently and this day was no exception. While the party was crossing the stream, a cold, peppering shower began which turned into a steady downpour. Immediately the two women began unpacking one of the horses. This pack contained several hides sewn together, the four corners were attached to four nearby grouped trees, a long pole was quickly cut and placed beneath this square of hides and a shelter was completed, the pole raising the center of the square about the four corners and causing the rain to run down the sides.

Meanwhile, Lagross and Jose had gathered firewood, being careful to split the branches to expose the dry inside halves of the wood. Soon a warm, drying fire was going. Jose whistled and El Trumpitero came to the shelter and Jose removed from the saddle bag two bottles of wine, some cheese and a loaf of brown, hard bread.

Guiterez spoke as he passed one bottle of the wine to the two women, “For you Senora and Senorita, one bottle of the priests’ wine, which is the reason I am here. I had gone to the Post Jean Baptiste des Natchitoches to get wine for the priests, Father Certa and Father Balligo. The bread from the good miller, Sieur Le Renaudiere, baked by Jacques Turpeaux, was sold to me by the good Doctor Bonnafons at Sieur Barme’s Store; I bought the cheese, which was brought to Nachitoches by Joseph Lattier, from the two Barberousses who have a trading post among the Yatasse Indians at El Campti. It is wonderful the Lord has granted man the power to prepare food in such a way that it is preserved for future consumption, here we sit on the Arroyo Hondo and enjoy a meal just as if we were sitting in our own homes.”

While they were eating Guiterez had become conscious of the beauty of Francine Manuella. She seemed to have inherited all the beauty of both the Indian and French races. Here thought Jose is the woman for me, this one I intend to make my wife. Jose thought of the dowry and wondered if Lagross had provided such for his daughter. He knew this young maiden would be the ideal helpmate in his future business because she could speak French, Spanish and the Caddo languages.

Jose decided that he would make his intentions known to Lagross. Both the Lagross and Guiterez families had known each other for many years, and he felt that there was at least a bond of more than business, so he decided to ask Lagross’ assistance in obtaining this land east of the Arroyo Hondo. He began explaining his idea to the French trader about building a kind of trading post, and eating place which would have accommodations to sleep weary travelers. Lagross liked the young Spaniard’s idea and told him so, but, said Lagross, “one would need a wife to make such a venture complete.” At this Jose made his intentions toward the trader’s daughter clear by stating that he wished perhaps that he might have permission to pay court to his daughter. Lagross did not seem surprised of Guiterez’ intentions, as many had asked for his daughter. “My daughter,” said Lagross, “has had many suitors, some offered marriage and some only a proposition. You understand how some of the French and Spanish regard a half breed woman, however, those who offered a proposition now wear the mark of the short leather whip she always carries. As for my permission to pay court to my daughter, that is entirely up to her, she is certainly old enough to be married, according to other young women her age in this area. Many fathers of young girls are now pampering a grandchild. Francine is a very head-strong woman and it will take an unusual man to win her hand.”

Meanwhile Francine, listening to this conversation, was amused, and first inclined to be angry, but then she thought, Jose offered marriage, not just a proposition as many had done. Guiterez cut quite a figure, either astride El Trumpitero or afoot, so this man might be just the one for her, but she wondered if his talk about the Three Cabins was not just so much talk.

“Jose Guiterez”, said Francine, “Jose Guiterez, a _mestizo_, a half breed, wishes the hand of Francine Manuella Lagross, who is also a half breed; Guiterez who talks big and has nothing to offer a wife but an assumption of what he intends to do; my father who sits there agreeing with him while he drinks the Priests’ wine and talks about me as though I were some sort of trade-goods; my mother sits there nodding her head in agreement, as if she would be glad to get rid of me; all of you talking as if I would have nothing to do with the situation. Do you think, Jose, that you can offer my father and mother wine, bread and cheese, that would be sufficient to win me as a wife? I notice that El Trumpitero does not have a whip mark on his hide, that the bit in his mouth is not the cruel Spanish bit used by the dragoons; you do not have the sharp Spanish spurs on your boots, do you think you can bend me to your will as you have El Trumpitero?” “Ha,” she laughed, “that would be something to see. Now, mestizo, I have a proposition. The moon will be full tonight. If on the third full moon from this one, there are three cabins here on the Arroyo Hondo, then I will be your wife. If not I will have El Trumpitero, the horse I will ride when I leave here, you can use mine. You see, I know you have no money, no land to sell and no possible way to stock such a building with trade-goods and in the meantime you will not have El Trumpitero which is the only thing of value you do have; now Senor Jose Guiterez what do you say to that?”

“Well,” said Guiterez, “for so small a woman you certainly have a large mouth, but first I must do this.” He quickly grabbed Francine and put her across his knee as one would do a spoiled child and spanked her soundly. “First,” he said, “for talking so to her parents and second, that she should show more respect to the man she is going to marry; third, he was holding her to her proposition; fourth, that if, when she was released, she struck him with her whip, he would use the whip on her so thoroughly that she would not be able to sit down for the three moons which she had previously mentioned.” Lagross roared with laughter as his squaw whispered to him that Francine had finally met her match.

The rain had ceased and the group headed for Natchitoches, Francine astride El Trumpitero and Guiterez astride the horse of Francine. Not much was said until the train had reached the top of the steep hill called Grand Montania. Jose remarked that the horse of Francine had probably had the same temperament as her owner and she undoubtedly bit and kicked. Francine, not without a retort, stated that M. St. Denis could not grant land to a Spaniard, he would be a fool if he did, El Trumpitero was as good as hers right now. Guiterez said he had one thing that Francine had overlooked when she stated her proposition and that she was as good as married to him right now. So the two passed the time on the way to Natchitoches arguing with each other.

At Natchitoches Guiterez went to Sieur Barme’s Store and obtained more wine for the priests at Los Adais. He then went to see St. Denis and told him of the occurrences of the day, and his intentions. St. Denis said, “I have no authority to do this other than to a Frenchman.” “Now,” said Madame St. Denis, who had evidently been eavesdropping on the conversation, “since when has M. De St. Denis ever questioned the word ‘authority’, especially in such a matter advantageous to the French as well as the Spanish, not to mention the extra profits in commissions to be received from trade goods sold Guiterez at this prospective trading post.” “Madame,” said St. Denis, “you underestimate me. I merely stated that I did not have the authority, I did not say that I would see that Guiterez did not get the land. Now go quickly and send someone to fetch Sieur Barme.” When Sieur Barme arrived St. Denis explained all to him. “Now”, said St. Denis to Barme, “I will sell to you 10 arpents of land at the base of Grand Montania this side of the Arroyo Hondo for ten percent of the first year’s profits of the first year that this new trading post is in operation. I will sell this land to you in the name of the King of France, what you do with this land is your business. Now, Senor Guiterez wishes to buy some land, on this land he intends to build a trading post called The Three Cabins. If you wish to sell this land to Senor Guiterez for ten percent of the profits of his first year’s business, you would be in accord with the law to do so. As far as merchandise for this said trading post I am sure your store could supply the necessary merchandise. As for payment, I am sure Senor Guiterez can be trusted, and as for security there would be the dowry given by Jean Lagross. If you are in agreement I will send for the Notary and draw up the papers. In the meantime you can issue a bill of sale to Senor Guiterez for the land.” Addressing Guiterez, “Senor, you now own 10 arpents of land, but building the three cabins in the allotted time will take some doing. In the meantime you have many friends here at Natchitoches and I will see that they know about your problem.”

Back at Los Adais Guiterez obtained an interview with the Governor, Winthuisin, to ask for permission to establish the Three Cabins on the French side of the Arroyo Hondo. The Governor at Los Adais agreed to Guiterez’ request. Almazon had settled the question that the Arroyo Hondo was the boundary between the territories of France and Spain, and any Governor could give away land which did not belong to his country. Guiterez now had the sanction of both the French and the Spanish. When he explained all the details to his family and his many Spanish friends, all turned to with willing hands and the wilderness of the Arroyo Hondo rang with the echoes of many axes. Indians and Frenchmen from Natchitoches brought food and extra assistance. In less than the first moon two of the cabins were completed. Guiterez had Father Certa at Los Adais begin reading the banns for matrimony, and on the fourth Sunday Francine came down the steep trail of Grand Montania and looked at The Three Cabins finished and stocked with trade goods.

As the two left The Three Cabins to go to Los Adais to be wed, Guiterez said to Francine, “Remember when you are estimating my values, I told you I had one thing that you had forgotten to name, that one thing was friends.” “So you have”, said Francine, “but did you not wonder where so much food came from to feed those who were building the three cabins, I am not without friends”, and she smiled, “so, my high and mighty Guiterez, I think we are going to make a good match. Many of our friends think so too. Doesn’t the female bird always help her mate build the nest? Look behind you at all those people coming to our wedding, they are your friends as well as mine”. Guiterez gazed at Francine admiringly and said, “there is a blessing in rain in more ways than one.”

IX AFTER ST. DENIS

In 1743 Justo Bonev y Morales was sent to replace Winthuisin as Governor. Morales, a Knight of the Order of Santiago, was a man befitting the ideals of St. Denis, who was now a Knight of the Order of St. Louis. These two visited often, two knights on a tiny western frontier. By now the French and Spanish had intermarried frequently so that the Arroyo Hondo barrier stood in name only.

On June 11, 1744, St. Denis died. Morales came to offer his condolences as did many from Los Adais. Indians and slaves alike bowed their heads to the memory of this man.

Governor Morales, in keeping with the false cold front of diplomacy, wrote his superiors, “St. Denis is dead, thank God, now we can breathe easier”.

Captain Caesar de Blanc, a son-in-law of St. Denis, was appointed Post Commandante at Natchitoches and in the same year, 1744, Governor Morales was replaced by Francois Garcia Larios. These two men had no outstanding quarrels, for during these four years both the French and the Spanish prospered, crops were favorable and the trail from Los Adais was traveled daily by each of the nationalities. The Natchitoches area was prosperous and shipped to New Orleans, tobacco, cattle, horses and other farm products. Even those farmers at Los Adais were selling to the New Orleans market. Young Gil Y. Barbo was importing wild cattle and horses, obtained from the plains of Texas, driven over El Camino Real to the Adais-Natchitoches frontier, and on to New Orleans.

There was a working agreement between Juan de Mora and Lt. Derbonne, now retired from the French army and a civilian, farmer, trader and exporter of note in the Natchitoches post area.

In 1748 Pedro del Barrios Jacinto y Esprilla, an Alcolade of the Santo Hernando of all New Spain, was appointed the new Governor of Los Adais. The humdrum life of the frontier was too much for the new Governor so he gave up his position to Jacinto de Barrios y Gauregui in 1750. Barrios remained as governor until 1759, having had the fortitude to be Governor of Los Adais for a longer span of time than any of his predecessors. By now third generation Spaniards were being born on the Texas frontier from San Antonio De Bexar to Los Adais. These people were experiencing a new freedom not felt anywhere else in New Spain. They now regarded this land of Texas as their own. The seat of government was too far away to exercise a cloistered, ruling hand over them.

In 1759 Angle de Martos y Navarette replaced Jacinto Barrios as Governor of Los Adais. Navarette was a merchant and began to liven the frontier. Up to this time the French were supplying the area with all needed material, but when the new Governor came, fine Spanish lace, woolens and linen, finer than any which had previously been offered for sale on the frontier, and nails, which had always been scarce on the frontier, became plentiful.

In 1762 Louis XV gave Louisiana to his cousin Charles III of Spain.

In 1762 Caesar De Blanc was replaced at Natchitoches by Adrian Francois Le Doux as Post Commandante. He was in turn replaced by Angelus La Perrier in 1764. Perrier was the Commandante who received the first Catholic nuns to arrive in Natchitoches; thus 1765 marked the date of the beginning of formal scholastic training in the area.

Through his merchandising endeavors on this French-Spanish frontier Navarette had amassed for himself an estimated eighty thousand dollar fortune. In 1767 Don Hugo O’Connor was appointed Governor of the Adais and Texas country, and in November of that year, on the seventh day, Commandante La Perrier had the sad responsibility of turning over the Natchitoches Post to Don Antonio Ulloa representing the Spanish Government. In this same year O’Connor received a visitor, Padre Jose de Solice, who kept a diary of his visitation which was translated by Reverend Peter T. Forristal and was published as one of the preliminary studies of the Texas-Coahuila Historical Society.

Father Solice records the work of the priests of the Mission de Los Adais. There were 256 baptisms, 64 marriages and 116 burials. At the Natchitoches Post he found records of 20 baptisms, 13 marriages and 15 burials. (Natchitoches was quite often without the services of a priest and the padres of Los Adais supplied their spiritual needs).

Also, in 1767 Athanase De Mezieres, a Frenchman, was appointed Commandante of Post St. Jean Baptiste Des Natchitoches.

In 1770 Baron de Ripperda was appointed Governor of Los Adais and it befell his duty to see to the evacuation of Presidio Senors del Pilar de Los Adais. The Spanish authorities decided that now that the Louisiana Territory was entirely under Spanish jurisdiction, this presidio was no longer necessary.[9]

Ripperda issued orders that all settlers and army personnel were to be ready in three days to leave the area. Many of the farmers fled to the Natchitoches area with their families and worldly goods.

With Natchitoches now the seat of Government of the Texas area westward to San Antonio, El Camino Real was lengthened at least fifteen miles in extent from Natchitoches to Mexico City. De Mezieres had under his jurisdiction an area extending from Post Du Rapides (Alexandria) to the Ataquapois in Oklahoma southward to San Antonio.

The inhabitants of Los Adais and those residing around the missions in the Nacogdoches area were rebellious and Baron Ripperda extended his ultimatum to five days.

Antonio Gil y Barbo and Gil Flores became the heroes of the evacuation of Los Adais, some five hundred men, women and children moved to the vicinity of San Antonio. The former inhabitants of El Camino Real were not happy. They longed for the fertile soil and forests which abounded in wild game of the East Texas and West Louisiana area. Flores and y Barbo were sent with a petition to the Viceroy of Mexico. The two returned with the news that the people would be allowed to settle in a new area. They moved to a settlement on the Trinity River at Robbins Crossing, the present day location in Madison County, Texas.

Floods and the danger of hostile Indians soon forced the settlers to seek a new environment. They moved eastward to Nacogdoches under the leadership of y Barbo. There in 1779 was established the Town of Nacogdoches.

Y Barbo and a party of followers went back to Los Adais and dug up four of the six cannon buried there just prior to the evacuation of the area. They returned to Nacogdoches and re-established La Presidio de Neustra Senora de Los Delores de Nacogdoches and in the same year Antonio Gil y Barbo was appointed Commandante of the Presidio.

At Natchitoches in 1773 Commandante De Mezieres kept contact with all of this vast area by assigning traders to establish trading posts among the different Indian tribes and suppliers were assigned to each trader:

Pierre Bison was sent to the Calcasieu Indians, the supplier was Reme Poissot; Louis Pablo Villeneuve De Blanc to Caddoquopois, Bisadorewas to supply him; Jose Antonio Bonetis was sent to Atachapois, this man was an independent trader; Pierre Blot was sent to the Nacogdoches Indians and Joseph Blancpain was to supply him; Caesar Barme was sent to the Yatasses near Campti, Louisiana;

Nicholas Chef was an independent trader to the Tokawanes; these were in an area fifty miles northwest of the present-day city of Fort Worth, Texas. It was one of the most remote trading posts from Natchitoches and De Mezieres assigned a supply-patrol of the militia at the Natchitoches Post to supply the necessary trade goods. Sergeant Joseph Trichell, who had been assigned to the Natchitoches Post in 1749, was to command the patrol which consisted of Corporal Nicholas Tournier and an accountant, Nicholas Le Noir. Four musketeers, Francois Hugue, Louis Moinet, Nicholas Pent and Andries Compiere. Domingo De Soto was to act as interpreter.

This patrol was responsible for the arrest of four Englishmen who had crossed the Mississippi River and were trading among the Tokawanes. The four men were William Warden, John Cross, John Hamilton and Jerome Matalinche.

De Mezieres was vexed with Sgt. Trichell for allowing the Englishmen to sell all of their trade goods to the Indians and threatened him with imprisonment, but Trichell explained that the Indians would have gone on the war path if they had not been allowed to trade for the English merchandise. Trichell countered with the fact that all of the profits of the English traders were now in his hands and that there was no difference if De Mezieres had the trade-goods or the profits. De Mezieres paid the Englishmen in French and Spanish coin equal to the original cost of the merchandise, and this same patrol was ordered to escort the Englishmen fifty miles east of Natchez before setting them free. The Englishmen were charged with the Patrol’s expenses.

Luis de Quindise was an independent Spanish trader and was sent to the Adais Indians. Pierre Dupain was sent to the Peticaddo; Andre D’Hutrive was sent to the Bidias on the Trinity River; Alexis Grappe was sent to the Ais and Guierlero Lestage was to supply him.

In 1770 DeMezieres following St. Denis’ method of keeping peace with the Indians, invited the Chiefs to come and stand before him at Post Du Natchitoches to receive presents in the name of the King of Spain. Along El Camino Real traveled such great Chiefs as:

Tinhioune, Chief of the Caddoquopois. Santo, head Chief of the Bidias and Don Melchor, otherwise called Gorgorritos, a sub Chief of the Bidias. Quirotaches, Chief of the Nacogdoches Indians. Christobal, Chief of the Taouaizes. Vigotos, head Chief of the Hasinai Federation of Indians.

Thus, by gaining the friendship and allegiance of the most important Indian Chiefs of the territory, DeMezieres established an easy feeling between the Indians and the Spanish Government.

As of February 16, 1776 DeMezieres sent this Census Report to Unzaga, Governor at New Orleans:

113 homes; 105 heads of families with 86 women; 77 youths able to bear arms; 106 infants; 34 unmarried women; 84 bachelors and non residents engaged in hunting and fishing and trade with the Indians; 2 male and 2 female free people of color; 2 male and 1 female mulattos; 410 Indian and negro slaves (men, women and children); 277 pieces of fire arms; 1258 head horses, 842 head cattle, 3000 head sheep and goats and 783 hogs and 481 mules. There was shipped from Natchitoches: 1000 head horses; 100 mules; 9 quintals of indigo; 15 fenegas of indigo seed; 30,000 packages of tobacco; 120 buffalo hides; 36,000 deer hides; 5000 ambrias of bear oil; 5000 pounds of tallow, quantities of bacon and meats, both salted and dried.

X AFTER THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE

In 1802 Louisiana was ceded back to France by Spain by the Treaty of Ildefonso. On May 2, 1803 Livingston and Monroe signed with Barbe-Marbois the purchase treaty which was dated back to April 30, 1803; thus Louisiana became a possession of the United States.

Spain did not approve of the sale of Louisiana and decided to reclaim all of the land originally occupied prior to the time when Louisiana was ceded to Spain.

There was a movement of Spanish soldiers under the command of General Hurrera as far as Nacogdoches and from there patrols were sent across the Sabine River.

Fort Claiborne, established in 1805 at Natchitoches by orders of General Wilkinson, was occupied by several companies of the Second Infantry of the United States Army under the command of Major Porter.

Dr. John Sibley had been appointed Indian Agent for this area of the Southwestern Frontier by Governor Claiborne. Dr. Sibley had been keeping an account of the Spanish patrol movements east of the Sabine River through contact with the Indians of the area. On February 2, 1806, he sent a letter to Major Moses Porter at Fort Claiborne saying that there was a detachment of Spanish militia encamped at Juan Mora’s Lagoon, also known as Conichi Ranch, one league east of Los Adais on Bayou Dupont.

Lt. Piatt was sent with a letter to Nacogdoches, demanding that all Spanish patrols east of the Sabine River retire immediately to the west bank of that stream.

Captain Edward D. Turner left for the Los Adais area with a detachment of soldiers on February 5, 1806. The Spanish patrol was contacted and Captain Turner delivered the ultimatum of Major Porter that it retire to the west bank of the Sabine River.[10]

This document from the U. S. Army records shows the result of that meeting: The beginning of the Neutral Strip.

At the Adais February 6, 1806.

I, Joseph Maria Gonzalez, commandante of his most Catholic Majesty’s troops on this side of the Rio Sabinas, hereby having agreed with Captain Edward D. Turner, Captain in the United States Army, to return all troops of his Catholic Majesty’s to the other side of the said Rio Sabinas, as soon as my horses will permit it or in five days, or at the most six, and to make my march this day and I also oblige myself to not send any more patrols on this side of the Rio Sabinas.

Signed: Ensign Joseph Maria Gonzalez Witness: John V. Duforest (Interpreter)

The above document was the result of an agreement establishing a no-man’s land between the Arroyo Hondo and the Sabine River, which neither the United States Government nor the Mexican Government would use, until a final settlement could be reached between the two said governments about a boundary. This agreement was made by two young officers representing their respective countries, both willing to fight for their countries, but both having the intelligence and initiative to declare a stalemate to prevent a war.

This forty mile wide strip of land became known as the Neutral Strip, and in it gathered the lawless of both countries. Even so, from within this lawless area were to come men who would strike the first blow for Texas independence.

In 1807 several slaves of Louis Derbonne and other planters owning land adjoining the Neutral Strip, fled into the Neutral Strip and from there they went to Nacogdoches and on to Trinidad de Salcedo on the Trinity River, where they were given refuge by the Spanish Government.

On September 5, 1807, Don Manuel de Salcedo, Governor of Texas at Nacogdoches, received a letter saying:

The planters of the Natchitoches area are threatening to organize a force of 250 men to go after slaves known to be in the Texas area of Nacogdoches and at Trinidad de Salcedo unless the slaves are returned.

The letter reminded the Spanish Governor of Article XX of the treaty between the United States and Mexico which said fugitive slaves must be returned to their owners. The letter was signed by Judge John Carr, and Justices Rouquier and Paillette.

The above letter and a letter from Governor Claiborne brought about the desired results. The governor might have been influenced by the knowledge of the Phillip Nolan filibustering expedition in 1800 which spent itself at Waco-Texas vicinity. Nolan had for several years traveled westward from the Alexandria, Louisiana area and established a trail straight westward into the Texas-San Antonio area, where he was trading for and capturing wild horses and cattle. This trail later became known as Nolan’s Trace.

XI THE DEVIL’S PLAY GROUND

When Generals Wilkinson and Herrera agreed to the boundaries set by their two junior officers, Turner and Gonzalez, they created a back door to the United States of a forty-mile-wide strip which was to become one of the most lawless places that ever existed within the confines of the United States.

Every outlaw and murderer made this Neutral Strip his destination, The Free State of Sabine, it was called. Neither Spain nor the United States wished to have the responsibility or the expense of policing this outlaw state, although the southland’s busiest road cut through the center of it. But traffic was heavy just the same. Many found that the only safe way to cross the strip was to travel in force, therefore, either at Natchitoches or on the west side of Sabine River, the travelers waited until a large enough group was gathered to guarantee safe travel.

The outlaws of the Strip dealt in horse stealing, cattle rustling, counterfeiting, or any other form of crime that might strike their fancy. There is no definite data or history of the goings-on inside the area, but many men who lived in, or traveled through the district recorded their experiences in diaries and stories or just handed down hearsay tales of the happenings in this lawless land. There, a person’s security was strapped at his hips or carried in his hands in the form of pistols, long rifles or knives. Even the long, rawhide whip was considered a deadly weapon in the hands of an expert.

Los Adais was a waystation and on the bulletin board appeared one day a word with a new meaning, Sabina 28, the same sign appeared on the Rendezvous Oak at Natchitoches. To the average citizen it meant nothing, but to those in the know it meant slaves would be for sale at a point near Pendleton at the ferry on Sabine River on the 28th of that month.

With the discovery of a new way to granulate sugar and with the invention of the cotton gin, the land around Los Adais and Natchitoches became highly productive when planted in sugar cane and cotton and more slaves were needed, but the United States had forbidden their importation.

To Jean Lafitte, the pirate, the Sabine River with the protection of the Neutral Strip, became the back door to the United States. Slaves for wagon loads of food were commonly exchanged, according to the statements of a Mr. Tulley at Los Adais and Mr. Gunlineau at Natchitoches. Lafitte needed food for his pirate operations. Up the Sabine River the boats were pulled, poled or paddled by the slaves to be sold. From the Los Adais and Natchitoches areas came wagon loads of food, smoked hams, kegs of salted bacon, cornmeal, kegs of molasses, wine, corn whiskey, dried beans, peppers, tobacco, sweet potatoes and gourds of honey, with spiced cake sent by hopeful wives to the pirates so that their husbands might make more profitable deals.

Back on the same wagons came the slaves, bolts of cloth, jewelry and perfume (Lafitte’s storehouses was filled with goods from every Spanish and British ship that he could capture). Everything was legal as far as the bills of sale went. A certain honest merchant in New Orleans, with a good reputation and scruples, signed blank bills of sale, to be filled in by Tulley and Gunlineau.

This may seem rather crude to the average reader—the smuggling of slaves and the ladies sending spiced goods to the pirates on the Sabine River. At this very time the United States was confiscating where it could slaves that had been smuggled in, selling them and giving the informers half of the proceeds of the sales. Nothing was said about putting the slaves on a boat and returning them to their homeland. (Question: Are there very many people today who try to beat the Income Tax?) There was some good to come out of all this. Lafitte assisted the United States in the defense of New Orleans in the war of 1812, furnishing men, ammunition and food. Where did he obtain the food? From the Los Adais and Natchitoches area. Lafitte, Tulley and Gunlineau were merely supplying the demand for a necessary merchandise and certainly the slaves were better off because of it.

Noah Smithwick, who had visited the Strip, wrote of the murders, robberies and numerous violations of law there. He gives us one tale that falls in line with the demand and supply of the times. Because the man he wrote about was still alive he calls this character, John Doe. Doe was a counterfeiter of money, especially the Mexican silver dollar. The people at that time had no “jingling” money for their pockets and Doe supplied this demand, with a silver-coated copper coin. Because of a slight flaw in the press the coins were easily identified and called Doe’s dollars.

An Indian approached Doe one day and handed him one of the counterfeit dollars requesting that Doe put a new skin on it. Doe obliged by giving the Indian a new counterfeit dollar for the old one, explaining to the Indian that dollars were like snakes, they always shed their skins. Doe’s dollars, although not recognized outside the Strip, were regarded as legal tender therein.

It was said that Doe’s dollars were of more handsome design than the original Mexican Eagle Silver Dollar.

Doe, however, minted pure silver dollars of the same design. He mixed enough of these with the bogus dollars so that on occasion when a dollar was questioned and the dollar tested, it was found to be of pure silver.

Doe, like all counterfeiters, wished to extend his operations but he wandered out of the Strip on the American side and was arrested.

Every old place has its ghost story and “Spanish Town” is no exception: