Letter 19 April 1941 from the Office for Jewish and Masonic Problems.

Frankfurt on the Main, 1 Schwindstrasse; Schi/Fl.

To the Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the complete mental and doctrinal training and education of the NSDAP, attention Adjutant, Berlin W 35, 17 Margaretenstr., Party member Koeppin.

Written by Chief Reich Director (Oberreichsleiter) Schimner and signed by him.

* * * * *

Letter of 3 April 1941, K IV/kr.

To the Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the complete mental and doctrinal education of the NSDAP,

Reich Director Alfred Rosenberg, Berlin W 35, 17 Margareten Str. Written and signed by the Reich Treasurer of the Party Schwarz.

Copy of a letter of 28 March 1941, from the Reich Commissar for the occupied territories of the Netherlands, General Commissar for Special Purposes, Section ro. international organizations, Den Haag, Fluweelen Burgwal 22; SCH/R.

To F.J.M. Rehse, Munich 2 M, 1 Residenzstrasse (residence)

Written by Schwier, authenticated by Kretzer.

* * * * *

Copy of a letter from NSDAP, Collection FJM. Rehse, 2 April 1941, Munich, 1 Residenzstr.

To the Reich Treasurer Schwarz, Munich, Administration Building

Written by F.J.M. Rehse, Authenticated by Reigl

* * * * *

[The five previously enumerated letters all deal with the request of party member Rehse to obtain the furnishings, paraphernalia and books of a masonic lodge for the party collection Rehse. This was finally granted in the letter of 22 May 1941 by Rosenberg.]

* * * * *

11 June 1942 R./K. 1035/42

To the Reich Treasurer of the NSDAP, Reich Director Franz Xavier Schwarz Munich 33

Dear Party Member Schwarz,

The work of my staff for special purposes has been hampered through lack of personnel. Nevertheless, the tabulating of the cultural objects secured from France has progressed so far that an exhibition of selected paintings can be arranged in the castle Neuschwanstein. The overall catalogue will be ready for type-setting in a few weeks. I would enjoy it tremendously if the two of us could be the first ones to visit this exhibition. We could then decide which objects and tapestries to suggest to the Fuehrer to be used for the furnishing of the Seminary [Hohe Schule] respectively of my office. The Fuehrer will hardly be able to visit the exhibition due to the fact that he is presently overburdened with work. However I shall ask him to visit it later and shall inform you when the Fuehrer will be able to come.

Once more I thank you for your generous support extended to my staff for special purposes. I am convinced that a large number of most valuable cultural objects have been secured for the German people.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 091-PS

11 Sept 1944 R/U/K 2500/44

To the Reich's commissar for the Netherlands Reich's minister Dr. Seyss-Inquart

Subject: Removal of the library of the social institute of Amsterdam

Dear esteemed Party Member Dr. Seyss-Inquart!

The development of the military situation in the West has caused me to instruct my special purpose staff in Amsterdam, to remove the library of the social institute there, to the Reich by the quickest way. However, great difficulties have arisen to that effect due to the proximity of the front lines. I have therefore put at the disposal of the Chief of my main work division Netherlands, SS Major Schmidt-Staehler, the special purpose chief Gummert with full powers for the execution of this task. Since this library is mainly composed of a unique collection of the writings of the European Marxism, it is therefore irreplaceable for our ideological-political struggles.

I request therefore sincerely from you to be of assistance to my deputies Schmidt-Staehler and Gummert, with your authority as Reich's commissar for the Netherlands, in case the difficulties arising by the removal of the library cannot be surmounted by them.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 098-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN LABOR PARTY

Munich, 33, Brown house at present Berlin, 22 Feb 40

Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Leader

Mr. Reich leader Alfred Rosenberg _Berlin W 35_ Margareten Str. 17

Chancellery Rosenbery, 24 Feb 40 rec. No. 555 copy AR and Urban St

_Subject: Directions for the administration of classes in religion_

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

The deputy of the Fuehrer has heard from different sources, that Reich Bishop Mueller tells everywhere, that he received a commission from you to work out directions for formulating the teaching of religion for the schools.

I have not been able to examine the statements of Reich Bishop Mueller as to their correctness. The question, having come up for discussion again by the statements of Reich Bishop Mueller, is however in my mind of such fundamental importance for the future ideological position of the party, that I find it necessary, already now to point out to you the serious objections I have in regard to such a commission.

The ministry for education of the Reich has repeatedly indicated its desire in the course of the past few years for new directions for formulating the teaching of religion, which would also be acceptable to the NSDAP.

With your agreement, this request has repeatedly been refused by the Fuehrer's deputy. Just as your ministry did, so the deputy of the Fuehrer took the position based on the assumption, that it could not be the task of the party to give directions for the instruction of the teachings of Christian religions.

Christianity and National Socialism are phenomena which originated from entirely different basic causes. Both differ fundamentally so strongly, that it will not be possible to construct a Christian teaching which would be completely compatible with the point of view of the national socialist ideology; just as the communities of Christian faith would never be able to stand by the ideology of national socialism in its entirety. The issuing of national socialist directions for the teaching of religious classes would however be based on a synthesis of national socialism and Christianity which I find impossible.

If the directions should really be permeated by the spirit of national socialism, some very fundamental articles of faith of the Christian teachings could not be recognized. I am referring here only to the position of the Christian churches to the race question, to the question of hindrance or destruction of life not valuable, its position to marriage, which speaks for the celibacy of priests and the toleration and furtherance of orders for monks and nuns, the teaching, contradictory to German feeling, of the immaculate conception of Mary, etc.

No matter how these directions may be formulated, in no case will they ever simultaneously find the approval of the church and the party.

In addition to this, the religions themselves cannot agree on the contents of the Christian teachings; as far as the Protestants themselves are concerned, there are not only the followers of the confessional church in the Reich and the German Christians, but also the adherents of a teaching, which is endeavoring to create a new Lutheran Christendom of a particular kind approximately in the shape which seems desirable to the Reich Minister of churches, party member Kerrl. The party thus would have to decide first which of these directions of faith it would give preference, or if it should even decide for a fourth. I do not think it entirely impossible that the Reich Bishop may take this latter road, since according to his last publication he himself has already turned sharply away from conceptions which up to now have been part of the faith of the German Christians.

But if directions for the instruction of religion should ever be worked out, it will not be enough, to my mind, to make them for Protestants only; respective directions should also be worked out for Catholics. To work out directions for instructions of Catholic faith, the Reich Bishop is hardly the suitable person, and one would probably have to choose a Catholic. Of course the directions for both faiths would differ in fundamental questions, each, however would lay claim to the fact that it really contained the truly authentic interpretation of article 24 of the party program.

By issuing directions nothing would therefore be improved in the present situation in the field of the churches. The fight between the faiths would be carried on in the old form and spread into the lines of the party. Yes, all faiths and Christian groups would attack state and party, because they had assumed to encroach upon their own territory, that of teaching the Christian faith and to try to reform it.

The churches cannot be conquered by a compromise between national socialism and Christian teachings, but only through a new ideology, whose coming you yourself have announced in your writings. Because of this conviction we have always been careful, not to exert a reforming influence on the Christian dogma in any shape nor to exert any influence on the church directives for religious teachings. In complete mutual agreement we have rejected the intention of the Reich Minister for churches who, against the objection of the party, always tried anew to renew the church life in the frame of national socialist spirit, in searching for a compromise between Christian teachings and the ideology of national socialism.

Should, however, any one personality emanating from the life of the church, be charged now to work out directions for the teaching of the Christian religion, the party would thereby basically approve and accept for itself the position of the Reich Minister for the churches previously opposed by it as there is no basic difference between a position which wants to reform and reorganize the church life in its entirety, and one which aims at this goal solely in the realm of the education of youth.

So far we have always been in accord, that by taking such a step the party would leave the soil on which it is firmly planted and would step on the swaying ground of the controversial Christian doctrines. It would enter into the domain of the interpretation of the teachings of Jesus, and there would doubtless be subordinate to those who for centuries have done nothing but interpret and rewrite the words and deeds of Jesus of Nazareth as written in the old books about the actual wording of which the scientists fight even today. When in later decades and centuries the German people's soul liberated by national socialism should once again be choked and crippled by Christian doctrines, it could be possible that it may have been caused by today's attempt to effect a synthesis between national socialism and Christianity.

On the other hand, of course I am also of the opinion that it is not possible to eliminate the religious instruction in schools without replacing it with something better for the moral education of youth.

Religious instruction as given in schools today does not only comprise the instruction in the Christian doctrines of faith, the teachings of the creation of the world and of the life thereafter; besides, the children receive also instructions in the ten commandments, which for most comrades of the people to this day still are the only directives for their moral behavior and for an orderly collective life in the people's community. If this instruction is taken from the children without replacing it with something better, the objection can be made--in my estimation not without reason, that, as many contend, the present degradation of youth is in part caused by the lack of religious instruction in schools.

What, in my opinion, is therefore necessary is the preparation of a short directive about a national socialist life formulation. We need for the work of education in the party, especially also in the Hitler Youth a short resume in which the ethical principles are documented, to respect which each German boy and girl, who at one time will be representatives of the national socialistic Germany, must be educated. In such a directive for instance belongs the law of bravery, the law against cowardness, the commandment of love for the soulful nature in which God makes himself apparent also in the animal and the plant, a commandment to keep the blood pure; many principles also belong here which are for instance also contained in the decalogue of the Old Testament, as far as they can be regarded as moral principles of all people's life.

The publication of such a directive can and must only come out of our national socialist conduct of life. Its commandments of customs need to be explained by reference to any doctrines of faith about the creation of life and about life of the soul after death.

They can and must originate beyond any confessional discussions.

I take the publication of such a directive to be of utmost importance, because the German boys and girls must once be told what they can and must do, and what is forbidden for them to do. I don't even think it necessary to introduce this directive immediately into the schools as a text; it would be sufficient if for the time being it would be introduced into the party and its affiliations. Later it could also be taken over by the schools just as the little Catechism also was not created by the school boards, but first taught by the Church and later taken over by the schools.

As far as the religious instructions in the schools is concerned, I do not think that anything has to be changed in the present situation. No fault can be found with any national socialist teacher, who after the unmistakenly clear instructions of the Fuehrer's deputy, is ready to give school instructions in the Christian religion. For the contents of this instruction, however, the directives should still be binding which have in former years been made by the churches themselves. In the circular of the Fuehrer's deputy No. 3/39 of 4 Jan 1939 it is stated explicitly that the teachers charged with religious instruction are not to choose from the material on biblical history at their own discretion, but have the obligation to teach the entire biblical instruction material. Interpretations, explanations and separations in the sense of several attempts of particular church directions have to be omitted. The pupils must be given the entire picture of the biblical instruction material.

However, the teachers have the right to present this material as property of biblical thought and not as that of Germany or national socialism. If thus in some cases comparison will be drawn, this, according to the circular, corresponds only to the duties of the educator. Against such instruction of religion the churches cannot have any objections.

When, sometime later, the proposed directive for a new German conduct of life first to be used in the educational work of the party, will have found entry into the schools, it shall in no way supplant classes in religion. It may perhaps be used as a foundation for some classes in German and must have validity for all pupils, without consideration of their religious affiliations. Against such educational procedure the churches could not object, either because it would really be a matter of additional education, which would take place next to the religious instruction and without any connection with it. On the contrary, the churches would have reason to be thankful to the state because it is not satisfied with the religious instruction according to the very insufficient moral education based on the ten commandments, but that it is giving youth an additional Education, which makes much higher demands on its moral conduct.

Parallel to that the desire of the parents for the instruction in the doctrines of faith may thus well go on. The stronger and more fertile our _positive_ educational work in the schools will be formulated, however the more certain it is that instruction of religions will be losing in importance.

If the youth which is now being educated according to our moral laws will later have to decide if it is still willing to have its children brought up in the far inferior Christian doctrines, the decision will in most cases be negative.

I would think that today, seven years after taking over the power, it should be possible to set up principles for a national socialist conduct of life. They have long been apparent to the people from the numerous early fighters for the national socialist idea.

As long as we do not master this task, however, it will always be pointed out from various sides, and rightly so, that children, not taking part in religious instruction, are no longer taught even the most simple moral laws which are a standard for the communal life of all nations.

The Fuehrer's deputy finds it necessary that all these questions should be thoroughly discussed in the near future in the presence of the Reich leaders, who are especially affected by them. I would appreciate it very much if you would let me know your position in this matter before the discussion.

Heil Hitler!

/s/ M. Bormann

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 099-PS

National Socialist German Workers Party. The Fuehrer's Deputy Staff leader

Munich 33, Brown House, at present Berlin W 8, 9 Jan., 1940. Wilhelmstr. 64 III Dr. Kl/Gf.

To Reichsleiter Party Comrade Alfred Rosenberg _Berlin W 35_ Margareten Strasse 17

_Subject_: Raising of a War Fund from the Churches.

Enclosed, I forward to you the copy of a letter, sent today to the Reichsminister for Finance, for cognizance.

Heil Hitler

/s/ M. Bormann (M. Bormann)

_Enclosure._

* * * * *

Berlin 19 Jan 1940 Dr. Kl/Gf.

To the Reichsminister for Finance _Berlin W 8_ Wilhelmplatz 1-2

_Subject_: Raising of a War Fund from the Churches.

As it has been reported to me, the war fund of the churches has been specified from the 1 November 1939 on, at first for the duration of three months at RM 1,800,000.--per month, of which Rm 1,000,000.--are to be paid by the Protestant church and RM 800,000.--by the Catholic church per month.

The establishment of such a low amount has surprised me. I construe from numerous reports, that the political communities have to raise such a large war fund, that the execution of their tasks, partially very important for example in the field of public welfare, is endangered. In consideration of that, a larger quota from the churches appears to be absolutely appropriate.

* * * * *

In my opinion, the determination of the amount cannot be affected by the argument that the fund could only have as a consequence a decrease of the material expenses, but not of the personnel expenses of the churches. I consider it absolutely bearable, to decrease also the personnel expenses, especially for the Catholic clergymen. In contrast to all other German men, obliged to serve, not one Catholic clergyman is in the field as the soldier; also none of the Catholic clergymen takes obligations unto himself voluntarily, like the ones which must be borne by every German family head.

As far as the technical handling of the war fund to be determined for the Catholic Church is concerned, in my opinion, the state does not have to bother to figure out the individual partial contributions, which must be raised by the various Orders and religious associations. I would rather consider it correct if the amount is determined in one for the entire Catholic Church, and if one then leaves it to the Church to divide up this amount according to its own best knowledge. However, the state must be free to call upon the property and funds of the various individual parts and groups of the church arbitrarily to make its demands valid.

As far as the Evangelical Church is concerned, for years the efforts of the Reichminister for Church Affairs have been in the direction to organize all the State Churches [Landeskirchen] of the Evangelical Church into one unified organization with a unified leadership for the spiritual as well as for the financial affairs. Despite the objections, raised by the party, these plans were more and more elaborated upon; even during the war, they were followed up without interruption. Therefore it is not unjust, to determine in one for the Evangelical Church the war fund to be raised according to the same principles, which have been developed for the Catholic Church.

It should be left up to the State Churches [Landeskirchen] and religious associations, who consider such treatment unjust, to demonstrate in an easily perceptible manner, that they are not in any dependent relationship to the leadership of the German Evangelical Church, and do not desire to come under the latter's dominion.

I would be thankful to you, if you could inform us very soon, how high the amount of the war fund of the churches has been set at. The sum, calculated for the duration of the first three months, of which, as I understand, the churches have not paid one penny, may not correspond in any way to the capability, as figured from the entire fortune and from the contribution and/or tax income of the Churches.

Heil Hitler

By order

M B (M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 100-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Munich 33 Brown House at present Berlin, 18 Jan 40 Bo/Si

The Deputy of the Fuehrer, Chief of Staff

Mr. Rosenberg, member of the executive board of the Party [Reichsleiter]

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstr. 17

Office Rosenberg No of entry 196. 20 Jan 40 submitted to RL Rosbg 1/20 Copies AR and Urban

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

A few days ago you expressed to the Fuehrer at the Reich Chancellory that Reich Bishop Mueller had written an excellent book for the German soldier. I am of different opinion. This book familiarizes a new soldier who has already given up Christianity with partly camouflaged trains of thought.

As I have written to you already, I consider it the most essential demand of the hour that NS publications worth reading for the German soldier should be written immediately by your Office and other qualified National Socialists. This opinion has been confirmed by many regional Party leaders. Thus we set against the sale of Christian pamphlets the highly increased sale of national socialist publications which are popular.

Heil Hitler:

Yours Signed: BORMANN (M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 101-PS

National Socialist German Workers' Party

Munich 33, the Brown House At Present, Berlin W 8, 17 Jan. 1940

Wilhelmstrasse 64 III--Dr. Kl/Gf Rosenberg Chancellory

Entry No. 187--[? ?] 18 Jan. 40 Reich Director Rosenberg

--Shown 189 --Copy [? ?]

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Director To Reich Director Party Member Rosenberg _Berlin W 35_ Margaretenstr. 17

Nearly all the districts report to me regularly, that the Churches of both confessions are administering spiritually to members of the Armed Forces. This administering finds its expression especially in the fact that soldiers are being sent religious publications by the spiritual leaders of the home congregations. These publications are in part very cleverly composed. I have repeated reports that these publications are being read by the troops and thereby exercise a certain influence on the morale.

I have in the past sought by sounding out the General Field Marshall, the High Command of the Armed Forces and Party Member Reich Director Amann, to restrict considerably the production and shipment of publications of this type. The result of these efforts remain unsatisfactory. As Reich Director [Reichsleiter] Amann has repeatedly informed me, the restriction of these pamphlets by means of the printing paper rationing has not been achieved because the paper used for the production of these writings is being purchased on the open market. Publications can only be confiscated by special police measures because they are designed to weaken the morale of the troops. Such police measures are really unsatisfactory and in their final execution very much disputed.

Likewise, the prior censorship of all writings by the High Command of the Armed Forces which takes place at the distribution points of the Armed Forces service bureau, is not sufficient in my opinion, to guarantee that the soldiers are not given an undesired influence by the Churches. A publication, the contents of which are clearly tied to the Christian dogma and which do not contain attacks against Party, State or the Armed Forces, can not in general be refused permission by this examining commission.

If the influencing of the soldiers by the Church is to be effectively combatted, this will only be accomplished, in my opinion, by producing many good publications in the shortest time possible under the supervision of the Party. These publications should be so composed that the soldiers will really prefer to read them, and at the same time, indoctrinate the soldiers with a National Socialist World philosophy, not the Christian viewpoint.

Thus at the last meeting of the deputy Gauleiters complaints were uttered on this matter to the effect that a considerable quantity of such publications are not available. This is the reason I believe, that the publication by your expert, Office Director [Amtsleiter] Party Member Ziegler, "_Soldier Belief--Soldier Honor_" [Soldatenglaube--Soldatenehre] has had so great a sale in a short time.

I maintain that it is necessary that in the near future we transmit to the Party Service Offices down to local group directors [Ortsgruppenleitern] a list of additional publications of this sort which should be sent to our soldiers by the local groups, Party military units [Sturme] or their adherents and friends in the field. I should not regard it as necessary or even good if the majority of these publications should have a spiritual or philosophical character. Rather I should regard it as much preferable if these publications in their finished form were styled in as varied a manner as possible, thus having an appeal to all members of the Armed Forces, regardless of their occupational or professional achievements, regardless of their interests and their background.

I should be very appreciative if you would devote your very special attention to this task, in the near future. My expert, Party Member Dr. Klopfer, is available to you for consultation about the material on hand here which is at your disposal at any time upon your call.

As the production of these publications (which at the moment are not in existence) will take a certain amount of time, and as, on the other hand, I believe that the supplying of the troops with good publications ought not to be delayed a day, I should be indebted to you if you would transmit to me a list of the already existing publications which the deputy of the Fuehrer can recommend to the Party Service Offices as suitable for dispatch to the Armed Forces.

Heil Hitler! [Signed] M. BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 107-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Munich 17 June 1938 The Brown House

Deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Leader

CIRCULAR LETTER NR. 72/38

To all Reichsleiter and Regional Directors [Gauleiter]

Enclosed please find, for your information, a copy directions for participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienstes in religious celebrations.

Signed: M. BORMANN

Rosenberg Chancellory In Nr. 226601 on 21 June 38 Certified true copy M 1 inclosure

* * * * *

Copy

Directions for the participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienstes in religious celebrations.

The Reichsarbeitsdienst is a training school in which the German youth should be educated to national unity in the spirit of National Socialism.

This problem can only be solved, if all the ideas which at one time were directed to the breaking up of national unity, are subdued in Reichsarbeitsdienst. Therefore it is forbidden to have any class, professional and religious barriers in the Reichsarbeitsdienst.

What religious beliefs a person has is not a decisive factor, but it is decisive that he first of all feels himself a German.

Every religious practice is forbidden in the Reichsarbeitsdienst because it disturbs the comrade-like harmony of all working men and women.

On this basis every participation of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in churchly, that is religious, arrangements and celebrations is not possible.

A religious creed will strive within the German people for predominance. The Reichsarbeitsdienst in all its male and female leaders, working men and women strive for the indissoluble binding of the whole people.

Therefore not only allowing the members of the Reichsarbeitsdienst to attend church in a body, but also participation by the members of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in religious celebrations for example, weddings or funerals, violates the educational task which is facing the organization.

As little as it is the affair of the Reichsarbeitsdienst to forbid its individual members to have a church wedding or funeral, so definitely must the Reichsarbeitsdienst avoid taking part as an organization in a festival which is strictly religious, that is, which excludes Germans of other beliefs.

It is therefore, in any case, necessary to execute a clear temporal separation between the churchly celebration and the debut of the Reichsarbeitsdienst.

The Reichsarbeitsdienst does not participate in religious celebrations, but rather turns her support to the marriage or burial of a member before or after the churchly celebration.

The participation of the musical band of the Reichsarbeitsdienst in classical churchly concerts (for example, production of the "Schoepfung" by Haydn) is not to be regarded as a partaking in a religious celebration, and is always to be decided according to the local conditions.

Signed: HIERL

Authenticated: REISMEIR

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 113-PS

Rosenberg [in pencil]

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff Munich, Brown House, 27 July 1938

III Entered 11 Aug 38 6691 [Stamped]

Rosenberg Chancellery [Stamped] Entry No. 2896k 3 Aug 38

REGULATION NR 104/38

(Not to be published)

Requested to be returned from III, Returned 22 Aug

[in pencil]

With regard to the constantly emphasized neutrality of the party with the churches, it is pertinent to eliminate, as far as possible, the existing frictions. Since pastors, as political and subordinate leaders have shown in the past that they were not able to make decisions when the job of trusteeship was added to the danger of having them drawn into church conflicts, the Deputy of the Fuehrer has decreed the following:

1. Pastors are to be released immediately from their party function as standard bearers [Hoheitstraeger].

2. Pastors are to be interchanged little by little according to replacements at hand as political or subordinate leaders of the congregations.

3. As of now, it is forbidden to continue appointments of pastors to positions in the Party, to their congregations, and to groups associated with church activities.

Signed: M. BORMANN

Certified true copy: Friedrichs Distributor: II b

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 116-PS

SECRET

Copy Dt.

National Socialist German Workers Party

The deputy of the Fuehrer Staff Director.

Munich, 24 January 1939.

III D--Es 3230/0/15--4278 g. Rosenberg Chancellery Receipt Nr. 6007-31 Jan 3

To the Delegate of the Fuehrer for the surveillance of the whole spiritual and world political philosophy schooling and education of the Nazi Party.

Reich Director [Reichsleiter] Party Member Alfred Rosenberg,--or representative.--

Berlin W. 35. Margarethenstr. 17

_Concerning: Theological Faculties._

My dear Party Member Rosenberg:

I am transmitting to you by the attached enclosure a copy of a letter I have written today to the Reich Minister for Knowledge, Education and Popular Education. I request that you take cognizance of the same.

Heil Hitler.

Your very devoted, (signed) M. BORMANN.

I Attachment.

* * * * *

SECRET

Copy Dt.

National Socialist German Workers Party The Deputy of the Fuehrer

Munich, 24 January 1939 III D-Fs 3230/0/15-4278 g

To the Reich Minister for Knowledge, Education and Popular Education.

To the Attention of Government Counsel Jahnert--or representative in the Office.

Berlin W. 8 Unter den Linden 69.

Concerning: Theological Faculties.

In regard to your letter of 28 Nov 38--(Office Chief W)--and the conference between Mr. State Minister Dr. Wacker and my expert party member Wemmer, I would like to again inform you of the stand the Party is taking.

Fundamentally, theological inquiry cannot be placed on the same footing as the general fields of knowledge in the Universities as it represents less a free field of knowledge than a confessional (i.e. religious) aim of research. No doubts exist on this ground if the theological faculties in the German High schools are appreciably restricted.

In this case, as you have likewise pointed out in your letter, the clause of the Concordat and the Church Treaties are to be taken into consideration. In the case of certain faculties, which are not mentioned by a specific clause in the Concordat and Church Treaties, as for example Munich and a few others, a suppression can be begun without further to do. This is equally true of the theological faculties in Austria, Vienna and Graz.

But also, in the case of the faculties which are specifically mentioned in the Concordat or Church Treaties, there now exists a special legal situation which has been created by the general change in circumstances. Particularly, the introduction of military service and the execution of the Four Year Plan must be considered. By virtue of these measures, and in addition by virtue of the fact of an extraordinary lack of replacement men in contrast to the earlier numerous replacement men available, it will be necessary to execute a certain reorganization of the German High Schools. Thus economics and simplifications are necessary. I should like to refer particularly once more to these questions on the basis of the oral discussion between Mr. State Minister Dr. Wacker and my expert. Because of this I would appreciate it very much if you would restrict the theological faculties insofar as they cannot be wholly suppressed in accordance with the above statement. In this event the matter concerns not only the theological faculties in the universities, but also the various state establishments which still exist in many places as institutes of high learning exclusively devoted to theology and without connection with a university.

I request in this instance the omission of any express declaration to the churches or to other places as well as the avoiding of a public announcement of these measures. Complaints and the like must be answered (if they are to be replied to) in the fashion that these measures are being executed in the course of the economic plan of reorganization and that similar things are happening to other faculties.

I would appreciate it very much if professorial chairs, thus vacated, can be then turned over to the newly created fields of inquiry of these last years, such as racial research, archaeology studies, etc.

Heil Hitler!

as representative Signed: M. BORMANN

Certified true copy Signed: Engel

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 117-PS

National Socialist German Workers' Party The delegate of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich 28 Jan. 1939 III D--Es 2240/0/21 3400 g.

Personal

Secret

To: The Fuehrer's delegate for the supervision of the entire mental and doctrinal teaching and education of the National Socialist German Worker's Party

Reichsleiter Rosenberg. Berlin W 35 Margarethenstr. 17.

Chancellery Rosenberg In: Nr. 6231--10 Feb. 39.

Subject: Armed Forces and Church

Dear Esteemed Party Member Rosenberg,

I sent to you in the annex for your reference a copy of my letter of to-day to the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces.

Heil Hitler

Your very devoted, Signed: BORMANN.

1 Enclosure.

* * * * *

SECRET

National Socialist German Workers' Party

Carbon copy

28 January 1939 III D Es 2240/0/21--34 g.

The Fuehrer's Deputy. To: The Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. To: Captain Thomee or his representative. Berlin W 35 Tirpitzufer 72-76

Subject: Armed Forces and Church

In reference to the conference between Brigadier General Reinecke and my expert party member, Chief Councillor to the Government Wemmer, of Wednesday the 11th of this month, I want to explain to you once more in order to confirm the arrangements made by my expert, the attitude of the party with regard to these questions.

In the last years, the party had to announce its position, time and time again, to the plan of establishing a State Church, or of a closer connection between the State and the Church. The party has repudiated these plans with all its force and for the following reasons. In the first place it would not be compatible for the doctrinal demands of National Socialism to unite the State with the churches as the outer organization of the religious communions which do not have as aim in all their fields the carrying out of the National Socialist principles. In the second place, considerations of a political nature oppose such an outer unity. At present, the churches, the Protestant as well as the Catholic one, are disunited internally, and partly externally too, seen from an organizational point of view, they do not form a unity any longer. A union of these churches with a State built on a strong close leadership and on any National Socialist principles is bound to fail. Such a union, furthermore, would result in constant arguing between Church and State. Furthermore, competence quarrels would arise constantly there, where measures have to be taken concerning either the State or the Church; in this case also one must always count with the difficulty that the Churches would refuse such decisions out of dogmatic reasons. Numerous examples of such an attitude can be found there, where out of historical reasons, there still is a union between State and Church, such as for instance in the case of the School. But even there where the State has recently tried to bring order in the affairs of the Church by making decisions such as for instance the setting up of a State's finance committee for the Church administration, experience has been made that one portion of the churches thought these decisions were necessary, but another portion thought, for dogmatic reasons, that this was an intolerable meddling with the church life. With such unfortunate circumstances, there is always a danger for the State that it has to execute its decisions forcibly if these are not being carried out; this particular condition must be prevented for several reasons.

For these reasons of doctrinal and political nature, the deputy of the Fuehrer has opposed the setting up of a State Church; he has also rejected the attempts to make use of the authority of the State for a different kind of union between the State and Church and to settle outer organizational matters which should be the task of the Church. The party, therefore, would regret very much if contrary to this attitude, the Armed Forces would continue with their plans to set up a private consistory for the Armed Forces, that is to say to create a private church for the Armed Forces. The Armed Forces Church would indeed be nothing else but a State Church within the Armed Forces. To supplement this I would like to bring out the following points:

1. A great portion of the ministers of both churches stand, in accordance with the attitude of the churches, in concealed and also open opposition to National Socialism and the State led by it. In these questions a different judgment of the case is presented as it would have been before or during the World War when the churches were in a more positive relationship to the State. Today, however, the churches and the ministers, should a crisis arise for this National Socialist State, would pass from concealed to open opposition. They will not in times of crisis support or help this state but at best leave it to its own fate. That they will even fight this State in these times in order to regain lost fields is clearly demonstrated by the Protestant beseeching prayer in reference to the Sudetenland crisis; I want to bring this incident to your attention once more. This high treasonlike beseeching prayer proves that the churches have only been waiting till the National Socialist State found itself, at least in their opinion, in a moment of uneasiness, to take up the fight against the State with their whole psychological influential means. In my opinion this fact deserves special attention, because this beseeching prayer clearly demonstrates in which spiritually extraordinary successful way these churches try to influence the individuals. I do not think that the ministers of these churches will be a support to the fighting troops, but that on the contrary, they will be to a great extent dangerous destroyers of the spiritual fighting strength in the decisive moment.

I want to emphasize that at that time this beseeching prayer was approved by most of the country's churches and that it was only later on, once these trying days were put to a good end, and often drawn out negotiations from the part of the Reich's church ministry had been ended, that some of the country's churches announced their disapproval; this disapproval, however, in the meantime was in part repudiated. A separate church from the Armed Forces even though it might free itself, as to its organization, from the other country's churches, will not be spared from this danger. The Armed Forces church would have to get its recruits from the other churches. Even if one would go as far, and this in my opinion is practically impossible, as to how the Armed Forces form their own ministery from youth on, this separation of an Armed Forces church from the rest of the churches will not be possible because their church faith ideas will remain the same because they are all based on dogmatic principles.

2. It is known to me that certain disputes arose when the Armed Forces tried to bring about a union between the Protestant and Catholic churches; furthermore, that certain organizational measures such as for instance the combining of the Church song book, the creation of a unified Church service etc. would be appropriate. But according to experiences which the party and the State encountered in these questions, the difficulties, instead of decreasing, on the contrary increase when these matters are taken in hand by authorities other than the church. But the party, by its logical attitude towards these matters, wanted to spare the State from these difficulties and arguments within the churches, that are always led back on dogmatic principles. It should remain up to the church if they can, want or do not, to accomplish these desirable organizational measures and unifications. The State or the party would furthermore oppose an inevitable development in this field by meddling in church matters; namely a development which would lead to leaving these affairs to forces which still want to be in connection with the Church.

The Fuehrer's Deputy has therefore considered it as his duty, after the basic decision to reject a union between State and Church had been made, to see to it that the basic ideological freedom of faith and conscience be also practically realized in all the State's decrees, decisions etc. Everywhere the church matters have been left up to the church, but also every religious constraint, wherever present, was removed. At the same time, those who wanted to busy themselves, with Church and religious matters in a correct carrying out of the basic faith and conscience freedom were given the possibility to do so.

The Fuehrer's Deputy would welcome it if the Armed Forces would act in these essential ideological decisions, after the same principles as the party and also now the State have laid out for themselves, instead of pursuing the plans for a creation of an Armed Forces Church or any other closer union between the Armed Forces and the church. I am convinced that in a short time there will be no more difficulties for the Armed Forces either, which difficulties had been brought about by the plan to create a separate Armed Forces Church. In fact the Armed Forces have already taken a position to these questions and basically also in the sense of accomplishing freedom of faith and conscience. It should be decisive, however, in this respect to note that these instructions are in many cases not always completely carried out. To assure a right execution of this principle of freedom of faith and conscience it would be in my opinion necessary to observe the following points:

(1) The orders stating that no constraint can be exercised in the attendance of church services during the free evening hours in army camps would really have to be complied with. The carrying out of these orders should not, as in reality it sometimes is, be left up to the discretion of some higher or lower ranking superiors. In most cases, no direct constraint is exercised but in some cases the non-assistance of church services is punished by extra duty etc. Such incidents should lead in the future to disciplinary action.

(2) The duty of Army Chaplains, if they are available in the Armed Forces, should be to give an opportunity to those members of the Armed Forces who have a need to talk things over with them. They could hold religious services if there is a need for it and if the members of the Armed Forces cannot attend the regular services. But the attendance would have to be on a voluntary basis for everybody.

It is evident that in the Armed Forces which grasp all German men, there will be a need to a certain extent for attendance of Church services. These members of the Armed Forces should be given an opportunity, provided it does not interfere with the service, to visit churches and ministers on their own. But further than that, Army chaplains should not be used to hold church services, to arrange evening hours etc. and to exercise any constraint to that effect. They should only be available in order to be present there where a need arises for them.

(3) Special officer ranks of the church service and similar institutions should be abolished.

(4) The building of own Armed Forces Churches should also be discontinued. I hardly think that there will be many cases where the members of the Armed Forces will not have the possibility to visit a church, outside of the Army, just like everybody else.

(5) No formation Church attendance should take place.

(6) Church organizations should have nothing to do with the Armed Forces. Everything should be left up to the individual in his field.

In conclusion, I think I can say that with these and other measures, namely with the complete and exact accomplishment of the principle of freedom of faith and conscience, in a short time the technical difficulties which might have arisen here and there could be overcome. I want to point once more to the order dated 13.12.1938, issued by the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces. According to this order, military celebrations are not to be connected any more with a religious benediction at the time the recruits are being sworn in. The attendance of Church services of the soldiers, which takes place possibly right after they are sworn in, is voluntary. The church services are to be held separately from the swearing in ceremonies.

It would, in my opinion be very necessary, it would also be in accordance with the basic attitude of the Fuehrer's deputy that these principles contained in this order would be applied wherever the question of the relationship between the Armed Forces and the church arises. Such a correct and exact accomplishment of the principle of freedom of faith and conscience would present the proof that the Armed Forces cannot be accused of being anti-Church or anti-Christian; on the other hand, it would also prove that the Armed Forces are not based on different ideological principles than the ones represented and executed by the State, the National Socialist Workers' Party and its affiliation. In this way it would be made certain that the same educational principles exist in all the organizations as well as the teaching institutions of our German people, namely the Armed Forces, the Hitler Youth, School labor service and affiliations of the party. I think that this fact would do much more for the spiritual integrity of the German soldier than if the young German would find himself confronted, during the various stages of his education, with various attitudes toward these questions.

Heil Hitler

1 Enclosure. Signed: M. BORMANN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 122-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKERS PARTY

Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich, 17 April 1939 Brown House [Rubber stamp]: Receipt Rosenberg Chancellory 24 Apr 39

III/16--Tho 3230/0/15 270 g

To the Official appointed by the Fuehrer for the Supervision of spiritual and philosophical schooling and education of the NSDAP.

Attention of office director Kerksiek or his deputy in the office.

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17.

[Rubber stamp]

SECRET

[handwritten note: submitted to Pg Bradmann for comment--R]

_Subject: Theological faculties._

I send you the enclosed photostatic copy of a plan suggested by the Reichs Minister for Science, Education and training, for the combining of theological faculties with a request for your cognizance and prompt action.

Heil Hitler! Signed: M. BORMANN

1 enclosure

* * * * *

[SYNOPSIS OF DOCUMENT]

Berlin W 8, 6 April 1939

Letterhead of Reichs Minister of Science, Education and Training

The plan which I expect to put into operation at the beginning of the winter semester 1939/40 presents the following picture.

In the East the following faculties will be maintained: Koenigsberg (Evangelic), Braunsberg (Catholic), Breslau (Evangelic and Catholic), Vienna (Evangelic and Catholic). I have already ordered the combination of the Catholic faculty in Graz with the one in Vienna which will remain the only place in Austria with both faculties.

In Bavaria after closing the Munich faculty there will remain the Catholic faculty at Wurzburg and the Evangelic faculty at Erlangen. The continuation of these is important but the five state theological institutes of Bavaria should be reduced to three. I ask you to suggest the two to be closed.

In the Southwest regions I suggest the removal of the Evangelical faculty in Heidelberg to Tubingen and of the Catholic faculty in Tubingen to Freiberg. That will provide an exchange between Wurttemberg and Baden based on the Catholic predominance in Baden and Evangelic predominance in Wurttemberg.

In West Germany a similar exchange between Bonn and Munster is proposed but which shall be designated Catholic or Evangelic is a difficult question. A decision I should like to postpone a little time.

A similar question arises with the proposed transfer of the faculty from Giessen to Marburg. Since the closing of the forestry faculty at Giessen this university has not many students. The reversal of transfer is perhaps the solution but that is not feasible at this time because of the newly organized Institute for Religious Science. Professor Frick who is to head this institute has pointed out that his transfer from religious to philosophical endeavors may be viewed as a tendency against religion. I have suggested a gradual transfer of activity and consider the final time of transfer to be the propitious moment for such a transfer of the Evangelic faculty of the University of Marburg to that of the University of Bonn. Until that time it will be best to maintain the faculty at Gottingen since its influence in the Anglican world is great.

In the central German regions I propose a transfer of the Leipzig faculty to the University of Halle. The small faculty at Jena I should like to maintain because of its German-Christian stand.

In north German regions a combination of the Evangelic faculties of Rostock and Kiel at Kiel is planned.

Finally I should like to combine the faculties of Berlin and Greifswald in Greifswald. A double purpose would be achieved. Greifswald's weak enrollment would be improved and the Berlin faculty would not have to be included in the new university city of Berlin. I am sure this proposal will rouse the Berlin faculty but believe I can handle that problem.

To recapitulate this plan would include the complete closing of theological faculties at Innsbruck, Salzburg and Munich, the transfer of the faculty of Graz to Vienna and the vanishing of four Catholic faculties.

_a._ Closing of three Catholic theological faculties or Higher Schools and of four Evangelic faculties in the winter semester 1939/40.

_b._ Closing of one further Catholic and of three further Evangelic faculties in the near future.

I ask your comments at your earliest opportunity. I propose then to give the Ministry of Churches this information.

By direction: ZSCHINTZSCH (Authenticated).

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 123-PS

Copy

NSDAP The Deputy Fuehrer, Chief of Staff

Munich, 23 June 1939, Brown House III D-ES 3230/0/15 2131 g.A.E 50/39

SECRET

To the Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervision of all spiritual and political instruction and education of the NSDAP.

Attention: Verwaltungsleiter Kerksiek or deputy

Berlin W. 35, Margarethen St. 17

Chancery Rosenberg Receipt No. 29 June 39 8487

_Subject: Theological Faculties_

With regard to the Conference of Specialists on the Liaison Staff of the NSDAP please find enclosed a copy of my letter of today to the Reich Minister for Science, Education and National Education for your information.

I would like to request you to inform me in due time as to your further wishes regarding the point of view cited in my letter. I will also arrange that conferences on this subject take place in an inter-party form in order to put the wishes of the party offices before the Reichs Ministry of Education as soon as possible.

Heil Hitler! Signed: M. Bormann

1. Enclosure

* * * * *

Copy

NSDAP The Deputy Fuehrer

Transcript Munich 23 June 1939 III D-ES 3230/0/15 2131 g.A.

CONFIDENTIAL

TO: The Reich Minister for Science, Education and National Education

Attention: Regierungsrat Jaehnert or Deputy

Berlin Unter den Linden 69

_Subject: Theological Faculties._

I have noted statements regarding the combining of the theological faculties at the German Universities, in your letter of the 6 April 1939--W.A. No. 76/39g. Concerning this subject a conference has taken place between all the party offices concerned, in which the principal points of view for the party as well as your statement were discussed. I would therefore like to inform you in detail of the Party's decisions as a result of this comprehensive discussion:

1. The Evangelical faculty of the _Koenigsberg_ University must remain for the time being as it is, since it is the only one of this type for East Prussia as well as for the whole northeast area.

2. In future there will no longer exist any necessity for the preservation of the state Catholic educational institution in _Braunsberg_. I request you, therefore, to combine this institution with the Catholic faculty of the University of Breslau.

3. Regarding Breslau, the Protestant as well as the Catholic faculties must be retained for the time being.

4. Similarly both faculties of the University of _Prag_ must remain for the present as at this time it would not be advisable to reduce the University of Prag in any manner. Although in regard to a dispersal of the theological faculty in Prag there would be no difficulties with the Concordat, I do not deem it advisable at the moment to initiate measures of this sort there. Action regarding the University of Prag must still be retarded for a time.

5. The situation at the University of _Vienna_ is very similar. Vienna is the only university of the Ostmark, at which the theological faculty is still in existence. I request, therefore, that you reserve any decisions in this matter a little longer, until the situation in regard to the University of Prag has been further cleared up. Nevertheless I would like to emphasize now that at a later date the dissolution of the theological faculties of the Universities of Wien and Prag will also be necessary in my opinion.

6. I request you to combine the Protestant theological faculty in _Rostock_ with the Protestant theological faculty in Kiel, in conformance with both the arrangements described in your message and the proposal that I have already put forward.

7. In regard to the theological faculty in _Berlin_ I am in complete agreement with you in that under no circumstances should this faculty be included in the new University Town [Hochschulstadt]. The theological faculty of Berlin must disappear in the near future. I do not deem it advisable, as you suggest should next be done to transfer this faculty to Greifswald. Fundamentally it is inadvisable to shift the theological faculty of a large city to a small town. The possibility must not be allowed to arise of such a large number of theological students, as would come to a small university city as a result of such a transfer, giving this character to this city, and even perhaps to the whole region. Since this danger does not exist in a large city, I request you to leave the theological faculty in Berlin for the time being. I do not deem it necessary to determine the future of this faculty today, since the new university town will presumably not be completed for several years.

8. Since three theological faculties in the German Baltic area are not necessary, I request you to transfer the theological faculty of the University of _Greifswald_ as well as that of Rostock to Kiel. The theological faculties in Koenigsberg and Kiel should be quite sufficient. I do not believe special consideration for Greifswald in regard to the northern states to be necessary since the university of Kiel has made the furthering of ties with the north its particular mission.

9. For _Bavaria_ I request that more extensive measures be carried out than were provided for in your communication of the 6.4.1939. In the future the preservation of the five state philosophic-theological universities in Bavaria will no longer be necessary. In so far as these are to be theological faculties in the future, the training of theologians is to be carried out by them and not by any state universities serving the church exclusively. I would ask you therefore not only to reduce these institutions to three, but also to break them up completely in the shortest possible time, if it is not possible to do so immediately. Above all, I request you to dissolve the universities in Passau, Regensburg and Bamberg in the aforementioned order, because they are the cores of extremely strong confessional activity against National Socialism.

10. In addition there is also in Bavaria the Church's own Institution in _Eichstadt_ for training bishops which receives considerable state subsidies. Even though there is no question of dissolving this church institution, nevertheless, I would like you to ensure that the State subsidies to this institution cease immediately.

11. I request that the Catholic faculty of the university of _Wuerzburg_ be retained until further notice.

12. In the same manner the Protestant faculty of the University of _Erlangen_ will have to be retained.

13. Regarding the south German area, I do not agree with your plan to transfer the Protestant faculty in _Heidelberg_ to Tuebingen. Tuebingen has already become a confirmed Protestant-theological center. It is feared that the transferring of the Heidelberg Protestant faculty to Tuebingen would only still further emphasize this characteristic of the university town. I wish, therefore, that the Protestant faculty of Tuebingen be combined with that in Heidelberg.

14. May I give you my decision later regarding your plan to transfer the Catholic faculty from Tuebingen to Freiburg, since the necessity has arisen to reconsider this matter.

15. In western Germany, I do not deem your projected exchange between _Bonn_ and _Muenster_ expedient. I wish you to combine both theological faculties in Bonn.

16. Furthermore, I would request you to transfer the Protestant faculty of the University of _Marburg_ to Giessen. I do not consider that the ideas which you asserted regarding working with foreign Forscher (odd sects) at the institute for Religious Science which will be established in Marburg, solve the problem.

17. In addition, I wish you to transfer the theological faculty of _Goettingen_ to Giessen.

18. The theological faculty of _Jena_ would probably have to be retained until further notice.

19. Also the theological faculty in _Leipzig_ should be combined with that in Halle.

In the above I have informed you of the Party's wishes after thorough investigation of the matter with all party offices. I would be grateful if you would initiate the necessary measures as quickly as possible, in regard to the great political significance for the Gau concerned, which will be the result in every single case of such a combination.

I would like you to always keep in contact with me when instituting these measures, in particular with regard to the arranging of the actual time, since I am in touch with the competent Gau administrations. Furthermore, I would like you to take into consideration the following in connection with the mergers which we have planned:

1. As a result of these mergers a rather large number of professional chairs will become vacant. I believe it of the utmost importance that these positions should not remain unfilled, but that they should be occupied again or at least the greater portion of them. When doing this, those branches of science must be primarily considered which have been able to prove that they formerly had too few professional chairs. I would like to reserve the opportunity of getting in touch with you again regarding details.

2. Furthermore, as a result of these mergers a large number of institutes, libraries, buildings, etc. will be vacated. I do not deem it wise to place all these accommodations at the disposal of the new theological faculties connected with these mergers. The necessity will probably arise of dealing specially with each separate case according to the circumstances. Here I would also like to request that you consult me when making decisions.

3. Above all, I request that you keep me continually informed regarding the individual arrangements to be carried out by you in order that I be able to inform the party offices interested and especially the appropriate Gau administration, which is mainly concerned, in time.

Heil Hitler!

I.V. Signed: M. Bormann

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 129-PS

Reich Minister Kerrl

Berlin W 8, 6 September 1939

CONFIDENTIAL

Dear Mr. Stapel!

I have received your letter of 31 August and in no wise neglected your memorandum on the situation of the Evangelical Church in Germany, but read it through immediately. I must tell you that I agree with the portrayal of the situation down to the last word, although I must assume that the "inflation of principles" is also aimed at me. However that did not annoy me, I understand your idea rather completely. So that you understand me too, I want to continue your memorandum with my reasons. You close with the absolutely correct conclusion:

The State should neither combat existing religion nor introduce a new religion. It should allow Christianity to prove by itself that it still has vital force. It should confine itself to spiritual affairs and only exercise compulsion in the production of a legal and administrative unity of the Evangelical Church.

Correct!

My action is determined however by the following situation:

As you know from the speech of the Fuehrer in the Reichstag on 30 January 1939, every power in exercising compulsion in the production of a legal and administrative unity of the Evangelical Church was completely withdrawn from me. The Fuehrer considers his efforts to bring the Evangelical Church to reason, unsuccessful and the Evangelical Church with respect to its condition rightfully a useless pile of sects. As you emphasize the Party has previously carried on not only a fight against the political element of the Christianity of the Church, but also a fight against membership of Party Members in a Christian confession.

I am of the opinion that in this situation it can very easily eventuate that the "Organization of German Understanding of the Christian Religion Through Luther" will collapse of its own accord, if, as in Austria and in the Sudetan Gau, the privileges, namely of collecting taxes and state subsidies are entirely removed from the Evangelical Church. If it comes to that then from the collapse of the organization of the Evangelical Church the advantage will redound not to the State but to the Catholic Church which cannot receive a mortal blow through such measures in its well-aimed unified, basically political organization.

The Catholic Church will and must, according to the law under which it is set up, remain a thorn in the flesh of a Racial State. An effective combatting of it cannot ensue from a State which thanks to its secure ideological basis desires and must refrain from every intervention into religious things. The National Socialistic State can therefore put nothing positive or new in the place of that which it must perhaps destroy and from the collapsing Evangelical Church the people somewhat deceived about their religion would in large numbers stream into the Catholic Church, and this Church would then divide the people into two mutually hostile groups in a much more regrettable manner than has happened through the confessions.

In addition every negative struggle, which cannot in a positive manner replace that which has been destroyed, is anyhow condemned to failure.

In this factual situation I see an unheard of danger for the religious peace of the German people approaching and, all my efforts--you will understand that--have previously been only directed at eliminating this danger. But that is only possible if the Party learns to distinguish in the clearest manner between religion and ideology and thus, as Luther established and Kant scientifically proved, realizes, that ideology must limit itself to the area of experience, where alone reason can become knowledge. It must further realize that knowledge based on reason alone cannot satisfy the human being here on earth, but, that he (the human being) according to the structure of the "world of freedom within himself", or let us say, according to "the Kingdom of God within himself" cannot overcome the compelling moral necessity to attain certainty concerning the essence of God. The human being is now no "_purely moral being_", but the torture and the happiness of his earthly life consists in moving about in flesh and blood. Therefore however we have power over the inevitable weakness of not always being able to harmonize moral thought and deed. To be sure we do not need to be ashamed of original sin or to find our body despicable, for it, and thereby original sin is from God and we are no gods, but human beings. But how could we, who must believe in the moral importance of our life and the world, get along, because we without being sure of our immortality would not be able to yield our bodily life in fulfillment of our duty itself, without a religion going beyond the boundaries of reason? How could we who ourselves are righteous, doubt the fact that God must be just, and how could we demand of him the all-knowing, who knows our thoughts, that he confer on us immortality, if our righteousness condemns the one whom it recognizes as acting against his better moral conviction. Our life here on earth would be senseless, if we could find out nothing about the true essence of God, if we were not in some way certain that it is not righteousness but divine love. But we cannot find it out through knowledge based on reason, but only by the power of faith which we can get for ourselves through the personality of Christ, therefore from the true Christian religion, for which in no wise is the presentation of the priests standard, but only Christ himself.

The "Foundation of the Religion of Christ" rests in our own inner being. The Evangelical Church of today has not been able to lead us to this real "Religion of Christ". This Religion of Christ is only to be grasped if not only the genius of a Luther, but everybody has learned to distinguish the domains of reason and faith. It depends neither on sacred orders nor on sacraments, but one finds the way to it only if one has learned to doubt reason, as this reason has most accurately become acquainted with its magnitude and its narrow boundaries, and only Priests who have grasped that with reason and heart, can penetrate from pseudo-priesthood to the true priesthood and thus fill the hearts of the people with true faith.

Therefore for 15 years I have been working on a book which explains to everybody the scientific basis of National Socialism in such a way that one learns to recognize the extent and the boundaries of reason as well as of ideology and the necessity of the religion of Christ, and comprehends, that in this area Party and State can do only one thing: to completely take one's own position and to renounce any claim to a decision.

I believe I can finish this work at this time; its publication however will not be possible until the return of peace.

However, in order that meanwhile these conclusions mentioned above which would lead to the destruction of the organization of the Evangelical Church, might not occur, it was my most important job to see to it that today's pile of sects in the Evangelical Church would consolidate of their own accord into an organ at least filled with a desire for unity.

Therefore, as I was no longer allowed to issue orders under the State I tried again and again to exercise influence on the district church leaders even though they seemed to be powerless according to your statements approved by me in your memorandum, at least to create this condition for the possibility of preserving the organization of the Lutheran Church. These efforts have at least reached a certain conclusion and become fruitful to such an extent that it was possible to aim at a unity among them over three men, who as a confidential council of the church chancellery now possess the possibility of finding _by positive work_ confidence of the people who feel united in the Evangelical Church.

If these men, Bishop Mardahrens, Bishop Schultz of Mecklenburg and Oberkonsistorialrat Hymmen apprehend the commandment of the hour, then by positive work they can line up the direction of the Evangelical Church with the goals desired by me into a complete legal and administrative unity. If they do not understand how to direct this positive work correctly, then both of us will have to bury the hope of a preservation of the organization of the Lutheran Church, because only the success of such a work can give the Fuehrer the justification of giving us full power in the direction desired by us.

You can imagine that I would much prefer to see you among these three men, because I would then know that the work was being actively and successfully lined up with the goal jointly desired by both of us. However I shall pursue this aim with all the energy in my power as long as I am in my job and the decision of the Fuehrer gives me approval or disapproval.

These are difficult times into which our people are now entering, but I believe that Providence even here has correctly guided everything. It has through the Fuehrer created for conditions for the inevitable battle, as they cannot be found more favorable. If the German people maintain themselves--and what justifies us in doubting it--everything must come to a good and victorious end, and thereby would be created just the proper condition for the extension of the Third Reich externally in tranquil safety and in well-aimed work at home, but then would be created just the right soil for the possibility of nationalistic church work in the congregations, which you rightfully consider the most important thing.

Please be convinced that I am always happy to think of you and rejoice at every communication from you.

I know that you are a man who has already accomplished extraordinary things for the spiritual enlightenment of the German people and I am convinced that you will still accomplish in the future fruitful things in this work.

I need not emphasize to you that this letter is confidential. However, I shall make accessible to the Confidential Council copies of your splendid memorandum as well as copies of this letter for confidential cognizance. I would be especially glad if in the near future I found the opportunity to discuss orally with Reich Minister Hess your memorandum and my answer.

With hearty greetings and with

Heil Hitler! Yours [Signed] Kerrl

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 131-PS

NATIONAL SOCIALIST GERMAN WORKER'S PARTY

The Deputy of the Fuehrer Chief of Staff

Munich, 12 December 1939 Brown House III--So./Eis. 3230/0

To: The Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the complete mental and doctrinal training and education of the NSDAP Reich Leader A. ROSENBERG

Berlin W 35 Margareten Strasse 17

Ministerial-Director Mentzel has recently informed us verbally that you intend to take over the seven existing professorships of the former catholic-theological faculty at the University of Munich. These are to serve as a fundament for the Seminary (Hohe Schule) for National-Socialism. Gauleiter Adolf Wagner is supposed to have agreed to this.

I would appreciate it if you would confirm the correctness of the information given by Ministerial-Director Mentzel.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: M. BORMANN (M. Bormann)

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 136-PS

Copy

_Information to all Sections of Party and State._

The "Hohe Schule" is supposed to become the center for national socialistic ideological and educational research. It will be established after the conclusion of the war. I order that the already initiated preparations be continued by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, especially in the way of research and the setting up of the library.

All sections of party and State are requested to cooperate with him in this task.

(Signed) ADOLF HITLER

Berlin, 29 January 1940 Certified a true copy Berlin 15 Dec 1943 Dr. Zeiss Stabseinsatzfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 137-PS

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces, No. 2850/40 secret Adj. Chief OKW

(Please indicate above file number, the date and short contents in the answer)

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76 5 July 1940

Telephone: Local 218191 Long distance 218091

To the Supreme Commander of the Army, the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces in Holland.

Reichsleiter Rosenberg has requested from the Fuehrer to have:

1. The State libraries and archives searched for documents which are valuable for Germany.

2. The chanceries of the high church authorities and lodges searched for political activities which are directed against us, and to have the material in question confiscated.

The Fuehrer has ordered that this plan should be complied with and that the Secret State police--supported by the keepers of the archives of Reichsleiter Rosenberg--should be entrusted with the search. The Chief of the Security Police, SS Lt. General Heydrich, has been notified; he will get in touch with the responsible military commanders to carry out this order.

This measure should be carried out in all the territories of Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg and France which are occupied by us.

It is requested that the subordinate agencies should be notified.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces.

(Signed) KEITEL

To Reich leader Rosenberg Copy for information (Signed) [Illegible] Captain [Rittmeister] and executive officer.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 138-PS

Copy

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76, 17 Sept 1940 Tel: 21 81 91

_2 f 28.14 W.Z. No. 3812/40 g_

To the Chief of Army High Command for the Military Administration in Occupied France.

In supplement to the order of the Fuehrer transmitted at the time to Reichsleiter Rosenberg to search lodges, libraries and archives in the occupied territories of the west for material valuable to Germany, and to safeguard the latter through the Gestapo, the Fuehrer has decided:

The ownership status before the war in France, prior to the declaration of war on 1 September 1939, shall be the criterion.

Ownership transfers to the French state or similar transfers completed after this date are irrelevant and legally invalid (for example, Polish and Slovak libraries in Paris, possessions of the Palais Rothschild or other ownerless Jewish possessions). Reservations regarding search, seizure and transportation to Germany on the basis of the above reasons will not be recognized.

Reichsleiter Rosenberg and/or his deputy Reichshauptsellenleiter Ebert has received clear instructions from the Fuehrer personally governing the right of seizure; he is entitled to transport to Germany cultural goods which appear valuable to him and to safeguard them there. The Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

It is requested that the services in question be informed correspondingly.

Signed: KEITEL

For information: Attention: Reichsleiter Rosenberg

certified true copy Berlin 15 December 43 (Dr. Zeiss)

[Rosenberg special purpose staff seal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 139-PS

Copy

SUPREME COMMAND OF THE ARMED FORCES

Berlin W 35 Tirpitzufer 72-75 10 October 1940.

Tel: Local Service 21 81 91 Long Distance 21 80 91

_Az 2 f 28 J (Ia)._ No. 1838/40 g. Reference: Chief Supreme Command Armed Forces No. 3812/40 g WZ of 17 September 1940.

To: Supreme Army High Commander.

As supplement to the above-mentioned letter, addressed to the Military Administration of Occupied France, it is requested that corresponding directions be given also to the Military Administration in Belgium.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Signed: REINECKE

_For Information_: Attention Reichsleiter ROSENBERG's Adjutant. Reference: 2606/ a.

Rosenberg's special purpose staff seal.

Certified true copy Berlin 15 December 1943 (Dr. Zeiss) Chief special purpose Staff.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 140-PS

SECRET

Copy

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Az.Zf.285 (G-3) Nr. 1838/40

Berlin W 35, Tirpitzufer 72-76 30 Oct. 1940 Tel. local 218191, long distance 218091

To: The Armed Forces Commander in the Netherlands

In supplement to the order of the Fuehrer transmitted, under Nr 2850/40 secret Adj. Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces, of 5.7.1940, to Reichsleiter Rosenberg, to search lodges, libraries and archives of the occupied territories of the West, for material valuable to Germany, and to safeguard the latter through the Gestapo, the Fuehrer has decided:

The ownership status before the war in France, prior to the declaration of war on 1 Sept. 1939, shall be the criterion.

Ownership transfers to the French state or similar transfers completed after this date are irrelevant and legally invalid (for example, Polish and Slovak libraries in Paris, possessions of the Palais Rothschild or other ownerless Jewish possessions). Reservations regarding search, seizure and transportation to Germany on the basis of the above reasons will not be recognized.

Reichsleiter Rosenberg and/or his deputy Reichshauptstellenleiter Ebert has received clear instructions from the Fuehrer personally governing the right of seizure, he is entitled to transport to Germany cultural goods which appear valuable to him and to safeguard them there. The Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

It is requested that the services in question be informed correspondingly.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By order

Signed: REINECKE

Certified a true copy Berlin 15 Dec 1943 (Dr. Zeiss) Chief of special purpose staff

For information:

Attention Adj. of Reichleiter Rosenberg Re Nr 2606/Ma

signed Reinecke

[Rosenberg's Special Purpose Staff SEAL]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 141-PS

In conveying the measures taken until now, for the securing of Jewish art property by the Chief of the Military administration Paris and the special service staff Rosenberg (The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 2 f 28.14.W.Z.Nr 3812/40 g), the art objects brought to the Louvre will be disposed of in the following way:

1. Those art objects about which the Fuehrer has reserved for himself the decision as to their use.

2. Those art objects which serve to the completion of the Reichs Marshal's collection.

3. Those art objects and library stocks the use of which seem useful to the establishing of the higher institutes of learning and which come within the jurisdiction of Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

4. Those art objects that are suited to be sent to German museums, of all these art objects, a systematic inventory will be made by the special purpose staff Rosenberg; they will then be packed and shipped to Germany with the assistance of the Luftwaffe.

5. Those art objects that are suited to be given to French museums or might be of use for the German-French art trade, will be auctioned off at a date yet to be fixed; the profit of this auction will be given to the French State for the benefit of those bereaved by the war.

6. The further securing of Jewish art property in France will be continued by the special purpose staff Rosenberg in the same way as heretofore in connection with the Chief of the military administration Paris.

Paris, 5 November 1940

I will submit this proposal to the Fuehrer. Those instructions are in effect until he has reached a decision.

Signed: GOERING

Certified true copy: Berlin 15 Dec. 1943 (Dr. Zeiss) Chief of special purpose staff

[Rosenberg's special purpose staff seal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 145-PS

The Reichs Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories

Berlin W 35, Rauch Street 17/18, 20 Aug 1941 Tel: 21 95 15 and 39 50 46 Cable address: Reichminister East

Na 369/R/H

Director of the Reichs Main Office UTIKAL [Reichshauptstellenleiter]

Berlin

Subject: Safeguarding the cultural goods in the occupied Eastern Territories

I have instructed the Reichs Commissioner for the Eastland and his subordinate general and district commissioners to secure all cultural goods in the Reichs Commissariat of the East which are appropriate in general for national-socialistic research as well as research of the activities of the opponents of National-Socialism. I delegate you to carry out with an "Einsatzstab" to be formed for this purpose this work of the Reichs Commissioner, the General, Main and Regional Commissioners, for their support. During the execution of this mission you will remain directly subordinate to Main Division II of my ministry whose directors will provide you with additional instructions. The orders issued by the Fuehrer for the "Einsatzstab" in the West remain also the same for the East.

The execution of your job will be financed, as in the occupied western territories, through the Reichs treasurer of the NSDAP. A later accounting between him and the ministry for the occupied eastern territories, respectively with the Reichs Commissariats is held in reserve.

I am including a letter of mine to the Reich Commissioner of the Eastland.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: ROSENBERG

1 inclosure

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 149-PS

FUEHRER DECREE

Jews, freemasons and the ideological enemies of National Socialism who are allied with them are the originators of the present war against the Reich. Spiritual struggle according to plan against these powers is a measure necessitated by war.

I have therefore ordered Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg to accomplish this task in cooperation with the chief of the High Command of the armed forces. To accomplish this task, his Einsatzstab for the right occupation territories has the right to explore libraries, archives, lodges, and other ideological and cultural establishments of all kinds for suitable material and to confiscate such material and for the ideological tasks of the NSDAP and for scientific research work by the university [Hoch Schule]. The same rule applies to cultural goods which are in the possession or are the property of Jews, which are abandoned or whose origin cannot be clearly established. The regulations for the execution of this task with the cooperation will be issued by the Chief of the High Command of the armed forces in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

In necessary measures for the eastern territories under German administration will be taken by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as Reich Minister for occupied eastern territories.

(Signed) A. HITLER

Fuehrers Headquarters, March 1942 To all Bureaus _of the Armed Forces, the Party and the State_.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 151-PS

The Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territory

Berlin W 35, Kurfuerstenstrasse 134 7 April 1942 Tel. 21 99 51

N. I/1/13/42

To: Reich Commissioner for the Ostland, Riga Reich Commissioner for the Ukraine, Rowno

SUBJECT: Safeguarding of Cultural Goods, Research Material and Scientific Institutions in the Occupied Eastern Territories.

I

I have assigned Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab for the Occupied Territories with the seizure and uniform handling of cultural goods, research material and scientific apparatus from libraries, archives, scientific institutions, museums, etc., which are found in public, religious or private buildings. The Einsatzstab begins its work, as newly directed by the Fuehrer's decree of 1 March 1942, immediately after occupation of the territories by the combat troops, in agreement with the Quartermaster General of the Army, and completes it in agreement with the competent Reich Commissioners after civil administration has been established. I request all authorities of my administration to support as far as possible the members of the Einsatzstab in carrying out all measures and in giving all necessary information, especially in regard to objects which may have been already seized from the occupied Eastern territories and removed from their previous location, and information as to where this material is located at the present time.

Any activity for the purpose of safeguarding cultural goods can be permitted only if it is carried out in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab. The Einsatzstab will be constantly informed concerning the method and extent of investigations, work projects and measures.

All authorities of my administration are hereby instructed that objects of the afore-mentioned type will be seized only by Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab, and to abstain from arbitrary handling as a matter of principle.

Insofar as seizures or transports have already taken place contrary to these provisions, Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Einsatzstab, Berlin-Charlottenburg 2, Bismarckstrasse 1, telephone: 34 00 18, will be informed without delay, with an exact list of the objects as well as indication of the current storage place and persons entitled to dispose of them.

II

In exceptional cases immediate measures may be taken to safeguard or transport objects to a safe place in order to avoid threatened danger (for example, danger of collapse of buildings, enemy action, damage by weather, etc.). In all cases a written report will be submitted immediately to my Einsatzstab.

Decision regarding exceptions lies with the Reich or General Commissioners in agreement with the commissioners of the staff.

III

I have sent copies of this order directly to the General Commissioners.

By order

Signed/t/ Dr. LEIBBRANDT

OFFICIAL: /s/ [Illegible] Office Employee

Authenticated copy Berlin Dec 15, 1943 signed: ZEISS (Dr. Zeiss) Leader of Stabseinsatz

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 153-PS

Copy /B

Reich Ministry for the Occupied Territories of the East

Enclosure 1 Berlin 27 April 1942

To--

_a._ Commissar of the Reich for the East _Riga_ _b._ Commissar of the Reich for the Ukraine _Rowno_

Subject: Formation of a control unit for the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value in the occupied eastern territories.

There has been established in the Reich Ministry for the occupied eastern territories a "central bureau for the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value in the occupied eastern territories" to last for a limited period as a special reference department within department I (Political). As head of the central bureau I designate the chief of staff of the "Einsatzstab of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for occupied territories", Party member Utikal. He is directly under the authority of Department I and will carry on this task in addition to his other duties.

On the central bureau devolves the general planning of all projects connected with the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value in the occupied eastern territories and also the supervision of the measures already taken.

Apart from exceptional cases in which the securing of objects of cultural value is exceptionally urgent, the bureau does not concern itself primarily with the securing of objects of cultural value, but rather makes use for the execution of measures of seizure and securing of the "Einsatzstab" of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories; the Einsatzstab will carry on its activities as before in close contact with the competent authorities of the civil administration that come under my jurisdiction.

With the commissars of the Reich a special department within Department II (political) has been set up for a limited time for the seizure and securing of objects of cultural value. This office is under the control of the head of the main work group [Hauptarbeitgruppe] of "Einsatzstab" of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories. The head of this special department is directly responsible to the chief of Department II.

Signed: ROSENBERG

Certified true copy Berlin 13 Dec. 1943 (Dr. Zeiss) Chief of Staff

[Seal of "Einsatzstab" of RL Rosenberg]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 154-PS

The Reichminister and Chief of Chancellery.

Berlin W 8, Voss-strasse 6, 5 July 1942 Present Headquarters of the Fuehrer

To: The Highest Reich Authorities and The Services directly subordinate to the Fuehrer.

The Fuehrer has delegated Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity of commissioner of the Fuehrer to supervise the total spiritual and philosophical indoctrination and education of the NSDAP in the spiritual battle against Jews and Free-Masons as well as against the affiliated philosophical opponents of National Socialism, who are the cause of the present war. For this purpose, the Fuehrer has ordered that Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Staff should be authorized, in the occupied territories under military administration and in the occupied Eastern territories under civil administration (exclusive of the General Gouvernement), to search libraries, archives, lodges and other philosophical and cultural institutions of all types for relevant material for the execution of his task and to request the competent Wehrmacht and police services to seize the material found in order to support the NSDAP in fulfillment of its spiritual task and for the later scientific research work of the "Hohe Schule", whereby police files concerning political activities will remain with the police, and all others be transferred to Reichsleiter Rosenberg's Staff. The staff is authorized to make the same request with regard to cultural goods that are ownerless goods or the ownership of which cannot be readily determined. The Chief of the Army High Command, in agreement with Reichsleiter Rosenberg, will issue regulations governing the cooperation with the Wehrmacht. The necessary measures within the Eastern territories under German administration will be taken by Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.

I inform you of this order of the Fuehrer and request you to support Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the fulfillment of his task.

/s/ Dr. Lammers

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 155-PS

Army High Command, General Staff of the General Headquarters Headquarters Army High Command 30/9/1942.

_Az. Dept. War Administration_ No. II/11564/42

SUBJECT: Deployment of Special Units of the Special Service Staff of Reischleiter Rosenberg, for the occupied Eastern areas.

I. _Tasks_:

The Fuehrer, in his decree of 1/3/1942, has delegated Reichsleiter Rosenberg in his capacity as "Commissioner for the supervision of the entire spiritual and philosophical indoctrination and education of that NSDAP", with the spiritual battle against Jews, Free-Masons and the affiliated philosophical opponents of National Socialism, who are the cause of the present war. The planned spiritual battle against these powers was declared essential to the war effort by the Fuehrer. For this purpose, the Fuehrer has ordered, among other things, that the "Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied areas" should be authorized in the occupied areas under military administration and in the occupied Eastern territories under civil administration--exclusive of the General Government--to

_a._ Search libraries, archives, lodges, and other philosophical and cultural institutions of all kinds, for material suitable to the accomplishment of his task, and to have this material seized.

_b._ To cause the seizure of cultural goods which are owned by Jews, or without ownership, or the owner of which cannot readily be determined.

_c._ The Reich minister of the occupied Eastern territories has established on 12/6/1942 a "Central Office for the seizure and safe-keeping of cultural goods in the occupied Eastern Territories." Disregarding exceptional cases, in which the safeguarding of endangered cultural goods is urgent, it is desired to keep these goods in place for the present. This has been agreed upon, according to the agreement reached between Armed Forces High Command General Staff of the General Headquarters, and the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

_d._ In the Eastern Theatre of operations, also such cultural goods as do not fall under §_b_--especially museum pieces--are to be concealed, respectively safeguarded, to save them from damage or destruction.

For the accomplishment of the missions named in I_a_, _b_ and _c_, the "Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg" employs special units. With the consent of Reichsleiter Rosenberg, the deployment of these special units is regulated as follows:

1. For the central steering of the Special Units, according to need, a delegate of the Special Purpose Staff of Reichsleiter is employed, who is director of the Special Units in the Army Group area, respectively the Army area. This man is obligated to inform the Supreme Commander of the Army Group respectively Army in time, of the directives he has received from Reichsleiter Rosenberg or from the staff leader. The Supreme Commander is authorized to give the delegate directives which are necessary to avoid disturbing the operations. These directives supersede all others. The delegates depend upon steady and close co-operation with the G-2 (Intelligence Officer). The Special Unit authorities can demand the furnishing of a liaison man by the delegate to the G-2. The G-2 has to coordinate, the missions of the Special Purpose Units with the military intelligence [Abwehr] and the secret field police. For the cooperation with the defense officers, respectively defense offices, the decisions reached in the talks between Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg and Armed Forces High Command/Foreign intelligence, will apply.

2. The Special Units of Reichsleiter Rosenberg carry out their work in their own responsibility and according to the directives given by Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

3. For the accomplishment of the missions described in I_a_, _b_, _c_, the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg have the right to search buildings in the theater of operations for relevant material and confiscate it. The secret field police is to be informed of the confiscations. The secret field police furnishes official aid to the Special Units if necessary.

4. The demarcation line between the working territory of the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg and the Special Units of the Chief of the Security Police and the security service is regulated by direct agreement between both service offices.

5. _a._ The Special Units belong to the Armed Forces. They wear brown uniforms with the swastika insignia.

_b._ The Special Units have a strength of 20-25 men, their clothes and equipment, together with a corresponding number of vehicles, is secured by the Special Purpose Staff, Reichsleiter Rosenberg.

_c._ The Special Units are always subordinated, to the service branches to which they are attached for the execution of their mission, with respect to care, march, accommodation and rations.

_d._ The members of the Special Units are identified by a "service-book" of the Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg, which corresponds to the pay-book. This service-book is to contain always the rank of the owner. It is further noted there, how the owner is to be treated in comparison (E.M., NCO, Officer). The service branch, which receives a Special Purpose Unit, has to certify on a special sheet, provided for this purpose by the service office, the fact and duration of the deployment with this branch as members of the Armed Forces. The service-book counts as identity card.

_e._ The Special Units are eligible for medical care. They are to be vaccinated according to the orders given to the Army.

_f._ Distribution of a fuel contingent is always to be arranged with the chief quartermaster of the Army with which a special unit is placed. Vehicles are to be cared for by the H.K.P.

_g._ Field postal service of the Special Units during movement, is carried by way of the field post number of the service branch which has a Special Unit attached. By transformation to long, permanent work, application for their own field post number can be made with the army field postmaster concerned.

_h._ Under priority of military necessity the Special Units have the right to use Armed Forces telephone and telegraph lines forward, and, when possible also to the rear. Within the area of the military administrations, connection with the Armed Forces telephone net is to be made possible.

_i._ With regard to the use of means of transportation, the rules decreed for the army also apply to the Special Units. Armed Forces driving licenses are to be furnished by the service branch, to which a Special Unit is attached.

It is to be made certain, that the above regulations are always made known to the commanding authorities, which receive Special Units for deployment.

The Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg are to be supported in every way in the execution of their mission. Particularly, insofar as operations permit, deployment directly with the fighting troops is to be made possible.

IV. Independent of the missions of the Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg, in accordance with paragraph I_a_, _b_, _c_, the troops and all military service offices employed in the theater of operations, are directed to save valuable art monuments whenever possible, and safeguard them from destructions or damages.

The preliminary safeguarding of cultural goods, museums etc. by the troops and military service units under subsequent agreement, respectively yield to Special Units Reichsleiter Rosenberg, wins particular significance in the occupied Eastern territories where, in contrast to the West and South East no organizations for the protection of art have been designated by Armed Forces High Command/General Staff of the Army/Generals' Quarters.

By direction

/s/ Wagner

_Distribution_

All High Commands of the Army Groups with signal co's [Nachrichtenabteilung] 5; each for all field commanders of the Army territory.

All Army High Commands and Panzer Army High Commands with signal co's [Nachrichtenabteilung] each, Staff Don with 3 signal co's [Nachrichtenabteilungen].

Military Commander in France, Paris Military Commander in Belgium and Northern France, Brussels Army Territory (W.B.) South East (with each 6 Signal co's [Nachrichtenabteilung])

With each 2 signal co's for Commander, General and Military Governor of Serbia Military Governor of Soloniki-Agnis Military Governor Southern Greece With each 1 Signal Co's for the Commander of the Fortress Crete, Foreign branch Armed Forces High Command/General headquarters South, Armed Forces High Command/ Armed Forces Command Staff.

With each 2 Signal Battalions for Military Governor Eastland, Military Governor Ukraine.

Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories Berlin, with each 2 Signal Co's [Nachrichtenabteilungen].

Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories, Berlin-Charlottenburg, Bismarckstr. 1. Center--Force--East.

* * * * *

8/10/1942

Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg for the occupied territories. Berlin-Charlottenburg 2, Bismarckstr. 1.

To all Chief Labor Groups, Labor Groups, Special Units and Liaison Agencies in the Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg

High Command of the Armed Forces _3 a 54 Armed Forces Command Staff/Org. (III)_

Reference: No. 0655/42 Secret Armed Forces Command Staff/ Quarter (II) of 28/2/42.

SUBJECT: Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg.

In carrying out the relevant order, it has been determined:

The material from libraries, archives, lodges and similar things, safeguarded by the Special Purpose Staff Rosenberg in the execution of its mission, is to be treated like Armed Forces goods.

All other goods are expressly excluded from this.

The Chief of the High Command of the Armed Forces

By direction,

/s/ MUENCH

_Distribution_:

General Staff of the Army--General Quartermaster Navy High Command

High Command of the Air Force--General Staff--Gen. Qu.

Armed Forces High Command--A Foreign Intelligence

OGW II--Intelligence III.

Chief of the Army Transport System.

Armed Forces Command Staff/Quartermaster Org. (III) Draft Ktb.

Informatory: Special Purpose Staff Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 158-PS

Berlin W 35, Margaretenstr. 17, 1 June 1944 22 95 51 St--U/Sz

MESSAGE

The Einsatzstab of Reichsleiter Rosenberg for the occupied territories has dispatched a Sonderkommando under the direction of Stabseinsatzfuehrer Dr. Zeiss, who is identified by means of his Service Book Number 187, for the accomplishment of the missions of the Einsatzstab in Hungary described in the Fuehrer's Decree of 1 March 1942.

According to the Fuehrer's Decree of 1 March 1942 (transmitted to the Supreme Reichs authorities by means of a letter of the Reichs Minister and Chief of the Reichs Chancellory RK 9495 B) in connection with the Army High Command Order #II 11564/42 General Army Staff (Gen d H)/General Quartermaster-Az (Gen Qu-Az) Section K Administration (Administration) of 30 Sept 42, all offices are requested to support and help the Sonderkommando.

initial: U [Utikal]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 159-PS

Berlin 6 June 1944

_Movement Order_

Colonel-Einsatzfuehrer H.W. Ebeling is traveling to Denmark and Norway in order to carry out a special mission of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in harmony with the person authorized by the Reich in Denmark and the Reichs Commissar in Norway in conjunction with the Fuehrer's decree of 1 March 1942 (distributed to the highest Reich authorities through correspondence of the Reichs Minister and the Chief of the Reich Chancellery RK 9495 B) and the Supreme Army Command order Nr. II/11564/42, General Staff of the Army/General Quartermaster Az. Section

K Administration of the 30th Sept. 42.

As long as it is necessary for him to stay, all the offices of the State and the Army are directed to support the activities of the person mentioned on the basis of the Fuehrer decree of the 1 March 1942, the Supreme Army Command order of the 30 September 1942, and the Einsatz directive of the Head of the Security Police and Security Service of the 1st July 1942.

initialled: U [Utikal] Chief of the Einsatzstab

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 171-PS

_Library for Exploration of the Jewish Question_ "Hohe Schule", District Office, Frankfurt/Main.

Institute for Exploration of the Jewish question

On 26 March 1941 Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg inaugurated as the first district office of the "Hohe Schule" in Frankfurt/Main the Institute for Exploration of the Jewish Question (Frankfurt/Main Bockenheimer Landstrasse 68).

According to the order of the Fuehrer from 29 Jan 1940 the "Hohe Schule" is supposed to represent "the center of the national-socialist doctrine and education." At the same time Reichsleiter Rosenberg was authorized to make all necessary preparations for the foundation of the "Hohe Schule" in the realm of research and organization of libraries.

The district office in Frankfurt/Main, activated under those preparatory measures, competent for the domain of the Jewish question, contains besides a research-department and archives, a voluminous library whose stock shall be the subject of this article.

The basis for the library for exploration of the Jewish question is made up of the libraries from occupied territories, confiscated by the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg, in accordance with the orders of the Fuehrer from 5 July 1940, 17 Sept 1940 and 1 March 1942. This material is derived from Jewish property, now centrally collected to serve the research, doctrine and education of the German people.

The most significant book-collections today belonging to the stock of the "Library for exploration of the Jewish question", are the following:

1. The library of the _Alliance Israelite Universelle_. Among the approximately _40,000 volumes_ of this library from Paris (mainly Judaica and Hebraica) are numerous volumes of magazines, voluminous pamphlet material, a very detailed literature and collection of clippings from newspapers regarding the affair Dreyfus, about 200 Hebrew manuscripts and 30 manuscripts in other languages, about 20 incunabula.

2. The stock of the _Ecole Rabbinique_ consists mostly of Judaica and Hebraica, altogether about _10,000 volumes_. The Jewish texts of this Rabbi-school in Paris offers valuable Talmud-material and complete magazine series.

3. The library of the _Federation de Societe des Juifs de France_ (about _4000 volumes_) contains besides general literature about Jewry mostly Russian literature about the Jewish question.

4. The stock of the Jewish bookstore in Paris _Lipschuetz_ (about _20,000 volumes_) contains in its most valuable part bibliographical works, Hebraica and so on.

5. The various collections from former property of the _Rothschilds_ of Paris generally are of no more than common interest, but they also show that the various members of the Rothschild family collected Jewish literature for their own orientation. The collections in question are the following:

_a._ Collection _Edouard Rothschild_ (about _6,000 volumes_)

_b._ Collection _Edouard and Guy Rothschild_ (about _3,000 volumes_)

_c._ Collection _Maurice Rothschild_ (about _6,000 volumes_)

_d._ Collection _Robert Rothschild_ (about _10,000 volumes_)

_e._ Collection of the Rothschild family from hunting lodge _Armainvilliers_ (about _3,000 volumes_)

These Rothschild collections contain, besides the valuable book stock, important archive material which gives information on connections between Jews and non-Jews in France and abroad. In this connection it should be mentioned that the district office Frankfurt/Main also is in possession of the archives of the last 100 years of the Parisian bank of Rothchild (760 boxes).

6. The _Rosenthaliana_ from Amsterdam with _20,000 volumes_ (mostly German language literature on the Jewish question).

7. The library of the _Sefardic Jewish community in Amsterdam_ with about _25,000 volumes_ (mostly Hebraica).

8. The large amount of books secured in the _occupied eastern territories_ (prevalent Soviet-Jewish and Polish-Jewish literature, voluminous Talmud literature) are from collecting points in Riga, Kauen, Wilna, Minsk and Kiev (about _280,000 volumes_).

9. Book collections from Jewish communities in _Greece_ (about _10,000 volumes_).

10. Book material from a "Sonderaktion" in the Rhineland (collecting point _Neuwied_) with about _5,000 volumes_.

11. The book collections mentioned under 1-10 were turned over to the Library for Exploration of the Jewish Question by the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg and are constantly being filled up by new shipments from the Einsatzstab. Besides that, some 100,000 volumes which were obtained from other sources (finance offices and so on) by the district office, belong to the library for exploration of the Jewish question. Therefore, the library for exploration of the Jewish questions contains as of 1 April 1943:

Approximately _550,000 volumes_ (about 3,300 book boxes) including 325 boxes (approx. 24,000 volumes) earmarked for the district office but still kept in Berlin with the Staff, and including approx. 220,000 volumes (about 650 boxes) prepared for shipment to Frankfurt/Main at the various collecting points of the Einsatzstab and partly packed.

In detail, these stocks deposited in Berlin cover the material of the above under Nos. 3, 5_b_, _d_ and _e_ mentioned libraries (about 17,000 volumes), furthermore parts of the collections mentioned under Nos. 5_a_ and _c_ (about 7,000 volumes); all the books at the collecting points ready for shipment to Frankfurt/Main cover the whole stock as the collections mentioned under Nos. 6 and 7 (about 50,000 volumes), part of that material secured in the East (compare No. 8 above; there are in Minsk about 20,000 volumes, in Wilno about 50,000 volumes and in Kiev about 100,000 volumes). The stocks mentioned here which are still in Berlin or at the collecting points, make up approximately another _240,000 volumes_. The district office in Frankfurt/Main has received so far approximately _300,000 volumes_ (about 2,325 boxes).

Of these, approximately 2,325 book boxes which arrived at the library for exploration of the Jewish question, were so far unpacked and put on bookshelves:

567 boxes of the Alliance Israelite Universelle (out of 656 boxes)

165 boxes of the Ecole Rabbinique (out of 243 boxes)

50 boxes of the book store Lipschuetz (out of 197 boxes)

84 boxes of the collection Edouard Rothschild (the remaining 75 boxes are still in Berlin)

23 boxes of the collection Maurice Rothschild (the remaining 39 boxes are still in Berlin)

159 boxes of the collection point Riga (the whole stock)

Thus 1,048 book boxes (about 150,000 volumes) were unpacked that is half of the book boxes, so far received in Frankfurt Main.

27,848 volumes were catalogued in Frankfurt Main from 1 May 1941 (beginning of cataloguing) to 31 March 1943 (catalogued according to authors and subjects). According to the same principle the new publication which were put into the library for the exploration of the Jewish question since 1941, were catalogued--9,325 volumes.

Apart from the actual importance of the Jewish question, the library for the research of the Jewish question assumes a high position in the realm of German libraries with its present collection of about 550,000 volumes because this Frankfurt library could be brought to such a degree of completeness as regards the literature on the Jewish question as never before in Europe or elsewhere. In the New Order of Europe Organization _the_ library for the Jewish question not only for Europe but for the world will arise in Frankfurt am Main.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 176-PS

REPORT

On the activities of the Einsatzstab of the Bureau of the Reichsleiter Rosenberg in the occupied Western Territories and The Netherlands. Working Group Netherland

The Working Group Netherland of the Einsatzstab Reichsleiter Rosenberg began its work in agreement with the competent representative of the Reichskommissar during the first days of September, 1940. The execution of the past, conforming with the Fuehrer's orders, coordinated itself with the liquidation, that is confiscation, according to civil law, of the various subversive institutions--as set forth in the circulars of the OKW (A2 Nr. 2850/40g Adj. Chief OKW), dated 5 July 1940, and of the Chief of the OKW to the Commander in Chief of the Wehrmacht in France (2 f 28.14WZ Nr. 3812/40g) dated 17 September 1940, as well as to the Commander in Chief of the OKW in the Netherlands. (Az 2 f 28 J (IA) Nr. 1338 40g) dated 30 October 1940. The screening of the material of the various Masonic lodges was taken care of primarily, and the library and the archives of the following lodges were sifted and all useful material was packed.

Droit Humain:

Lodge "v. Volmaking", Amsterdam Lodge "George Martin II", Amsterdam Lodge "Nr. 4", Amsterdam Lodge "Washington Nr. 53", Amsterdam Lodge "Hiram Abif", Amsterdam Lodge "Eenheid", Amsterdam Lodge "De drie zuilen", Amsterdam Lodge "George Martin I", Den Haag Lodge "St. Germain", Den Haag Lodge "v. Volmaking", Den Haag

Groot Oosten der Nederlande

Lodge "Jacob vanCampen", Amersfoort Lodge "La Bien Aimee", Amsterdam Lodge "La Charite", Amsterdam Lodge "La Paix", Amsterdam Lodge "Concordia V.A.", Amsterdam Lodge "Willem Frederik", Amsterdam Lodge "Post Nobila Lux", Amsterdam Lodge "Nes Vincit Libertas", Amsterdam Lodge "Eendracht", Amsterdam Lodge "De Geldersche Broederschap", Arnhem Lodge "In Vrijheid Een", Bussum Lodge "Silentium", Delft Lodge "L'Union Royale", Den Haag Lodge "Hiram Abiff", Den Haag Lodge "L'Union Frederic", Den Haag Lodge "Groot Nederland", Den Haag Lodge "De Oude Plichten", Den Haag Lodge "L'Union Provinciale", Groningen Lodge "Vincit Vim Virtus", Haarlem Lodge "Kennermerland", Haarlem Lodge "Ad Lucem et Pacem", Haarlem Lodge "Willem Frederic Karel", Den Helder Lodge "De Gooische Broederschap", Hilversum Lodge "La Vertu", Leiden Lodge "Sint Lodewijk", Nijmegen Lodge "De drie Kolommen", Rotterdam Lodge "Frederic Royal", Rotterdam Lodge "Acacia", Rotterdam Lodge "Concordia", Rotterdam Lodge "Ultrajectina", Utrecht Lodge "Anna Paulowna", Zaandam

I.O.O.F.

Victorie--Lodge No. 50, Alkmaar Paradijs--Lodge No. 1, Amsterdam Mount Sinai--Lodge No. 2, Amsterdam Ware Bataven--Lodge No. 4, Amsterdam Concordia--Lodge No. 5, Amsterdam Amstel--Lodge No. 12, Amsterdam Spinoza--Lodge No. 13, Amsterdam Eensgezindheids--Lodge No. 17, Amsterdam Patria--Lodge No. 26, Amsterdam Excelsior--Lodge No. 32, Amsterdam Broederschaps--Lodge No. 47, Amsterdam Wilson--Lodge No. 51, Amsterdam Mozart--Lodge No. 55, Amsterdam Rebekkah--Lodge "Hollandia" No. 1, Amsterdam Gooische--Lodge No. 28, Bussum Humanitas--Lodge No. 23, Den Haag Charitas--Lodge No. 24, Den Haag Fidelitas--Lodge No. 53, Den Haag Rebekkah--Lodge "Acacia" No. 3, Den Haag Rebekkah--Lodge "Vrede", No. 4, Den Haag Drie Schakels--Lodge No. 7, Groningen St. Maarten--Lodge No. 15, Groningen Kennemer--Lodge No. 27, Haarlem Eem--Lodge No. 36, Hilversum Sleutel--Lodge No. 57, Leiden Maas--Lodge No. 16, Rotterdam Luctor et Emerge--Lodge No. 48, Rotterdam Rebekkah--Lodge, "Omhoog," Nor. 2, Rotterdam Sic Semper--Lodge No. 43, Utrecht Amicitia--Lodge No. 54, Utrecht Rebekkah--Lodge, "Tolerantia," Utrecht Zaan--Lodge No. 20, Zaandam Harmonie--Lodge No. 38, Zaandam Czaar Peter Club, Zaandam Rebekkah--Lodge, "Humanite" No. 5, Zaandam

Rotary Club

Rotary Club No. 3521, Alkmaar Rotary Club No. 3533, Amersfoort Rotary Club No. 1336, Amsterdam Rotary Club No. 3233, Arnhem Rotary Club No. 5180, Bussum Rotary Club No. 4079, Delfo Rotary Club No. 1919, Den Haag Rotary Club No. 3013, Groningen Rotary Club No. 2299, Haarlem Rotary Club No. 2943, Hilversum Rotary Club No. 2386, Leiden Rotary Club No. 3467, Nijmegen Rotary Club No. 1879, Rotterdam Rotary Club No. 1481, Utrecht Rotary Club No. 4721, Zaandam

All together 470 cases combining material from the here mentioned lodges and from organizations of a similar status were packed and transported to Germany. Furthermore, everything the temple of the lodge in Nijmegen and the temple of the I.O. O.F. in Haarlem contained, was sent to Germany. Also, steel-shelves for about 30,000 books were taken from the building belonging to the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag where they have so far been used for the Bibliotheka Klossiana, containing parts of one library of the Grooten Oosten, and the library of the Vrijmetselar-Stichting, Amsterdam, are of great value. And so are the archives of the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag, containing all the historical documents of the lodges affiliated with the Grooten Oosten.

To estimate the value of the Bibliotheka Klossiana, containing many rare pieces, it is to be remembered that in 1930 the Grooten Oosten der Nederlande was offered $5,000,000 for the Bibliotheka Klossiana by Freemasons in the U.S.

A particularly valuable discovery was made by the working group searching the altars in the building of the Grooten Oosten in Den Haag. The Master-Hammer of the Grooten Oosten, made of pure gold, with which some of its members had presented to the Grooten Oosten on its 60th Anniversary, fell into our hands. It is a piece of high quality whose money-value alone is estimated to be 3,000 Reichsmark.

The Working Group took over the International Institute for Social History in Amsterdam with its library and archives, boxes of extraordinary value. It seems that this institute was founded in 1934 with the intention of creating a center of intellectual resistance against National Socialism. Its employees were mainly Jewish refugees from Germany. The contents of its library and its archives with many very valuable items were brought together from all over the world. In the library, there are about 160,000 volumes, though most of them will have to be catalogued. Of particular interest is the German, French and Russian Department. According to the decision made by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, the Institute was taken over in its entirety. A member of the Dienstelle was nominated as director of the Institute--he, together with his collaborators will arrange the books, catalogue the scientific material and get the Institute ready for the work of the Party. What may be said already is that the scientific value of the library and the archives is that they contain a complete collection of material on the social and socialist movements in certain countries.

The libraries of the Societas Spinozana in Den Haag and of the Spinoza-House in Rijnsburg also were packed. Packed in 18 cases, they, too, contain extremely valuable early works of great importance for the exploration of the Spinoza problem. Not without reason did the Director of the Societas Spinozana try, under false pretenses which we uncovered, to withhold the library from us.

Then the library of the Alliance Francaise, Den Haag, was packed (6 cases) as well as the German publication of the refugee-publishers Aller de Lange, Querido, Fischer-Beerman, Forum-Zeek, of the Kultura Bookshop and the publications of the Pegasus-Verlag, all in Amsterdam, a total of 17 cases. After that, the Working Group concentrated on packing the newspaper and magazine stocks of the International Institute for Social History. The very exclusive racks which had been brought together from all over the world were kept at the Institute in complete disorder and left to self-destruction; they were properly packed into 776 cases and stored, for the time being, in the Working Group's store-houses. It is very strongly suggested that these newspapers and magazines be bound and the volumes be put up in proper libraries as fast as possible; otherwise, an irreparable loss will be the result since these newspapers and magazines are from all over the world.

A large unknown amount of material classified as "Enemy Goods" and coming from the so-called "Overseas-Gifts", that is, household goods of Jewish refugees, is falling into our hands daily. These gifts are being kept at the so-called "House in Holland", and so far 43 cases were packed there, including the private library of the former Minister of the Eisner-Government, Neurath.

In agreement with the Commander-in-Chief of the Wehrmacht in the Netherlands, all libraries in houses of Jewish refugees and confiscated by the Wehrmacht, are being turned over to the Working Group. So far, the library of the Jew De Cat in Haarlem was packed into 4 cases.

An extremely valuable library, containing inestimable works in Sanskrit, was confiscated when the Theosophic Society in Amsterdam was dissolved, and packed into 96 cases.

A number of smaller libraries belonging to the Spiritists, Esperanto Movement, the Bellamy Movement, the International Biblical Research and various other minor international organizations were packed into 7 cases; texts belonging to various minor Jewish organizations were packed into 4 cases, and a library of the Anthroposophic Society in Amsterdam into three.

It is safe to say that the racks of books confiscated, packed and so far sent to Germany by the Working Group are of extraordinary scientific value and shall contribute an integral part of the library of the "Hohe Schule." The money-value of these libraries, as shown in the case of the "Klossiana", can only be estimated, but surely amount to 30-40,000,000 Reichsmark.

For the coming months, action is planned on the following, enumerated here in chronological order:

1. The libraries of the Theosophic Society and similar organizations in Den Haag, Rotterdam and several other places.

2. Continuous sifting of objects confiscated in the "House in Holland" and other buildings.

3. Screening of several archives with Press-photos, consisting altogether of 2.6 million pictures which shall be turned over to us by the Reichskommissariat.

4. The Jewish private libraries in Amsterdam, particularly:

A. The Israelite Library Beth-Hamidrasch Etz Chaim, Amsterdam, Rapenburgerstraat 109. This library, founded in 1740, contains about 4,000 volumes, particularly Jewish theology.

B. Library of the Netherland Israelite Seminar, Amsterdam, Rapenburgerstraat 177. It contains 4,300 volumes of Hebraica and 2,000 volumes Judaica. At the time, it took over the library of the Jewish Society for Literature, Thoelet (1830-1837) and valuable Jewish private collections. Amongst other things, it contains precious old prints from the years 1480 to 1560 and some manuscripts.

C. The Portuguese-Israelite Seminar, Amsterdam, Jonas Daniel Meyerplein 5. There are 25,000 volumes, 450 manuscripts, 600 prints [Inkunablen] and numerous Exlibris, coins and the like and the famous material on Talmud Literature.

D. The so-called Rosentaliana, primarily a foundation by the Jew Rosenthal from Hannover. From there, it was at the time transferred and affiliated with the local university library. In the meantime, it has on account of donations, grown considerably. Technically, it belongs to the Municipality of Amsterdam, but in the Catalogue of Libraries in the Netherlands of 1931, it is designated as "Private". According to the catalogue, it contains 25,000 volumes and 300 manuscripts. However, the amount of volumes reaches 100,000 indeed.

The libraries mentioned under 4. ought to be of particular interest for the history of Western Europe. It is very likely that hitherto unknown facts may be brought into the open, on the era of Cromwell and that of the glorious Revolution of 1688 and the resulting personal union between England and the Netherlands. In particular, light may be thrown on Cromwell's attitude towards the Jews, possibly even on the Jewish influence on the development of the Secret Service.

The temple and the museum of the Grooten Oosten der Nederlande. At present, both are needed for exhibitions on behalf of the Dienststelle of the Reichskommissar. With the end of the exhibition temple furnishings and museum shall be turned over to us.

A very conservative estimate of the value of the objects enumerated in 1. to 5. may be about three times as much as that of the libraries already packed. Therefore, it is safe to say that the library of the Hohe Schule shall, with very little effort, receive an extraordinary amount of treasures which shall give it a unique position in the realm of questions regarding Judaism and Free-Masonism.

The Working Group, in executing the afore-mentioned tasks is bound strictly to the pace set by the Reichskommissar for the handling of the Jewish questions and that of the international organizations. This pace again is determined by the political evolution which is taking shape according to decisions made on a higher level, and which must not be hampered by individual acts. Work that has been authorized to be done by the Working Group, but has not yet been accomplished should now, with twice as much personnel as before, be finished within 2 to 3 months. It may be mentioned that the Working Group has been working overtime for weeks now, and also is working, as is done on the battlefield, on Sundays.

The leader of the Working Group Netherland.

Schimmer Oberbereichsleiter.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 197-PS

Berlin, 27 August 1941.

Notes

Concerning the conference that has taken place on the OKH concerning the transfer of a part of the Ukraine to the civil administration.

On 25.8.1941, a conference took place in headquarters OKH/ Quartermaster General regarding preparation for the transfer of the Reich Commissary of the Ukraine to the civil administration scheduled to take place on 1.9.41.

Besides myself and the expert of the Q.M. General, the following took part in the conference:

Major i. G. Altenstadt Chairman

Ministerialdirigent Dr. Chief of the Administrative Danckwarts Branch within the Army Administrative Group.

Colonel i. G. von Krosigk Chief of the General Staff of the commander of the southern Army Zone Rear.

Chief of Staff of the Commander of the Office of the Armed Forces.

Regierungspraesident Dargs Representative of Reich Commissar Koch.

Oberregierungsrat Dr. Labs

Captain Dr. Braeutigam.... Representative of the Ministry for the East.

Major Wagner.

The letter first explained the boundaries of the Reich Commissariat Ukraine as of the 1.9.41. In Bessarabia and Bukovinia Rumania is in accord with the O.K.W. and has already set up the civil administration, although until now there has been no official surrender of the area to Rumania. The official assignment to the Rumanian administration is expected in the next few days. The area around Brest is still at present, under the military commander of the General Government; the remainder of the Reich Commissariat Ukraine is under the commander of the Southern Army Zone Rear. At the time that a civil administration was inaugurated on the 1.9.1941, these areas (which apply to the military sector) were transferred to the jurisdiction of the commander of the Wehrmacht in the Ukraine.

The area to be transferred is for the most part pacified. Only in the region of the Pripet Marshes is there still unrest produced by Partisan groups. The rather strong forces there at present of the Southern Army Zone Rear have been concentrated and recently destroyed 8 out of 10 Partisan battalions (strength of each battalion approximately 100 men). Should the Partisans not be wholly liquidated by the 1.9.1941, forces of the above mentioned commander will remain in the area for this purpose.

The security of the part of the Reich Commissary Ukraine to be set up on the 1.9.1941, will be carried out in the south by a Hungarian Division (2 brigades), connected in the north with a Slovakian security division besides 4 battalions of militia. All units, including the Hungarian and Slovakians are under the command of the commander of the Wehrmacht. In the area are two district commands and five town commands, and the district commands are in Luck and Kamenez-Podolsk. The units of the transport and intelligence services remain directly under the command of the O.K.W. Furthermore the economic inspection of the south remains with the commander of the Army Zone Rear. The economic command in Kiev placed under this inspection has its seat for the time being in Shitomir. This command is responsible for the civil administration in the whole area to be transferred.

Near Kamenez-Podolsk, the Hungarians have pushed about 11,000 Jews over the border. In the negotiations up to the present it has not been possible to arrive at any measures for the return of these Jews. The higher SS and Police leader (SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Jeckeln) hopes, however, to have completed the liquidation of these Jews by the 1.9.1941.

Ministerialdirigent Dr. Danckwarts asserts that both district commands have confined themselves to the fulfilment of all the most necessary projects in the administrative field. In the communities for the most part Volksdeutsche or Ukrainians have been placed in office as Burgermeister. According to experiences up to date these people are scarcely in a position to administer to their communities independently, but require in every single case instruction and guidance from the German units.

Colonel von Krosigk states that the military units in many towns of the region have set up a Ukrainian militia, which it is agreed would now be taken over by the higher SS and Police leader as auxiliary police.

In this militia strong efforts for independence have been noticed since this militia is in part composed of active elements (members of the Bandera National independentist movement). The populace is in general obliging but wholly intimidated and uneasy. They have made themselves deserving by their searching for Russian paratroopers who were dropped almost every night by the Russians, especially around the main railroad lines. These paratroops are harmless, since they are badly armed and instructed. They are for the most part in civilian clothes. From the directive for the treatment of the collective question great success in the field of propaganda is promised in military circles.

In many Ukrainian districts the Ukrainians themselves have put their burgermeisters in office. These men had with them quantities of written messages and statements from national Ukrainian parties. The Wehrmacht has not recognized such people, but took the statements from them and sent them home again.

The administrative officials of the two district commands remains until the 15.9.1941 at the district commands in order to assist the units by their familiarity with the civil administration, without their being engaged in the actual work of administration themselves. Particularly, Kriegsverwaltungsrat Schwarz, one of the two administrative officials of the commander of the southern Army Zone Rear still remained in the area and would go to Rowno in case the civil administration should desire it. The 454th division becomes the security division in the area of the Reich Commissariat insofar as the security was not taken over by the Rumanians.

* * * * *

In a private conference between (Ministerialdirigent) Dr. Danckwarts, (Regierungspraesident) Darge, Captain Dr. Braeutigam and the undersigned, a few more administrative questions were briefly discussed. On this occasion (Ministerialdirigent) Dr. Danckwarts stated that the Rumanians in the southern part of the Ukraine would take over as far as civil administration was concerned, the old borders of Bessarabia, forming a zone as far as the Bug, including Odessa, without being promised the eventual possession of this zone.

Furthermore, with 15 divisions they would take over the security of a larger portion of the Ukraine, which in this zone would be under the control of the German civil administration.

Captain Dr. Braeutigam was requested by telephone by Dr. Koeppen at the Fuehrer's Headquarters to be careful that the Rumanians should not form a Ukrainian group under a former military attache in Berlin in the zone taken over by their civil administration. This question was discussed with Major Altenstadt in my presence. He explained that the Wehrmacht has no administrative control in influencing the Rumanians in the zone under their civil administration; this could only be done through the Foreign Office.

* * * * *

In discussion with several officers who had recently been in the Ukraine, I learned that the prohibiting of army chaplains from conducting religious services for the civilian population and also the Ethnic Germans [Volksdeutsche] has led to depression and disturbance among the Volksdeutsche. One should not fail to realize that the church has been the common connecting-link of the Volksdeutsche in the Ukraine. Although not many Ukrainian clergy are present a few still hold religious services for the Ukrainians. The Volksdeutsche fail to understand why the only possibility of their caring for their souls, namely through the agency of Army Chaplains, is denied to them.

LABS Oberregierungsrat [illegible] Ministerialdirektor.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 199-PS

COPY

Reichs Ministry for the Occupied East

Berlin 11 July 1944

Correspondence

To the General Deputy for the Labor Employment, Gauleiter Sauckel

_Berlin SW 11_

I just learned that refugee camps for the White Russians in Bialystok, Krajewo and Olitai were closed for the recruiting for the war Einsatz Command middle. I call your attention to the following:

1. That the war employment command [Kriegseinsatzkommando] formerly stationed in Minsk must continue under all circumstances the calling in of young white Ruthenian and Russian manpower for military employment in the Reich. In addition, the command has the mission to bring young boys of 10-14 years of age to the Reich.

2. It deals here with a military employment approved by the Fuehrer, the measures of which will be increased in a newly released directive by the Fuehrer. Such military missions must forego all others.

3. Nothing changes these relative missions by the evacuation of these provinces in which the recruiting originally took place. The recruiting order does not pertain to certain territories but to the people living in these territories.

4. I must reject every responsibility for the consequences arising from the closing of the Refugee Camp and am compelled, upon further closing of camps, to request immediately a Fuehrer decision.

The same principle must prevail in the recruiting of Air Corps helpers in Estonia and Lithuania. I carefully point to this fact should similar situations occur there.

For. Signed: Alfred MEYER

Copies to:

Gauleiter bureau Chief group leader Berger Dr. Braeutigam Chief bannfuehrer Nickel Ministry director Beil.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 200-PS

Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern Territories P 719a/44g [ink note]

Special Train, Gotenland 8.7.1944

CONFIDENTIAL

TELEGRAM

1. Chief of the Civil Administration, _Bialystok_

2. Offices of the SS and Police Chiefs concerned, _Bialystok_

3. SD Unit concerned, _Bialystok_

_Subject_: HJ--Kriegseinsatzkommando Center.

The HJ Kriegseinsatzkommando center, which until now has been stationed in Minsk, must under all circumstances continue its duties, as regards the enrollment of young White Ruthenians and Russians for a military reserve in the Reich. The Command is further charged with the transferring of worth-while Russian youth between 10-14 years of age, to the Reich. The authority is not affected by the changes connected with the evacuation and transportation to the reception camps of Bialystok, Krajewo, and Olitei. The Fuehrer wishes that this activity be increased even more.

I request that the Command of Bialystok be assisted in the execution of its duties in every possible way. Should difficulties arise contrary to expectations, I request that I be informed immediately by wire.

Ministry for the East [signed] Berger Chief of the Command Staff for Politics

4. Copies to:

Office of the Gauleiter _Ministerialdirigent Dr. Braeutigam_ Hauptbannfuehrer Nickel

initialled B 11/7

PARTIAL SYNOPSIS AND TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 204-PS

The City Commissioner in Kauen

Kauen, 18 February 1944

Release of Indigenous Labor for Purposes of the Reich

[Translator's Synopsis]

After entry into Lithuania thousands of workers were recruited to work for a period of 6 months in Gau Ost Prussen. Contrary to all promises these laborers were not released even after twelve months, and their various connections at home received no compensations. They did not even get a short furlough home for a long time. Now it is intended to put them in the munitions industry against their will.

In the early part of 1942 another recruiting was made by the Wehrmacht for 7000 male transport-aides. They forced the Lithuanians to register at an office and then locked them up in barracks as they came in. Naturally they dislike the Germans almost as much as the Russians.

Recently the recruiting drives for new volunteers for the army, police and labor service, and for laborers in the munitions industry within the Reich have been started. However the Russians removed 40,000 professional personnel in 1941, and more than 100,000 were removed from work, so many positions cannot be filled now.

After the recruiting campaigns the populace did not trust any further proclamations or measures as far as working within Germany was concerned. Furthermore the Lithuanians do not feel that they have in their state a political unit. Because of previous unsettled political conditions, the Lithuanian does not think much about politics. Since he pays little attention to his own laws, he heeds ours even less. They do not attend the musterings and must be brought by the police.

Although the civilian administration promised to produce the labor, they were not too successful, as the following will show:

1. _Seizure of the age classes of 1919/24_

This was ordered by the Reichs Commissar for the East, but due to the inefficiency of the officials, it was only partially successful.

The actual seizure was done by members of the Wehrmacht, police, local administration and the labor office. Energetic propaganda campaigns were initiated to induce the male members of the age groups to register at the designated offices.

Soon however opposition arose on the part of the Lithuanian intelligentia. To counteract this the following measures were taken.

[Translation]

Renunciation of the formation of a Lithuanian legion, closing of the native universities, and arresting of a number of members of the Lithuanian intelligentia.

[Translator's Synopsis]

These measures were not practicable; consequently the General Commissar ordered another registering, with severe penalties for non-appearance. Although every effort was made, the results were still unsatisfactory. From an expected total enrolment of 5800 men, only 47% appeared, and among this percentage were many of no use to us for various reasons.

[Translation]

2. The completely unsatisfactory experience of the previous action made _a further seizure of the age group 1912/18 and also of the female age group 1914/22_ necessary. These two further actions also brought no satisfactory result. In a lecture which the Plenipotentiary for the Arbeitseinsatz Gauleiter Sauckel made on 18 July 1943 in Kauen, and in an official conference following it, between Gauleiter Sauckel and the General Commissar, the pool of labor in the Reich was again brought up urgently; Gauleiter Sauckel again demanded that Lithuanian labor be furnished in greater volume for the purposes of the Reich. As the minutes of this conference show, the General Commissar described very forcibly the very great difficulties opposing the preparation of indigenous labor forces, and asked urgently for the preparation of a larger number of German police forces. SS-Obergruppenfuehrer von dem Bach promised explicitly at that time "a real strengthening of the police force in Lithuania". This real strengthening of the police force in Lithuania meanwhile was not carried out in the course of further actions.

[Translator's Synopsis]

3. Sauckel wanted 30,000 workers. Although the civilian administration did their best, conditions were in confusion and only 8200 of the 30,000 were on hand.

4. Then Sauckel made a new requisition, this time for 100,000 workers. Although fulfillment of this requisition would vacate many positions in the country, the General Commissar promised to fill the order. However, many difficulties will arise. In the country it is easier to recruit labor because it is possible to study the labor situation in more detail than in a large city like Kauen. In the country the administration has a closer tie with the populace for one thing.

To fulfill the requisition of labor made on Lithuania, assistance from the German Civil Administration is a necessity. The police force will have to be increased temporarily, severe treatment in case of sabotage, a temporary increase in the allotment of motor fuel, and the use of the quartermaster facilities of the Wehrmacht; all these measures will be necessary if the required amount of labor is to be supplied.

This new action of Sauckel's will probably not work. The only way of gaining any successes in this matter is to have at our disposal large numbers of German police.

[signature illegible]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 205-PS

National Socialist Labor Party

Party Chancellory

Fuehrer's Headquarters 5 May 1943

The Chief of the Party Chancellory Chancery Rosenberg Admit. No. 931 K 24 May 1943. Circular No. 70/43

Subject: Memorandum concerning the general principles for the treatment of foreign laborers employed within the Reich.

The Reich Propaganda Ministry and the RSHA have together issued a memorandum concerning the treatment of foreign laborers employees within the Reich.

I request in the attached copy that the necessity for a firm but just treatment of the foreign workers be made clear to members of the Party and the People.

A publication of this memorandum is not to be made.

Signed: M. Bormann.

Distribution:

Reichsleiter Gauleiter Verbaendefuehrer Kreisleiter Ortsgruppenleiter

Index File Card: Foreign Laborers--Treatment--Behavior

* * * * *

Memorandum concerning the general principles for the treatment of foreign workers employed within the Reich.

The struggle of the Reich against the destructive forces of Bolshevism becomes more and more a European affair. There is an apparent practical result in the employment within the Reich of millions of foreign workers from almost all the European countries on the continent, in addition to a large number of members of the conquered forces of hostile nations. From this fact arise special obligations for the German people, which are submitted first of all in the following principles:

1. Of primary importance is the security of the Reich. The Reichsfuehrer of the SS and his units settle all questions on measures of the security police for the protection of the Reich and the German people.

2. The humane, production-increasing treatment of the foreign workers and the facilities granted them can obviously lead to the effacement of the clear lines of demarcation between the workers of foreign peoples and members of the German race. It is demanded of members of the German race that they observe the difference between themselves and foreign nationals as a patriotic duty. By disregarding the fundamental principles of the National Socialist conception of blood [Blutauffassung] a member of the German race must be aware of being liable to the severest penalties. The knowledge, that the outcome will be either victory or a Bolshevist chaos, must cause every German to draw the necessary conclusions in dealings with workers of foreign nationalities.

Everything is subordinated to the mission of ending the war victoriously. The foreign workers employed within the Reich are to be treated in such a manner that their reliability is retained and expedited; that consequences unfavorable to the Reich be limited to a minimum in their home countries and that full labor be retained at a future date for the German war economy, yes, so that even a rise in production ensues. The following is to be regarded here as decided:

1. Everyone even the primitive man, has a fine perception for justice! Consequently every unjust treatment must have a very bad effect. Injustices, insults, trickery, mistreatment etc. must be discontinued. Punishment by beating is forbidden. The workers of foreign nationality are to be correspondingly informed concerning the severe measures for insubordinate and seditious elements.

2. Winning someone to active cooperation for a new idea is impossible, if his innate consciousness of value is insulted at the same time. From people who are described as beasts, barbarians and sub-humans, no great accomplishment can be demanded: In contrast to all opportunities that arise, positive characteristics such as the will to fight against Bolshevism, security of their own existence and of their country, readiness to enlist and the willingness to work, all are to be spurred on and expedited.

3. Moreover everything must be done in order to further the necessary cooperation of the European peoples in the struggle against Bolshevism. The foreign worker is not to be convinced by words alone that a German victory is also favorable for him and his people. Supposition is a suitable treatment.

Digressing from these view-points, the responsible plenipotentiaries for Arbeitseinsatz responsible for the recruiting and the working conditions of the foreign laborers as well as the other bureaus concerned, have issued the necessary directives for the employment of foreign laborers within the Reich. From these instructions the following are especially to be stressed:

_a._ If possible every foreign worker will receive a position for which he has the greatest ability according to his training and former employment.

_b._ The quartering of foreign labor personnel is to be, as a rule, in camps. The accommodations must be provided with all the necessities in respect to orderliness, cleanliness and sanitation. Measures of imprisonment such as confinement and barbwire are forbidden. It is especially emphasized that in this quartering, the national customs of the foreign workers, (male and female) are to be given the utmost consideration in conformation with the possibilities conditioned by war. The foreigners are as much as possible divided into national groups, and are to be quartered together. The assistance of the foreign workers in the administration of the camp and the maintenance of order within the camp is to be secured. For all camps there are camp directives which outline in particular the duties and right of the camp and the leaders.

_c._ At the time of enlistment the foreign workers are to be urged to bring clothing and foot gear with them to Germany. So far as this is not possible and so far as it has become necessary to replace articles of clothing that have become unusable, they are to be provided with clothing and footgear, considering limitations imposed by war, so that the necessary protection for the preservation of health against weather is guaranteed.

_d._ The foreign workers are to receive, in reference to diet, the same ration allowance as the German workers from the Reich Minister for nutrition and agriculture. In this matter the usual cost will be considered. Care will be taken that supplies are issued to the foreign workers in accordance with the numbers placed at their disposal. Embezzlements, usurious prices etc. by supervisory bureaus or administrative officers will be punished as if the act were committed against Germans.

_e._ Every foreign worker has claim to efficient sanitation measures. The regulations for prevention of epidemics and contagious diseases are not to be deviated from. Medical attention according to local conditions is to be assured by the doctors of the camp district or insurance [Kasse]. For permanent treatment in districts or hospitals the number of beds necessary are to be kept ready in a suitable manner. For nursing and maintenance nursing personnel of the same nationality are if possible to be called up, and if circumstances permit doctors and army-surgeons of the same nationality. For pregnant workers obstetrical necessities are to be provided; also peaceful accommodations and nurseries of suitable size are to be supplied. Female members of the nationality concerned are to be used for care of patients. The return home [Rueckbefoerderungen] of pregnant workers is to take place only in extremely exceptional cases on the request of the party concerned.

_f._ Recreation for the foreign workers is of the greatest importance for the conservation of working power and morale. Entertaining organizations, periods of free time, sports, etc. are of prime importance in the camp itself and are to be carried on by camp personnel. In addition, special performers and national groups of the various nationalities are to be used for the further development of this recreation. In addition insofar as possible their own moving picture films will be presented. Furthermore books, periodicals and newspapers translated into the various foreign languages are to be available in every camp. Language courses are to promote understanding in the place of work. For the various nationalities special dictionaries are to be published.

In addition the workers from the East have at least the possibility of going out on their free day.

_g._ For all foreign workers recreation is possible, insofar as it is desired. For members of the Occupied Eastern Territories care only from lay-priests is considered. Care from Russian and Ukrainian emigrants is forbidden.

In case of death all foreigners will be buried in the public cemeteries.

_h._ The political influence is directed mainly against Bolshevism and ought to be molded accordingly.

The above-mentioned principles are considered binding as policies of conduct for all organizations, bureaus and personnel, since they have been published as directives by the respective bureaus. All units which are concerned with the employment and care of foreign workers and particularly factory and camp leaders, are responsible for these principles being put into practice and being adhered to. They must understand quite clearly that violations of the forgiving fundamentals damage the German war economy and indirectly, the Front. Therefore they are not only punishable from the point of view of the non-political crime (for example, assault, embezzlement, usury) but also can be punished for treasonable crimes. Not only the author of such an act can be held responsible but also the responsible office chief. Also defective instruction or supervision of subordinate offices can lead to an official punishment.

All existing directives and instructions for the treatment of foreign workers will be tested by the bureaus concerned as to whether they conform to the principles set forth here. Where this is not the case, they will be immediately revised by suitable measures.

Berlin, 16 April 1943

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 212-PS

COPY

Directions for the handling of the Jewish question

1. _In General._ The competency of the Chief of the Security Police and Security Service, who is charged with the mission of solving the European Jewish question, extends even to the occupied eastern provinces. Accordingly, the offices under the Security Police for the purpose of handling the Jewish question in the occupied eastern provinces are qualified for their present sphere of activity.

In the individual Reichs commissariats, and within these, in the General commissariats, Jewry represents a portion of the population which is very varied in strength. For example, millions of Jews live in White Russia and in the Ukraine who have lived here for generations. In the central province of the USSR however, the Jews have moved in, for by far the greatest part, during Bolshevistic times. Those Russian Jews who followed in the wake of the invading Red Army of 1939 and 1940 to East Poland, West Ukraine, West White Russia, the Baltic lands, Bessarabia, and Buchenland are one particular group.

All measures for the Jewish question in the occupied eastern provinces must be met with the point of view that the whole Jewish question will be solved in general for all of Europe after the war at the latest. They are therefore to be instituted as preparatory partial measures and must be in agreement with those decisions which may otherwise be met in this field. This is especially true for the preparation of at least temporary reception centers for Jews from the Reich province.

An eventual act by the civilian population against the Jews is not to be prevented as long as this is compatible with the maintenance of order and security in the rear of the fighting troops. Namely retaliatory measures are to be allowed against the Jews who come into the provinces which were newly occupied by the Red Army in the last few years. However, strict measures are to be taken against street mobs and other evil elements for whom it concerns only plunder of Jewish stores and stealing Jewish property for their own personal gain.

2. _Definition of the term "Jew"._ The peaceful settlement of the Jewish question requires the previous determining as to who is to be considered a Jew in the occupied Eastern provinces. In reference to the solving of the European Jewish question and to the strong influence which Jewry had upon the remaining Russian population until the invasion of German troops, and which it still exercises at present, it appears necessary from a political, as well as from a popular point of view, for the purpose of avoiding a later regaining of strength of the Jews, to grasp the term "Jew" in the most far-reaching sense.

Therefore, he is a Jew, who belongs to the Jewish religion, or has been recognized as Jewish by other circumstances; he who has a parent who is a Jew in accordance with the above sentence is also a Jew.

3. _Comprehension, mark of recognition, suspension of the rights of freedom and segregation._ The first main goal of the German measures must be strict segregation of Jewry from the rest of the population. In the execution of this, first of all is the seizing of the Jewish populace by the introduction of a registration order and similar appropriate measures. Soviet Jewry has, constantly, attempted, since the Bolshevistic Revolution, to disguise itself in order to unobtrusively move into leading positions, especially in the grain regions of the USSR. For this purpose many Jews have dropped their Jewish names and have taken Russian family names and Russian surnames. It is to be decreed, that the person who must register must report all changes of name by Jews during his lifetime, or as far as he knows during the time of his forefathers, to his superior and to make them retrogressive. The same goes for previous departure from the religious congregation and acceptance of other faiths (other manifold). The erasure of the Jewish deception will be easier in the Reich commissariat Eastland and Ukraine, where the larger part of the Jews have been living for generations than in the other Reichs commissariats. The Soviet archive material, in so far as it is preserved, is to be brought to use for this.

Then immediately, the wearing of the recognition sign consisting of a yellow Jewish star is to be brought about and all rights of freedom for Jews are to be withdrawn. They are to be placed in Ghettos and at the same time are to be separated according to sexes. The presence of many more or less closed Jewish settlements in White Ruthenia and in the Ukraine makes this mission easier. Moreover, places are to be chosen which make possible the full use of the Jewish manpower in case labor needs are present. These Ghettos can be placed under the supervision of a Jewish self-government with Jewish officials. The guarding of the boundaries between the Ghettos and the outer world is, however, the duty of the police.

Also in the cases in which a Ghetto could not yet be established, care is to be taken through strict prohibitions and similar suitable measures that a further intermingling of blood of the Jews and the rest of the populace does not continue.

4. _Removal of the Jewish influence in political, economical, cultural and social fields._ Relative with the measures to segregate the Jews physically from the rest of the populace, everything necessary is to be used in order to eliminate every influence of the Jewry upon the Russian people. This is to happen immediately in political and cultural fields, whereas in all other cases consideration is to be taken that the common interests are not impaired. This is especially true for the economic missions which are important due to the demands of the war and those which concern the national economy.

An entire reconversion of Jewish professional life must be brought about insofar as it does not deal with manual laborers. The group of State employees in the Russian government along with the strongest Jewish professional groups shall vanish entirely. Likewise, similar professional groups are to be divorced from the public life, whereby, however, the tempo of these measures must correspond with the general economical and social need.

The entire Jewish property is to be seized and confiscated with exception of that which is necessary for a bare existence. As far as the economical situation permits, the power of disposal of their property is to be taken from the Jews as soon as possible through orders and other measures given by the commissariat, so that the moving of property will quickly cease.

Any cultural activity will be completely forbidden to the Jew. This includes the outlawing of the Jewish press, the Jewish theatres and schools.

The slaughtering of animals according to Jewish rites is also to be prohibited.

5. _Forced Labor._ The present manpower shortage in the occupied eastern territories as well as ideological-political considerations make the demand appear of basic significance to introduce forced labor commitment in the strictest form. This will have to take place move by move by the elimination of the Jews from their professional life although they are to be permitted to work in their own occupations if they fall within the scope of the labor commitment. Moreover, the Jewish manpower is to be used for heavy manual labor.

The standing rule for the Jewish labor employment is the complete and unyielding use of Jewish manpower regardless of age in the reconstruction of the occupied eastern territories. The missions, which are to be given to the Jews in their labor employment, are especially the highway, railroad and canal construction, as far as the ameliorations, etc. are considered. Also, it seems that agricultural employment above all, will be brought about under strict supervision. Nothing is to be done against the employment of the Jews in cutting of wood, production of straw shoes, brooms and brushes within the Ghettos.

In the employment of the Jews, care is to be taken that Jewish labor is only so used in those productions which will later suffer no noticeable interruption in case of a rapid withdrawal of these labor forces, and which excludes a specialization of Jewish workers. It is to be avoided in every case that Jewish workers become indispensable in essential production.

6. _Violations_. Violations against German measures, especially against the forced labor regulations, are to be punishable by death to the Jews. All violations are to be dealt with by courts-martial.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 228-PS

Circular No. 163/43

(Not for Publication)

Subject: Treatment of PWs

Individual Gau-administrations often refer in reports to a too indulgent treatment of PWs on the part of the guard personnel. In many places, according to these reports, the guarding authorities have even developed into protectors and caretakers of the PWs.

I informed the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces of these reports with the comment that the productive German population absolutely cannot understand it, if, in a time in which the German people is fighting for existence or non-existence, PWs--hence our enemies--are leading a better life than the German working-man, and that it is an urgent duty of every German who has to do with PWs, to bring about a complete utilization of their manpower.

The Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces has now given out the unequivocal order, attached hereto in copy form, to the commanders of PWs in the military districts. I request that this order _be brought orally to the attention of all party office holders in an appropriate manner_.

In case that in the future complaints about unsuitable treatment of PWs still come to light, they are to be immediately communicated to the commanders of the PWs with a reference to the attached order.

Fuehrer--HQ, 25 November 1943

(Signed): M. Bormann

Distribution: Distribution A and B File reference: Treatment--PWs--Guard personnel.

* * * * *

Chief of PW affairs in the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Az. 2f24, 74f Kriegsgef. Allg. (Ia) No. 11082143

Berlin, Badenschestr. 51, 26 October 1943

To: the Commanders of PWs in the Military Districts I to XIII, XVII, XVIII, XX, XXI, Government-General with the commanders of the Armed Forces in the Ukraine and the East; the PW District Commandant with the Commander of the Armed Forces in Norway.

For information: to the Commanders of PWs in the Operational Areas I to IV

to the PW District Commandants in Italy and Serbia

Subject: Treatment of PWs.

I. The intention of treating non-Soviet PWs strictly according to the Convention of 29 and the Soviet PWs according to the special directions of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, has in many cases led to forms, which are not in harmony with the total war forced upon us.

The PW must according to the convention "be treated humanely and especially be protected against acts of violence, insults, and public curiosity". This does not mean, however, that a similar care must be granted him, as is required for German soldiers.

In the case of the Soviet PWs, insofar as their diet is brought into harmony with the work output expected of them and they have recovered from the unavoidable rigors of the Eastern war, the sharp health supervision originally necessary, in part consisting of continuous weight check-ups is as a rule no longer required. Weight check-ups may only have the aim of determining undernourishment; they are only to be utilized in individual cases.

The aerial terrorism of the enemy forces great parts of the German people into a way of life similar to that prevailing in the operational area. As a result of this, the treatment and conduct of PWs, who enjoy the protection of the convention of 29 and who are, moreover, through the receipt of packages, in many ways better nourished than their countrymen on the enemy side, are regarded critically. Especially, a too mild treatment of Soviet PWs will not be understood anywhere, as it is known what frightful sufferings German soldiers must endure, who have fallen into Soviet hands.

The leaders of the labor detachments and the guard personnel must, moreover, receive unequivocal orders and it must continually be pointed out to them through teaching and instruction that their primary duty consists in keeping the PWs to the full output of their working energy, and in insuring that the lazy be apprehended most rapidly through such measures as are permitted to the entrepreneurs or by the punishments reserved to the military superiors and that intractable elements be recognized and segregated.

Leaders of labor detachments and guard personnel must be conscious of the fact that, in a time when unconditional and extreme effort is demanded from every member of the German nation, inferior production on the part of the PWs, which are traceable to malevolence or carelessness can in no case be tolerated. The great labor battle of the homeland depends upon the work output of every individual and thereby also of every PW.

The thought that PWs through their work primarily fill the wallet of the entrepreneur, and hence must be protected from him is erroneous. Entrepreneurs are now agents of the German people. They have exclusively to deliver things of importance to the war effort usually in a very limited time and for this to utilize completely all manpower at their disposal according to its best occupational suitability. The entrepreneurs know that manpower cannot be replaced and must therefore for this reason too, have the greatest interest in the preservation of this power.

Labor detachment leaders, guard personnel, entrepreneurs and German workers form one front and have a common goal: the attainment of victory! To this end they must, by putting aside all personal wishes, and in closest and most unified cooperation make use of the manpower of the PWs put at their disposal by the Reich. Whoever does not work for this goal or interferes with its attainment is harmful to the nation and injures our comrades at the front.

Hence, the treatment of the PWs employed at labor is to be arranged solely to raise the labor output to the highest possible degree and immediately to take sharp action if the PWs are careless, lazy, or recalcitrant. The PWs are not to be "cared for" but are to be handled in such a manner that the required highest degree of work output be attained. With this, needless to say, goes, besides just treatment of the PWs, the supplying of the PWs with the rations, clothing, etc., due them according to existing directives.

II. The development of the situation and the increasing requirements for PW labor power force us to bring more and more PWs into the Reich. Despite this it cannot be counted upon that the guard forces will be correspondingly increased, also the quality of the guard personnel will not on the average be able to be improved.

In addition the problem becomes more difficult because the PWs erroneously believe that they can discern an advantage to themselves in the situation. Hence they become arrogant in many cases and attempt to escape to a greater extent. These symptoms can only be countered by immediately taking sharp measures against the PWs in case of recalcitrance or escape.

Weaklings, who should express themselves to the effect that in the present situation one must assure oneself of "friends" among the PWs by means of mild treatment, are defeatists and are to be prosecuted on the charge of subversion of national defense.

The PWs must not be in doubt for an instant that weapons will be ruthlessly employed against them, if they give any sort of passive resistance or should try to mutiny.

The commanding officers must take care that this policy concerning the treatment of PWs becomes the common property of all officers, officials, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men subordinated to them. This is not to be attained through written directives and pamphlets alone, but primarily by the spoken word and by a persistent and conscientious education of subordinates in the spirit of these statements.

I request that the local agencies of the National Socialist Party be, in a suitable manner, orally informed of this policy and that it be reported to the Commanders.

I request that no reproduction of this document be made.

[signed] v. Graevenitz

Reprinting, even in part, forbidden.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 232-PS

National Socialist German Workers Party

Party Chancellery

The Chief of the Party Chancellery

Fuehrer Headquarters, 13 Sep 1944

_Proclamation_

Chancellery Rosenberg, Rec'd No. 2594 K/ 19 Sep 44 Presented to the Reichsleiter on the 20 Sept. Rdsdir. For the Information of:

1. Staff leader [Init.] 2. Central Office 27 Sep 44 [Init.] 3. Administration 27 Sep 44 [Init.] Returned to the Chancellery

Subject: Treatment of Prisoners of War--Tasks of the guard units.

The regulations, valid until now, on the treatment of Prisoners of War, and the tasks of the guard units are no longer justified in view of the demands of the total war effort. Therefore, the Supreme Command (OKW) of the Armed Forces, on my suggestion, issued the regulation, a copy of which is enclosed.

The following is cited for its contents:

1. The understanding exists between the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (OKW) and myself, that _the cooperation of the party in the commitment of prisoners of war is inevitable_. Therefore, the officers, assigned to the prisoner of war system, have been instructed, to _cooperate most closely with the bearers of sovereignty_ [_Hoheitstraeger_]; the commandants of the prisoner of war camps have to detail immediately _liaison officers to the Kreisleiters_.

Thus the opportunity will be afforded the Hoheitstraeger, to alleviate existing difficulties locally, to exercise influence on the behavior of the guard units and to _better assimilate the commitment of the prisoners of war to the political and economic demands_.

2. The increase of performance [Leistungssteigerung] of the prisoners of war depends decisively on how the guard and auxiliary units understand their task, and what position they take toward the prisoners of war. From this knowledge the necessity is derived, _to orient them again and again politically and ideologically_, to put the meaning of their mission constantly before their eyes. For that, in all base camps [Stalags] National Socialist leaders from headquarters [hauptamtliche NS-Fuehrungsoffiziere] are being assigned.

I request the Hoheitstraeger to support the commandants of the prisoners of war in the selection of capable officers. Above that, the Hoheitstraeger are to furnish the commandants of the prisoner of war camps with capable speakers for the orientation of the guard and auxiliary units. Collaborators of the offices for national questions [Volkstumfragen] are to be called upon especially for that.

Furthermore, a constant political orientation of the plant owner, who is invested now with special rights toward the prisoners of war and toward the guard units, must take place in cooperation with the German Labor Front (DAF).

/s/ M. Bormann.

1 Enclosure! Distribution:

Reichsleiter Gauleiter Verbaendefuehrer Kreisleiter,

Authenticated: [illegible] Cross index file: Prisoners of war--Treatment--Guard units File No. 8810. */

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 254-PS

Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories. II Pers c--1--Raab Berlin, June 29th 1944.

SECRET

To the Fuehrungsgruppe Pl, _Special Unit_--"_Gotenland_"

_Concerning_: Burning of houses in the Wassilkow district.

_Reference_: Your letter from May 24th 1944--P 26 a/44 geh--.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of the point of view of Nachwuchsfuehrer Paul Raab.

I don't see any reasons for taking measures of any kind against Raab.

By order:

Signed: Jennes Certified Schrader Adm employee.

* * * * *

SECRET

Grambusch 7.6.44

Paul Raab, Nachwuchsfuehrer

Copy

To the Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories. _Berlin W 35_, Kurfuerstendamm 134

_Concerning_: Letter from June 2nd 1944--II--Pers c 1--Raab _Diary # 81/44 g_

According to a charge by the supreme command of the armed forces I burned down a few houses in the territory of Wassilkow/Ukr. belonging to insubordinate people ordered for work-duty [Arbeitseinsatzpflichtigen]. This accusation is true.

I was committed as district commissioner in the information service in the territory of Wassilkow from May 5th 1942 up to December 28th 1944. Besides many work districts, I was made fully responsible by district commissioner Doehrer to completely fill the district quota of workers to be delivered to Germany. Although the task wasn't agreeable to me, I carried it out conscientiously, with skill, and where it was necessary with sternness. Up until the penetration of the Soviet Armies, this territory delivered more than 31,000 workers to Germany.

During the year of 1942 the conscription of workers was accomplished by way of propaganda. Only very rarely was force necessary. Only in August 1942, measures had to be taken against 2 families in the villages Glewenka and Salisny-Chutter, each of which were to supply one person for labor. Both were requested in June for the first time, but didn't obey although requested repeatedly. They had to be brought up by force, but succeeded twice to escape from the collecting camp, or when being on transport. Before the second arrest, the fathers of both of the men were taken into custody, to be kept as hostages and to be released only when their sons would show up. When, after the second escape, rearrest of both the fathers and boys was ordered, the police patrols ordered to do so, found the houses to be empty.

That time I decided to take measures to show the increasingly rebellious Ukrainian youth that our orders have to be followed. I ordered the burning down of the houses of the fugitives. The result was, that in the future people obeyed willingly, orders concerning labor obligations. However, the measure of burning houses has not become known, for the first time by my actions, but was suggested in a secret letter from the commissioner for the commitment of labor as a forced measure, in case other measures should fail. This hard punishment was accepted by the population with satisfaction, previous to the measures, because both families ridiculed all the other duty anxious families, which sent their children partly voluntarily to the labor commitment.

The year 1943 brought about a new regulation concerning the commitment of labor, by way of regular yearly conscription. Previous to the coming of the conscription, I trained the staff for this task. I had the collecting camp in the territory of Wassilkow fixed to the best of possibilities with clean, light bedrooms, clean sanitary installations, good food, and entertainment. First of all, everything was done away with, which could have caused the Ukrainian to feel that he is being departed by force. A well meaning propaganda was put to work on all workers, right after their arrival into the camp and didn't allow a low feeling to arise. I had reserved for myself the right of exemption on the basis of labor, political, and social reasons; it was handled as big heartedly as the task permitted. Mostly after the start of the first conscription period, the districts of Wassilkow received a local commander in the person of Count Griese. This officer, who caused already great quarrels in the district of Lodwiza and Gadjatsch on account of his arrogant behaviour, also created difficulties in Wassilkow between the armed forces and the civil administration, up to then unknown. First of all he took care of the labor commitment and not only criticized measures taken by me, but received also at any time every complaining Ukrainian, and promised them help against the office of the district commissioner. Up to then I didn't have to take serious measures, because the population was fairly willing. Only a few fugitives had to pay families, and until the money came in, I had secured more or less of their property according to the security of the case. The punished paid their penalties without exception and had their property returned to them. But before they got around to do so, one part complained to the local commander, who didn't by any chance reproach these people, but on the contrary, took care of all the interests of those people, in front of me, and sometimes ordered me with a commanding voice, to nullify my measures. I didn't let it scare me, but carried out the task, for which I was responsible, according to my judgment. But the job was unbearably hard now, since it became known to the population, that the local commander accepts complaints against the district commissioner. After the initial successes, a passive resistance of the population started, which finally forced me to start again on making arrests, confiscations, and transfers to labor camps. After a while a transport of people, obliged to work, overran the police in the railroad station in Wassilkow and escaped. I saw again the necessity for strict measures. A few ring leaders, which of course escaped before they were found in Plissezkoje and in Mitnitza. After repeated attempts to get a hold of them, their houses were burned down. Thereupon, military police were sent to the villages by the local commander and extensive interrogations concerning this affair were made by him. Besides that he hired young Ukrainians as voluntary helpers, which were fugitives from the transient camp. Therefore, every work was made impossible for me, in this sector.

It is not possible for me to give the exact dates of the mentioned happenings above, because after I was last committed in the district of Gaissin, I got into a Soviet ambush in March 1944 near Stanislau. I could only hide my weapons and had to burn my whole baggage including my diary.

In conclusion, I want to point out the following:

1. I had the responsibility within the territory of Wassilkow for the conscripting of the local workers for the Reich. The choice of means, which were used to execute my task, was to be left to me.

2. I worked with the utmost patience and only reverted to stricter punishments, when the success accomplished was in no comparison to the time used.

3. Strict measures, like the burning down of houses, were only used in a few cases. By this means, it was accomplished--at least in 1942--that the recruiting of workers didn't tie down too many police forces, who because of other functions, couldn't be used for that purpose all the time.

4. I was entitled to use such measures by the secret labor-directive for labor commitment staff in the district of Kiew. They, therefor, don't display by any means, any individual actions.

5. The delivery of 31,000 workers to the Reich is definitely important to the war effort. Stern measures are definitely justified in order to prevent a failure of this action.

6. My measures were thought to be just by the biggest part of the population. They only caused displeasure with the Germans, who had only small tasks to perform in the Ukraine, and therefore had too much time for philosophy.

7. My actions against fugitive people obliged to work [Arbeitseinsatz-pflichtige], were always reported to district commissioner Doehrer, in office in Wassilkow, and to the general-commissioner [General kommissar] in Kiew. Both of them know the circumstances and agreed with my measures, because of their success.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: Paul Raab.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 265-PS

SECRET

Shitomir, 30 June 1943

_The Commissioner General_

Oral report on the situation in the general district Shitomir, by Commissioner General Leyser, delivered at an official conference, with Reichs Minister Rosenberg, in Winniza on 17 June 1943.

Mr. Reichs Minister

The employees of the civil administration in the General District of Shitomir have, aside from their administrative work, been charged with the following special tasks:

Agricultural production and collection

Recruiting of workers for Germany and management of forests and timber.

The above-mentioned tasks became virtually a problem due to the fact that the general district of Shitomir is particularly "blessed" with bands. Regarding the _agriculture_, it should be primarily interesting to note that, in the year of 1942, _altogether 289 establishments were declared_ as agricultural cooperatives. In 1943 altogether _501 establishments were, respectively will be_, proclaimed agricultural cooperatives. The allotment of farm-land amounted in 1942 to 18%, in 1943, so far, to 10.4% and an additional 10% are expected in the fall.

As a consequence of the strong activity of bands, _only about 40%_ of the acreage of the general district remain, at present, for the regular production and collection; approximately 60% are under the control of the bands. These actually supply the population, in part, with seed and have the fields cultivated by their order and naturally have the intention to take possession of the crop in the fall.

In consequence of the activity of the bands we have access to only 36% of the cattle, 41% of the pigs and 28% of the sheep out of the total stock. As we have to supply particularly the front with meat, we are therefore forced to a certain waste of our cattle stocks. Due to the strong drainage on the substance, there can be no more regular breeding. And too, only 42% of the milk total and 51% of the eggs could be salvaged. The spring cultivation has been performed thoroughly. It was amazing, nonetheless, that in spite of the strong drainage of labor forces into the Reich the tilling was executed with a rapidity which could not have been taken for granted. To judge by the present condition and the weather, an average crop can be expected. However, the securing and salvage of the crop gives much reason to worry. It must be avoided under all circumstances, that the bands get hold of considerable parts of the crop, respectively destroy the farm products which have been brought to collecting points. Sufficient protection for the various collecting points is not provided, the previous experiences do not promise favorable results.

The leaders of agriculture deserve particular praise for their self-sacrificing and dangerous work. In many cases they are only able to fulfill their duties by risking their lives daily. They made numerous sacrifices in blood, in particular lately. Nonetheless, they refuse to be prevented from fulfilling their duty. The present situation is best illuminated by the fact that at this time the agricultural leaders can only work at full, or approximately full, capacity in 5 out of 18 local areas. In all the other areas, we have been forced to withdraw the leaders of the strong points, and rally them at the local or district farmers. From there, they are in most cases only able to perform their work under strong protection of the police or army.

The symptoms created by the recruiting of workers are, no doubt, well known to the Reichs Minister through reports and his own observations. Therefore, I shall not report them. It is certain that a recruitment of labor, in the sense of the word, can hardly be spoken of. _In most cases, it is nowadays a matter of actual conscription by force._ The population has been stirred up to a large extent and views the transports to the Reich as a measure which does in no way differ from the former exile to Siberia, during the Czarist and Bolshevist systems.

In the foreground stands, at the moment, the mobilization of the young classes of 1923 and 1925. To accomplish this, the active propaganda on our part was used to an extent previously unknown. Therefore, it can be stated that the action had been particularly well prepared and consolidated. In spite of that it did not lead to the desired success. It has to be added that, in the course of the action, the desired contingents had been raised by the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor. I could not confine myself therefore to the classes of 1923 and 1925 alone, but also called up the class of 1922. Beyond that, even other sections of the population which originally should have been spared had to be included. With this our propaganda became for the greater part illusory. But as the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor explained to us the gravity of the situation, we had no other device. I consequently have authorized the commissioners of the areas to apply the severest measures in order to achieve the imposed quota. The deterioration of morale in conjunction with this does not necessitate any further proof. It is nevertheless essential, to win the war on this front too! The problem of labor mobilization cannot be handled with gloves.

Up-to-date, almost 170,000 male and female workers have been sent to the Reich from the general district Shitomir. It can be taken for granted that, during the month of June, this number is going to rise to approximately 200,000.

Management of forests and timber is also one of the principal worries. The general district of Shitomir is very rich in woods. As an average, the wooded area amounts to 26% of the total acreage. In the north, large sections of the country are covered 100% with woods. But this great abundance in woods is also the cause of the many bands. About 1,400,000 hectare of wood, that is 80% of the total, are controlled by bands. Like in the agricultural sector, only a relatively small part of the wood remains for use. Our yearly production potential in timber amounts to 1,300,000 cubic meter. Presumably 1,000,000 cubic meter can be cut. The yearly potential in firewood amounts to 900,000 cubic meter. We hope to achieve this. I may point out that the supply of wood for mines, RR ties, construction and heating purposes is especially important. The activity of the bands permits us at present to cut, on a larger scale, only in the more southern scantily wooded regions. Consequently, the old stock of wood there is being consumed rapidly. The final result, if no change in the condition occurs, will be the careless cutting down of woods, which is going to result in extensive waste land. The fact that we are cutting down wood on a larger scale only in the south, brought strong impetus to the timber industry in the region of Winniza. The time can be foreseen when this period of prosperity will end, and the timber industry in the south will succumb. Whether then a removal of the timber industry into the northern part will be possible depends on the circumstances which at present cannot completely be foreseen.

Regarding the activity of the bands I would like to refer to the numerous reports laid before the Reichs Minister. There can be said hardly anything else on this subject except that the situation is becoming more unfavorable day by day. The situation can be judged best by the fact that at present only one of the larger roads in the general district, the one leading from Shitomir to Winniza, can be used without convoy. Because the activity of the bands is now also growing daily in the south, it is not sure that we shall not be obliged to introduce, sooner or later, the convoy system here too. All other roads of the country are at present passable in convoy only when rifles or machine pistols are held ready to shoot. The sacrifices brought to date in battle with bandits are very great. In about one year's time, the losses through fighting with them in the general district of Shitomir on the German and allied side, including the natives in German service, amount up to now _to 2,568 persons_. The number of missing could not be ascertained exactly, because among them are also people who have joined the bands voluntarily or have been recruited forcibly. Their number amounts to an estimated 2,000 persons. Experience shows that these missing persons all die miserably, so the total number of deaths in battle with the bands in the course of the year can be given as about 4,500. Opposing this is the following two demands: (1) Constant transfer of army units into those areas threatened respectively occupied by the bands; (2) Unity of command. The demand to transfer units of the armed forces into the areas controlled by the bands, is supported by special instructions of the OKW [High Command of the Armed Forces] in order to fight the bands. It is regrettable that too frequently the opinion from the respective branches of the armed forces is that this demand cannot be executed on account of technical reasons concerning training. That this objection is always and everywhere true, does not seem credible to me. Frequent violations against the unity of command have been committed. The need for prestige, the quest for power, vanity, etc. have not become extinct as yet. I have to say with regret that so far I found the least understanding for the necessity of our common struggle in the armed forces. At any rate, I have the impression that under the pressure of conditions they arrived at the conclusion, that one cannot take the responsibility anymore to lead an existence alone, but that the collection of all forces alone could only bring us victory.

The struggle which has to be carried on, is hard and full of sacrifices. But it will and must be carried through. Vast psychic forces have been awakened in the members of the civil administration anew daily. The successes, which they were able to achieve so far are impressive particularly with regard to the resistance. May I therefore be permitted at the conclusion of this report to thank all my co-workers for their excellent work. They know that they are practically on the front. I can promise your excellency, that we all shall do our duty now, and in the future, as our Fuehrer has ordered--.

Signed: LEYSER

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 285-PS

The Reichs Commissar for the Sudetenland

Stamped: Rosenberg Chancellory

In Nr 4459 3 Nov 38 Shown to RL 3/11

Reichenberg 31 Oct 1938

Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17

[Handwritten note]: Copy to Himmler

Dear party member Rosenberg!

Unfortunately it was not possible for me to thank you for your friendly letter of the 15th of this month, because your news was forwarded to Asch. The technical transportation difficulties under which we had to suffer in the first days of the liberation of the Sudetenland have caused the late deliveries.

I thank you very much for your invitation to visit you in Berlin at the next occasion. Thanking you, I accept your invitation. The important tasks before the elections and the supervision of the reconstruction work keep me very busy. As soon as possible I will give you the date of my arrival in Berlin.

For securing the Marxist, Jewish and confessional literature for your educational and instructional work, my co-worker Dr. Suchy is instructed. He will report to your competent deputy.

Heil Hitler!

Signed: KONRAD HENLEIN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 286-PS

15 October 1938 4149/R 1b

To Konrad Henlein Commissioner [Reichskommissar] for the Sudeten-German territory,

Asch, Egerland.

Dear Party Comrade Henlein,

Since the incorporation of Sudeten Germany into the Greater German Reich has finally been executed, I would like to heartily congratulate you on this success in your work.

It is my wish that, in my capacity as Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the entire education and schooling of the NSDAP, both mentally and ideologically, I shall be able to establish contact between your department and mine as soon as possible. I assume that you will be in Berlin in the not too distant future and would appreciate your information about the date of your visit in order to ask you for the pleasure to be my guest; then we could discuss personally some elementary questions.

However, the following matter has to be taken care of primarily:

It can be assumed that, as a consequence of the retrocession, a larger amount of marxist, Jewish and also of religious literature is due to be confiscated. Such material offers invaluable resources to the library and the scientific research work of the "Hohe Schule" which is in the process of coming into being. Therefore, I am interested particularly in the decisive participation of my department in the screening of material, with the purpose to take over the material particularly of use to my work.

I ask of you to appoint one of your co-workers with whom my representative can get in touch immediately about this particular question.

Heil Hitler.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 290-PS

II Pers. c--Journal No. 322

To Leadership Staff Politics

Unter den Linden 63

Berlin 12 Nov 1943

Secret [pencilled note illegible]

SECRET

Chief of Leadership staff politics Journal No. P1755/43 g Rel. 15. II 1943 Inclosure

Subject: Encroachment by District Commissioner Government Councillor Fritz Mueller in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

_Reference_: Your letter of 22 July 1943--I 1006/43 g.

In connection with my letter of 27 Sep. 1943--II Pers, Journal No. 322--I am sending you enclosed a copy of the teletype of RKU of 29 Oct. 1943--I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh, for your information.

According to the explanations of RKU, the conduct of government Councillor Mueller is no cause for disciplinary action against him, I therefore consider the case as closed.

Your files are herewith returned.

By order

1. RKU wants to transfer district Commissioner Mueller for reasons which he will bring later.

Await report.

Signed: Jonnes [Rubber stamp] Ministry for occupied eastern territories

2. Suspend until 10 Jan.

Official Kreis Employees

* * * * *

Copy

SECRET

RKU Rowno 13-929 29 Oct. 1943--1700-- Ministry of Eastern affairs Berlin

_Subject_: Alleged encroachment of district commissioner government councillor Mueller in Kremiancz in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

_Reference_: Decree of 27 Sep 1943-II Pers. c Journal No. 322--

For various reasons which I will report later, it is contemplated to replace government councillor Mueller as district commissioner in Kremianez in the near future.

The case on hand is by no means fit to be used for official actions against District Commissioner Mueller. First of all, in my opinion Mueller is not to be considered guilty in this case. It cannot be established, either by the letter from the village Biloserka, which letter caused this investigation, nor by the conduct of district commissioner Mueller, himself, that he was present at the happenings in Biloserka. He therefore cannot be held personally responsible. But even if Mueller had been present at the burning of houses in connection with the national conscription in Biloserka, this should by no means lend to the relief of Mueller from office. It is mentioned specifically in a directive of the Commissioner General in Lusk of 21 Sep 1942, referring to the extreme urgency of the national conscription.

"Estates of those who refuse to work are to be burned, their relatives are to be arrested as hostages and to be brought to forced labor camps." It is obvious that this decree was merely directive in nature and was not a binding order of the individual commissioner to decide according to his own discretion, when the interest of the conscription, such severe measures were to be applied.

I request therefore to consider the case closed.

Reich Commissioner Rowno I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh.

My order signed: Paltzo to P i 755/439 [in pencil]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 294-PS

Copy

TOP SECRET

Handwritten: II 1 1161/44/ g

Memorandum

In the East, Germany is carrying on a threefold war: a war for the destruction of Bolshevism, a war for the destruction of the greater Russian Empire, and finally a war for the acquisition of colonial territory for colonizing purposes and economic exploitation.

This threefold mission of the Eastern campaign has brought about the enormous resistance of the Eastern peoples. Were the war being conducted only for the smashing of Bolshevism, then it would have been decided long ago in our favor, for, as all experiences of this war have confirmed, Bolshevism is hated to the utmost by the Eastern peoples, above all by the great mass of peasants. Also the dissolution of the greater Russian Empire into its national components would not have provoked the resistance which we meet now. As the numerous prisoner interrogations and other experiences show the shrewd Russians have a complete understanding that this war will end in territorial losses for them and the non-Russian peoples will break out from the confinement within which Russia has forced them. The reduction of the power of resistance of the Red Army is the major portion of the third goal of our campaign. With the inherent instinct of the Eastern peoples the primitive man soon found out also that for Germany the slogan: "Liberation from Bolshevism" was only a pretext to enslave the Eastern peoples according to her own methods. In order that there exist no doubt at all on the German war aim, however, German publicity refers openly to this intention in increasing measure. The conquered territory is claimed publicly not only for Germany as a colonization area, but even for Germany's embittered enemies, the Dutch, Norwegians, and others. The economic exploitation is proclaimed verbally and in print, and carried out with almost elimination of the demands of the indigenous population, even with the greatest lack of consideration.

The populace has more of an understanding of the measures and duties necessitated by war than the conquered peoples of the West. But the laborer and peasant, who were educated to the highest degree of self-consciousness by Bolshevism, soon perceived that Germany did not regard them as partners of equal rights, but considered them only as the objective of her political and economic aims. That disillusioned them unspeakably, all the more since they had placed colossal hopes on Germany.

The main department for politics of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern territories claims that it has been quite aware of this situation from the beginning. It was soon apparent that the war could not be decided in a short time by arms alone, because of the vast areas and the enemy's inexhaustible reserves of manpower and material, but that as in all great wars of recent times a spiritual disintegration would have to come and the war would have to be changed at the final conclusion to a civil war, all the more since the German Wehrmacht does not intend to occupy completely the territory of the Soviet Union. The Russian collapse of 1917 and the German break-down of 1918 were actually not brought about by weapons alone, but primarily by political disintegration. What Lenin achieved in Russia, the 14 points of Wilson and the undermining effect of Marxism accomplished in Germany. In the Soviet Union we found on our arrival a population weary of Bolshevism, which waited longingly for new slogans, holding out the prospect of a better future to them. It was Germany's duty to find such slogans, but they remained unuttered. The population greeted us with joy as liberators, and placed themselves at our disposal willingly and freely with body and life. Wherever Ukrainians, Russians, White Ruthenians and members of the Baltic peoples were enlisted in the German Wehrmacht or in the police they have proved themselves and fought excellently almost without exception. The Main Department for Politics tried every means of keeping this vast capital that had fallen into our lap, and of utilizing it for our purposes. To this purpose it was necessary that National Socialism separate itself from Bolshevism with a sharp line of distinction and open to the populace prospects of a new better life. All measures which the Main Department for Politics suggested were directed toward this one goal of preserving this capital. They have been many times attacked as the expression of a weak sentimental humanitarian attitude, of a form of German sentimentalism, and they were in reality only the expression of completely coarse material politics. For nothing else was contemplated than to preserve the mass millions of the Eastern area in the adjustment to us which was encountered with, in order to draw from it the greatest possible use for Germany both militaristically, politically and economically. Should this political policy succeed, the greatest reactions on the enemy troops were to be expected. For years the masses of the S.U. (Soviet Union) were stirred up against the surrounding world by the most efficient propaganda machine that has ever existed. Until 1939 National Socialism had been the target of the most spiteful attacks. Day after day it was hammered into the laborers and peasants that the active masses in Germany were a sacrifice to the most terrible exploitation. With extreme tension workers and peasants looked forward to the German administration. To be sure they had not completely trusted the Bolshevist propaganda, but in spite of that they met the new masters with a certain feeling of doubt.

As we all know, the peoples of the S.U. (Soviet Union) have gone through the hardest times. Consequently, they are of a simplicity inconceivable to us, even in the political sphere. A form of government which was not intent only on plundering and exploitation and which put aside the Bolshevist methods would have kindled the greatest enthusiasm and put at our disposal a mass of millions. And the enthusiasm in the occupied Eastern territories would have had its reaction on the force of resistance of the Red Army. It would have been easily attainable to have the Red Army man say to himself: "I fight for a system that is throughout worse than that which awaits me in the case of a defeat. I will be better off in every respect among the Germans than I have been until now". If the Red Army man had become convinced of his general well-being, the war would have been at an end very soon.

Knowing this the Main Department for Politics believed it to be its primary duty to assist our combat troops with all their power by a propaganda campaign aimed at crippling the power of resistance of the Red Army and to shorten the war in this way. For the attainment of this goal there are, among the measures proposed, two of the utmost importance: The Agrarian Law and Religious Freedom, which is essentially distinct from that of the Bolshevists.

Considering the exceptionally great significance which approaches the agrarian question in the Soviet Union, the Main Department for Politics was demanding even before the beginning of the Eastern campaign, that the Kolchos be dissolved and an individual agrarian economy be introduced again. This proposal was turned down by the Four Year Plan with the remark that organic changes were not to be considered during the war. Not until August of 1st year was an increase of the farmland successfully put through.

Before the realization could be carried out, however, the Four Year Plan had recognized that the impetuous pressure of the whole peasant population for the dissolution of the collective would have to be reckoned with in some way in the interest of production itself. The proposal of the Main Department for Politics for the dissolution of the collective found its defeat in the new agrarian decree. A few months had been sufficient to make clear, not only to all Wehrmacht units down to the youngest lieutenant in the line farthest forward, but also to the units in the home country and the civil administration in the occupied Eastern territories, the need of reform in the Kolchos constitution. The only exceptions in this knowledge were the two Reich Commissars, whose disagreement unfortunately caused a delay of several weeks. The new Agrarian Decree came out shortly before the spring planting and was greatly played up in the territories by the Press and Propaganda Dept. of Main Department I. Its direct success was a hitherto inconceivable piece of work of the populace in the spring planting, which was able to be carried out in spite of unfavorable preliminary conditions. In spite of this no lasting effect on the enemy has appeared so far. Naturally, the enemy propaganda countered our Agrarian Decree with every means. Their main argument was that in this it was only a matter of a promise which had as its purpose a momentary tactical success, that moreover Germany intended to make use of the land later for her own purposes. This argument found support in the very slow execution of the Agrarian Decree, which is to be attributed in part to objective reasons (lack of surveyors, land registration, surveying instruments and so forth).

It has been foreseen that in 1942 in the Ukraine 20% of the general economy was to be changed to agriculture cooperatives. The increasing of the farmland, which forms the main criterion of the general economy and is carried through everywhere immediately, has still not been achieved to the extent of 10% of the general economy, although it was decreed, as has been mentioned, in August 1941. The transformation to agricultural cooperatives has generally begun only a short time ago, and according to the directives of the farmer's leader Koerner is not to reach more than 10% by the end of August of this year. In this state of affairs it is understandable that great sections of the Ukrainian peasantry are under the control of enemy propaganda and have lost belief in the earnestness of our intentions.

The religious freedom was likewise to call forth a great propaganda effect. After months long negotiations, it was eventually decided not to announce the freedom of religion ceremoniously, but to let it come into existence as quietly as possible. The propaganda effect consequently slipped from the picture.

When the Main Department for Politics noticed the hesitation of decision in the church question, it searched for a substitute in another means of propaganda, in the question of returning property rights of the individual. In this the whole world could be clearly shown that National Socialism contrasts distinctly with the Bolshevist expropriation measures and a new property law would be ushered in. The first display of this slogan for propaganda use would have been the immediate raising of the expropriation measures in the Baltic states, which Bolshevism had not yet controlled for a year, and consequently it would have been possible to resume the former property situation without further ado. To the unbounded astonishment of the populace, however, the German administration marched forward to play the role of receiver of the goods stolen by the Bolshevists. The necessity for the restoration of private ownership for the psychological treatment of the populace was referred to by all the General Commissioners in the Baltic states; this population, as everybody knows, ought to be won for German patriotism. Even after the Four Year Plan gave up its old ideas in recognition that a further protraction of the restoration of private ownership would damage even the German economic interests. The fundamental profession of the reinstallation of the pre-Bolshevist property law did not follow, though it was against every political judgment and based only on the unfounded opposition of the Reichs Commissar.

Again a real weapon for the disintegration of the enemy front had been twisted out of our hand, a weapon whose effect may not be undervalued. For the unrecompensed expropriation of private property by the Bolshevists had aroused at the time not only the terror of Russian bourgeois circles including the more prosperous peasants, but also of the entire civilized world. The world, including the laborers and peasants in the Soviet Union who were disillusioned by Bolshevism, awaited now a clear policy in this question on the part of Germany. This silence on the part of Germany obviously made itself of use to the enemy propaganda, which could reliably persuade the Soviet masses that Germany plans no restoration of individual ownership.

The Main Department for Politics furthermore has always emphasized that the Eastern peoples must be told something concrete about their future. The Department refers to the fact that in case we should not oppose the propaganda of Stalin, the peoples would have to succumb to this propaganda, that is to say, they would believe in their own enslavement by Germany. The Main Department for Politics has accordingly often directed the attention of Wehrmacht units to the expediency of having the Slavic Eastern peoples receive calming assurances regarding their future from the authoritative German quarters. As the best means, the establishment of a sort of counter-regime to Stalin with a captured Red general was indicated; or, if the word government should be avoided, then just a rebellious general somewhat after the model of de Gaulle, who should become the point of crystallization for all the Red soldiers who are dissatisfied with Stalin. The correctness of this conception has been confirmed in the time following its inception by countless statements of prisoners of war, who have all stated independently that the silence of Germany regarding the future of Russia allows the worst to be feared. Many would like to desert, but they did not know to whom they should go. Under the banner of a recognized counter-revolutionary leader they would gladly and bravely fight against the Bolshevist regime.

All the suggestions concerning this were rejected in their essentials. Permission for front-line duty was effected only for groups of Turkish and Caucasian peoples and finally after several refusals also for the Estonians. Because of the difficulty of recruiting troops, the unit generally came to the point of impressing civilians and prisoners of war into their ranks, in the first line of rear-echelon services. But even in the foremost line they found employment and fought well. Only in the last few weeks under the pressure of danger from the partisans was the formation of native units allowed and that only for combat with the bandits. But even this measure will remain ineffective as far as propaganda is concerned if a combat unit is not activated and a personality with a resounding name is not put at its head.

The Main Department for Politics was compelled, for the sake of attaining the above-outlined goal, to rescind or at least greatly change measures from German quarters which would strengthen the enemy's power of resistance.

Of primary importance, the treatment of prisoners of war should be named. It is no longer a secret from friend or foe that hundreds of thousands of them literally have died of hunger or cold in our camps. Allegedly there were not enough food supplies on hand for them. It is especially peculiar that the food supplies are deficient only for prisoners of war from the Soviet Unions, while complaints about the treatment of other prisoners of war, Polish, Serbian, French and English, have not become loud. It is obvious that nothing is so suitable for strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army as the knowledge that in German captivity a slow miserable death is to be met. To be sure the Main Department for Politics has succeeded here by unceasing efforts in bringing about a material improvement of the fate of the prisoners of war. However this improvement is not to be ascribed to political acumen, but to the sudden realization that our labor market must be supplied with laborers at once. We now experienced the grotesque picture of having to recruit millions of laborers from the occupied Eastern territories, after prisoners of war have died of hunger like flies, in order to fill the gaps that have formed within Germany. Now the food question no longer existed. In the prevailing limitless abuse of the Slavic humanity, "recruiting" methods were used which probably have their origin only in the blackest periods of the slave trade. A regular manhunt was inaugurated. Without consideration of health or age the people were shipped to Germany, where it turned out immediately that far more than 100,000 had to be sent back because of serious illnesses and other incapabilities for work. This system in no way considered that these methods would of necessity have their effect on the power of resistance of the Red Army, since these methods were used only in the Soviet Union of course, and in no way remotely resembling this form in enemy countries like Holland or Norway. Actually we have made it quite easy for Soviet propaganda to augment the hate for Germany and the National Socialist system. The Soviet soldier fights more and more bravely in spite of the efforts of our politicians to find another name for this bravery. Valuable German blood must flow more and more, in order to break the resistance of the Red Army. Obviously the Main Department for Politics has struggled unceasingly to place the methods of acquiring workers and their treatment within Germany on a rational foundation. Originally it was thought in all earnestness to demand the utmost efforts at a minimum cost of the biological knowledge has led to an improvement. Now 400,000 female household workers from the Ukraine are to come to Germany, and already the German press announces publicly that these people have no right to free time and may not visit theaters, movies, restaurants, etc. and may leave the house at the most three hours a week apart from exception concerning duty.

In addition there is the treatment of the Ukrainians in the Reichs Commissariat itself. With a presumption unequalled we put aside all political knowledge and to the glad surprise of all the colored world treat the peoples of the occupied Eastern territories as whites of Class 2, who apparently have only the task of serving as slaves for Germany and Europe. Only the most limited education is suitable for them, no solicitude can be given them. Their sustenance interests us only insofar as they are still capable of labor, and in every respect they are given to understand that we regard them as of the most minute value.

In these circumstances the following can be determined:

1. The resistance power of the Red Army and the strength of the partisan movement has mounted in the same degree as the population realized our true enlistment for them. The feats of arms of our noble army have been neutralized exactly as in 1918 by an inadequate political policy. Our political policy has forced both Bolshevists and Russian nationals into a common front against us. The Russian fights today with exceptional bravery and self-sacrifice for nothing more or less than recognition of his human dignity.

2. Our political policy of utilizing the Ukraine as a counter-weight against mighty Russia, against Poland and the Balkans, and as a bridge to the Caucasus, has suffered complete ship-wreck. The 40 million Ukrainians who joyfully greeted us as liberators, are today indifferent to us and already begin to swing into the enemy camp. Should we not succeed in checking this situation in the last moment, then we run the danger from day to day of having a partisan movement in the Ukraine, which not only eliminates the Ukraine as a furnisher of food, but also ties up the reinforcements of the German army, endangers its existence and accordingly involves the danger of a German defeat.

If this danger which threatens the German people is to be prevented in the last moment, then the following is necessary.

1. For the Ukraine an absolutely positive political policy must be carried out in every respect. The Ukraine must not be merely an objective of exploitation to us, but the populace must sincerely feel that Germany is its friend and liberator. The German economic agencies must be responsible for assuring the populace a minimum on which they can exist. A compulsory conscription of labor in the occupied Eastern territories must be restrained immediately. The treatment of Ukrainians and other Eastern peoples within the Reich must be fair and human. In publicity, both oral and written, everything must be avoided that is in any way cognizant of the fact that we regard this territory as an objective of exploitation. The Russian people must be told something concrete about their future, particularly because Germany does not have the intention nor the power to occupy the whole Russian area.

2. The policy of the officials of the Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine is in general the exponent for the above described policy, which has not recognized the role of the Ukraine in world politics, and has succeeded in throwing away the friendship of 40 million people; and which is guilty in this way of strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army and prolonging the war with all its consequences. These officials see their only mission as the economic exploitation of the country. The longer the war lasts, however, the more political forces must be interposed. Therefore it would be opportune to place at the head of the Reich Commissariat a personality who also possesses sufficient political ability.

If we do not accomplish this change of course at once, then one can say with certainty that the power of resistance of the Red Army and of the whole Russian people will mount still more, and Germany must continue to sacrifice her best blood. Yes, it must be openly stated that the possibility of a German defeat approaches in a tangible proximity, all the more so if the partisan movement for which Stalin is striving with every means, should spread over a greater part of the Ukraine. One should protest that in the South Ukraine such a danger does not exist because of the lack of swamps and forests. The bandit leader Machino needs to be remembered, he who for about 2 years terrorized the Ukraine and knew how to avoid all persecutions. One should also not place his hopes on the economic collapse of the Soviet Union. Certainly the losses in fertile land, raw materials and industrial projects are very significant. On the other hand the Soviet Union still has the Ural territory, fabulously rich in raw materials of all kinds, which for fourteen years has been industrially developed with all power, as well as rich Siberia. Finally we know that the Soviets have systematically carried on an economic policy of hoarding reserves, and we cannot completely tie up the English-American reserves.

However, if we accomplish the proposed change in policy, then it can be believed certain that the decomposition of the Red Army will also succeed. For the power of resistance of the Red Army man is broken the moment that he becomes convinced that Germany brings him a better life than he has led under the Soviets, and that Germany has a small bit of consideration for his national qualities, in other words does not intend to rob him of his soul.

The problem is too serious to be allowed to remain undecided. Here it is a question of the future of the German race, under circumstances concerning even its existence or non-existence. The permanent thesis of the Main Department for Politics has proved itself true, that a quick victory cannot be attained entirely by the aid of arms, but only in conjunction with the application of a great political offensive. That the administration of the occupied Eastern territories is composed almost entirely of personnel not acquainted with Russia is probably one of the reasons why this thesis has not been carried out. The gentlemen slowly grope their way into the problem, for which the majority still require interpreters. Nevertheless it is today already confirmed that wide circles of the lower administrative chiefs in the Ukraine are plainly frightened of the policy commanded by the higher echelon. However, they are not in a position to have their way. So much the more reason one should trust the interpretation of the Main Department for Politics based on the best technical and social knowledge; the Department is even today convinced of a speedy victorious conclusion of the war, insofar as its political directives are followed.

Berlin, 25 October 1942 Signed: BRAEUTIGAM

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 315-PS

Copy

Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 72, 12 March 1943 Reich Ministry for Food and Agriculture Current No... IV/1a - 907

Note

on a meeting held in the Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda on 10 March 1943

Presiding: State Secretary Gutterer

For the participating agencies see invitation list of 5 March, among others

Oberregierungsrat Hucho (GBA) Reich Council for Agriculture Dr. Hatesaul Referent Schwarz RNSI

Oberregierungsrat Dr. Brendler (Ministry for Food)

_Subject_: Directives for treatment of foreign workers employed in the Reich.

In his introductory remarks, State Secretary Gutterer said that at the suggestion of Reich Minister Dr. Goebbels the Fuehrer has decided that out of political considerations a uniform treatment of the problems concerning foreigners will have to be secured immediately in all agencies and a corresponding education of the German people will have to be instituted.

The consolidation of the new Europe and the increased anti-communist trend which have been played up by the foreign propaganda office demand that in the treatment of foreign workers in the Reich immediately every material which would be an incentive for a hostile attitude on the part of the foreign workers should be eliminated. This is particularly necessary in the treatment of the workers from the East. In this instance the hitherto prevailing treatment of the Eastern workers has led not only to a diminished production, but has most disadvantageously influenced the political orientation of the people in the conquered Eastern territories and has resulted in the well-known difficulties for our troops. In order to facilitate military operations the morale has to be improved by a better treatment of the Eastern workers in the Reich.

In a decree issued 15 February to all district leaders [Gauleiter] and Reich directors [Reichsleiter], Reich Ministry Dr. Goebbels has given corresponding directives to party agencies. In order to instruct all other agencies, managers and trade union members who are concerned with Arbeitseinsatz, the Reich Minister for Enlightenment and Propaganda has planned directives; these directives, issued in a draft (see enclosure), served as a working basis for discussion.

In general the following is to be said about these directives:

The treatment of foreigners which until now was markedly different for subjects of Western and Eastern countries will be put on a uniform basis as much as possible, particularly the living standards of the Eastern workers will be raised. The change introduced herewith in the treatment of the foreigners will mainly affect the hitherto prevailing Security Police measures of the Reichsfuehrer SS and of the Main Security Office. The measures introduced by the management will be less influenced. In general, the decrees which have been issued by the GBA already and which, among others, are dealt with in the note for the managers will be less affected. However, an increased repudiation of mistreatment and beatings will come into effect. Accordingly, a more severe punishment is planned for those supervisors and under officials who commit such offenses. During the meeting considerable doubts were voiced by the representatives of the Main Security Office of the Reich and of the Party Chancellery. The former expounded the necessity for the strict security police measures for the protection of the German population and for the security of the Reich. The representative of the party chancellery particularly pointed out the controversies which already are appearing and which would result for the German population if more freedom were granted to the foreigners.

The Reich Food Ministry is particularly interested in the following points of the directives:

Under _Point 5_ it is declared that it is desired _to accommodate the various nationalities separately_ in factories and camps. It was pointed out by representatives of the GBA and Reichsnaehrstand that in the future this cannot be carried out fully in agriculture too, because of reasons of the Arbeitseinsatz. However, with the warning that this measure is to be "striven for" in the future, permission has been given to avoid changes in personnel beyond those hitherto exercised and that this principle will be considered by the GBA in cases of new draftees, just as it was done before.

_Point 7_: In principle, the foreign workers should receive the same food rations. To this, the undersigned remarks that the rations are varied according to nationalities (Eastern workers, Poles, other foreigners) in order to account for the home customs. Also the rations are varied according to the types of work performed (camp rations, agricultural workers who provide their own food and special rations for individual employees of the factory). The rations of the foreign agricultural migrant labor differ insofar that on the basis of state contracts various allowances in kind are given to them for a part of their pay. A uniformity is being striven for. For the above mentioned reasons, however, a complete uniformity on the basis of the German allowances is impossible. The validity of these arguments was recognized and the passage was deleted. Instead, clauses were added to the effect that "full rations, as laid down in the regulations, should be distributed" and that "the rations for those performing heavy and extremely heavy work should be handed out only if the production is accordingly great". Against these additional clauses no opposition was voiced, final decision however was withheld.

_Point 8_: The demanded _new basis for wages_ of the Eastern workers has been discussed already by the departments. A corresponding draft of the GBA, equalizing the wages of Eastern and Polish workers, will reach the departments in the near future. This new regulation would fulfill an old wish of the Reich Food Ministry to equalize the wages of the Polish and Eastern workers in order to increase production and simplify the pay procedure.

_Point 9_: _Sick and pregnant female workers_ will not be _returned anymore_ since they usually spread negative propaganda in their country. Erection of dispensaries will meet with less difficulty in the industry than in agriculture. However, they will be required in agriculture too in order to free the farms from the care of foreign workers. For the same reason, collective accommodations are necessary for foreign children who were born in the Reich. Appropriate negotiations are now in progress in the GBA.

On _page 7_ of the draft, all the above directives for all organizations, agencies and individuals are declared as binding; the agencies will be held responsible for the execution of these directives in an orderly fashion. The latter seems to be an extremely far-reaching demand, since the execution of a great part of these directives does not depend on the wish of the agencies but on the limited possibilities during the 4th year of the war, such as providing adequate clothing, erection of barracks for the sick and for the foreign children born in the Reich.

Also the suggested stricter punishment of infringements against these directives seems to be objectionable. The arrogant and recalcitrant attitude of some of the foreigners frequently forces the managers and their representatives to use sharp measures in order to keep up the production of the foreign workers. Insofar as certain abuses will emerge in this process and these are punished not only as unpolitical criminal actions but as acts of sabotage and in some cases as high treason, the positions of the managers and their representatives will be considerably weakened before the foreigners, and uncertainties will result in regard to the treatment of the foreigners. These will lead to a marked lack of discipline on the part of the foreigners. It would be desirable that the final decision should be against this clause.

State Secretary Gutterer asked for comments on the draft by 16 March at the latest. The Reich peasant leader [Dr. Hatesaul] agreed to deliver to us the comments of the Reichsnaehrstand immediately.

Dead line matter, 15 March 1943!

To the Referat II B 2, II B 3, IV 9 in this building

Herewith I forward above copy of notes on a meeting held 10 March and a copy of the draft with the request for comment. I ask for a prompt reply in view of the deadline set by the Ministry for Enlightenment and Propaganda.

Referat IV I a Signed: DR. BRENDLER certified Signed: ROTZOW

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 318-PS

Main Bureau for Science Chief of the Main Bureau Ha/Sch. 2370 Berlin, the 5th December 1941 To Record Office for Cultural Policy Attention Party Member Dr. Killer! Inter-office Communication

_Concerns_: National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers

Most Honored Party Member Dr. Killer!

After long negotiations we succeeded in reorganizing and fixing the relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to one bureau. All details are in the enclosed photostatic copy.

Heil Hitler! Haertle 1 Enclosure Entrusted with the leadership

* * * * *

Principles concerning relations of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers to the Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervision of the whole intellectual and ideological training and education of the NSDAP as well as to the Chief of the Seminary [Hohe Schule].

1. The Chief of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is bound by orders and directives of Reichsleiter Rosenberg in all questions concerning intellectual and ideological training, research and education.

2. The main task of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is to present the university lecturers a picture of the history, the formation and the tasks of the National Socialist movement, and to coordinate them in accordance with our ideology with the great political aims of the Reich. The training has to correspond with the requirements of the body of university lecturers.

3. Insofar as beyond this general education a supplementary training, through working communities, university camps, etc. is required--these training measures may be carried out with the provision that the tasks mentioned in Art. 6 are not encroached upon.

4. The National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers is obliged to submit to the Reichsleiter all plans for working communities, conferences, camps, etc., with designation of topics and names of the participants, always in time enough that the possibility of his changing them in accordance with his duty as a leader is assured. His objections and directives resulting from this are binding and authoritative for the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers. This applies accordingly to the work of the Association done abroad also.

5. Publications will be limited to the above mentioned tasks and are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science 14 days before publication. All publications have to bear a remark that the scientific responsibility for the individual contributions lies exclusively upon the author,--in order to avoid the impression of an official party opinion. Reichsleiter Rosenberg will make the decision as to whether the publications of the National Socialist German University Lecturers Association are to be published by the Hoheneichen press.

6. When Reichsleiter Rosenberg plans for his mission, especially for the seminary [Hohe Schule], the collection of professional groups in the different fields of science, or the organization of scientific meetings of university lecturers--the organizational measures will be carried out by the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers.

7. Judgments and opinions of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers concerning the appointments, assignments and transfers of university lecturers are to be submitted to the Main Bureau for Science and, at the same time, to the party chancery.

8. The appointment of the educational director of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers will take place with the approval of Reichsleiter Rosenberg. He will be called into the Reich working community as a member for the education of the whole NS movement.

Munich, the 2nd December 1941

Rosenberg

Fuehrer's Commissioner for the supervising of the whole intellectual and ideological training and education of the NSDAP and Chief of the Seminary [Hohe Schule] [Signature illegible] Chief of the Party Chancellery

[Signature illegible] Chief of the National Socialist German Association of University Lecturers.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 327-PS

DRMfdbO. II 1 c 1183/44g.

Copies for the Political Main Staff Str. 19/10 Q 19/x: 20/10 Dr. Wetzelz.k W 21/10 P_{1} P_{2} with request for acknowledgment, Dr. Kinkelein n.r. Z.d. A. Str. 31/10 Pencilled Notes Berlin, 17 October 1944

Copy

SECRET

To: The Chief of the Party Chancellery Reich Leader Martin Bormann

_Berlin W 8_ Wilhelmstr. 63/64

[Stamp] Political Main Staff Journal No. P1011 a/44g Received 18 Oct. 1944 encl.

Subject: Actions against civilians in rear echelons.

Your circular No. 309/44 of 9 Oct. 1944.

Dear Party comrade Bormann:--

In order to prevent difficulties and delay--which is of course not desired by you--in the liquidation of the companies under my supervision, I have today dispatched the following telegram to the Gau Leaders because of the particular urgency:

In order not to delay the liquidation of companies under my supervision, I beg to point out that the companies concerned are not private firms but business enterprises of the Reich so that also actions with regard to them just as with regard to government offices are reserved to the highest authorities of the Reich. I supervise the following companies:

(_a_) Zentralhandelsgesselschaft Ost fuer landwirtschaftlichen Absatz und Bedarf m.b.H. (ZO). (Central Trading Company East for Agricultural Marketing and Requirements Limited)

(_b_) Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ostlund und Ukraine (Agricultural Development Company Eastern Territories and Ukraine)

(_c_) Beschaffungsgessellschaft Ost m.b.H. (Supply Company East Limited)

(_d_) Pharm.--Ost G.m.b.H. (Pharmaceutics--East Company Limited)

The following banks under my supervision are also not private firms:

(_e_) Zentralnotenbank Ukraine (Central Exchange Bank Ukraine)

(_f_) Notenbank Ostland (Exchange Bank Eastern Territories)

(_g_) Zentralwirtschaftsbank Ukraine (Central Commercial Bank Ukraine)

(_h_) Verband der Wirtschaftsbanken in der Ukraine. (Association of Commercial Banks in the Ukraine)

(_i_) Gemeinschaftsbank Ostland und Weissruthenien. (Cooperative Bank Eastern Territories and White Ruthenia)

The liquidation of these companies and banks has been discussed with the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort and will be brought to a close not later than by the end of this year. Assets suitable for restitution of the companies have already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy. Therefore, any intervention with regard to stocks and personnel does not only impede the liquidation of business which is inevitably necessary but also delays the supply of goods to the armed forces and war industry. For this reason I beg, to refrain from any intervention.

The Chief of the Party Chancellory has a copy hereof.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of my letter of today to the Reich Plenipotentiary for total war effort from which you will note that the liquidation of the companies under my supervision has been agreed upon with the Reich Plenipotentiary and will be concluded at a relatively close date considering the vast operations which are indispensable for the liquidation in the interest of an orderly war economy. Restored property not yet surrendered has already been earmarked for the armed forces and war economy, so that any delay of the liquidation or perhaps even independent confiscation of the property by the Gau Leaders would impair or destroy an organized plan, something that should not be done without a compelling reason in the interest of war economy. In order to give you an idea of the past and present problems of these companies, I am attaching enclosed a corresponding survey.

I beg you to acknowledge receipt of the telegram to the Gau Leaders.

Finally, I want to point out also that in my mind it is not correct to simply order the Gau Leaders under the heading "actions against civilians in rear echelons" to press the speeding up of the liquidation of offices and establishments which have been brought back from the occupied territories. Without doubt cases have occurred where such pressure was warranted by all means. On the other hand, it has been proven that, for instance, thousands of decent men and women as well as firms, who have done their duty under the most difficult conditions there, have been brought back from the occupied territories and have recognized the need of the hour immediately, but can simply not complete their work still necessary for the liquidation at present from one day to the other. As far as the Eastern territories are concerned, the above applies to the majority of the people assigned, so that I am obliged to regret that you also associate these people with the most ill-reputed term of rear-echelon.

Heil Hitler Yours Signed: A Rosenberg

SECRET

(1). _Zentralhandelsgessellschaft Ost fuer landwirtschaftlichen Absatz und Bodarf m.b.H. (Z.O.)._ (Central Trading Company East for Agricultural Marketing and Requirements Limited).

The following has been the mission of the Z.O. as a monopoly company for the Eastern Territories:

(_a_) Collection of all agricultural products as well as commercial marketing and transportation thereof. (Delivery to armed forces and the Reich),

(_b_) Trusteeship of enterprises dealing with food supplies,

(_c_) Providing enterprises dealing with food supplies with special equipment, supplying the agriculture with means of production and the rural population with commodities (premium goods).

The following is the present mission of the Z.O.:

(_aa_) Winding up of transactions relative to commodities and finances, particularly utilization of evacuated goods brought back from the Eastern Territories and goods which did not come into use there any more,

(_bb_) Collection of goods brought back from the agriculture and food industry of other occupied territories (General Government West),

(_cc_) Remaining current business,

(_a_) Fulfillment of the original assignments in the remainder of the Eastern Territories,

(_b_) Inter-territorial exchange of machines for the agriculture as well as for the dairy industry and inter-territorial exchange of seeds according to directives of the Plenipotentiary for the Four Year Plan--business section food.

The actual significance of the Z.O. and the volume of its transactions can be seen from the following:

(1) 30 offices with 200 agencies were subordinated to each main office for the Eastern Territories, the Central District and the Ukraine.

(2) 11 subsidiary companies of the food industry with 130 branches were founded in the Ukraine.

(3) The Z.O. including its subsidiary companies employed at the peak of its business during the summer of 1943 about 7,000 German party members of the Reich and in addition has set up about 250 German firms of the Reich.

(4) The total turn-over of the Z.O. amounted to about 5.6 milliard Reichsmark, from its foundation until the 31st of March 1944.

(5) During this period, the Z.O. together with its subsidiaries has collected:

Grain 9,200,000 tons Meat and meat products 622,000 tons Linseed 950,000 tons Butter 208,000 tons Sugar 400,000 tons Fodder 2,500,000 tons Potatoes 3,200,000 tons Seeds 141,000 tons Other agricultural products 1,200,000 tons Eggs 1,075 million eggs

The following was required for transportation:

1,418,000 railroad box cars and 472,000 tons of boat shipping space.

(6) A total of 32,900 box cars of evacuated goods has been brought back by the Z.O. of which

22,400 are grain, linseed and other seeds, etc., 9,000 are agricultural machines, other machines, etc., and 1,500 are goods for supply and consumption.

While the utilization of the evacuated agricultural products has been completed in the main part in spite of all difficulties by means of transfer to the Reich Agencies, it has not been possible to effect the utilization of the remaining goods (machines, furniture, supply goods etc.) in the same time and with as little friction. The utilization of these goods is being effected with the cooperation of the Commissioner for utilization of goods, Dr. Kemna, for the Reich Minister of Economy and the Reich Minister for Armament and War Production. Moreover, part of these goods which are composed of thousands of types of different goods must first be overhauled and repaired.

The number of personnel of the Z.O. and its subsidiary companies has already been reduced from 7,000 to 681 employees, exclusive of 50 workers who are still working in the Eastern Territories.

(2). _Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine_. (_Agricultural Development Company, Ukraine_)

The Landbewirtschaftungsgessellschaft Ukraine (LBGU) had the following missions (Figures according to status of 1st July 1943):

(_a_) Supervisory management of almost 31,000 collective farms and agricultural cooperatives [former Kolhoze] with 1.7 million farms, of almost 540,000 individual farms with an area used for cultivation of maximum 38 million hektars (93.9 million acres)--24.5 million hectars (60.5 million acres) during summer 1943--,

(_b_) Managing trusteeship of 1875 state-owned estates with an area used for agriculture of 2.8 million hectars (6.9 million acres),

(_c_) Managing trusteeship of 72 breeding stations with an area of 124,000 hectars (306,400 acres), seed reproducing areas of 424,000 hectars (1,047,700 acres),

Trustee management of 17 offices for distribution of seeds of 270 seed distribution points and of 619 seed depots with a seed capacity of 192,000 tons.

(_d_) Managing trusteeship of 900 machine and tractor stations (MTS) with 49,600 tractors.

The LBGU maintained 1 central business office, 6 district offices (with 5 branch offices), 114 regional offices, 431 county offices, 2,870 base offices and 400 supervisory bodies.

The LBGU has already completed the liquidation of the following affairs:

(1) Management of the general enterprises (see above under _a_),

(2) Management of the state-owned estates (see above under _b_),

(3) Sheep-breeders association Ukraine,

(4) Financial liquidation (balance-sheet of liquidation as of 1st July 1944 will be completed on 20th Oct. 1944).

At present the LBGU still attends to the following matters:

(_aa_) Utilization of still remaining 5,400 tons of highly valuable, evacuated seeds (a total of 98,000 tons have been brought back), most of which will be transferred to the Landbau-Gesellschaft m.b.H. (Land Development Company Limited) founded recently by the Commissioner for the Four Year Plan,--termination by the end of this year--,

(_bb_) Utilization of the rolling stock, parts of equipment and similar matters confiscated by the armed forces.

(_cc_) Realization of the MTS evacuation depots and work shops. The personnel used in connection with this (90 civilians, 34 military personnel) occupied mainly with new problems regarding the employment of agricultural machines and the repair thereof. The transfer of these machines to the above mentioned Landbau-Gesellschaft has been projected in the near future.

The number of personnel employed by the LBGU has been reduced from 4,500 German and Dutch workers as of 30 June 1943 to 410 as of 1st Oct. 1944.

Of these latter 248 were made available for other important war jobs, especially in the general government, by way of orders and leaves from present jobs. 28 employees are assigned to supervise 50,000 Ukrainian workers in key-positions and skilled laborers of the LBGU. Another 90, as mentioned, are employed for the problems of utilizing agricultural machines and for the repair thereof (see above _cc_). Consequently, only 44 persons are employed to wind up the remaining affairs.

(3). _Beschaffungsgesellschaft Ost m.b.H. (BGO). (Supply Company East Limited)_

The BGO has been founded with the purpose to procure machines and other investment goods for the economy of the Eastern Territories as well as to perform special assignments.

Today, it has the following assignments:

(_a_) Winding-up of concluded business-contracts (50 mill. Reichsmark of a total procurement in the value of 115 mill. Reichsmark), according to which deliveries will be made within the next 9 months;

(_b_) Procurement of machine tools and wood-working machines by order of the Reich Minister for Armament and War production.

(_c_) Collection and utilization of economic assets evacuated from the Eastern Territories and the General Government whereby the BGO acts as an executive company for Dr. Kemna, the Commissioner for the utilization of goods for the Reich Minister for Economy and the Reich Minister for Armament and War-production (see Annex (1) and (2)).

(_d_) Liquidation of the Steine und Erden Ost G.m.b.H. (Stone and Soil East Company Limited).

_To (a)_: According to orders by the Reich Minister for Armament and War production the machines which are being delivered in agreement with current business contracts are being transferred particularly to German industries damaged by bombing. The other deliveries are being disposed of in accordance with orders of the OKH/Chief H Ruest u.BdH. (Supreme Command Army) as well as of the economic administrative agencies and of the Planning Commissioners.

_To (b)_: This procurement is also done for the German industry.

_To (c)_: The execution of these assignments is in full swing, and the work connected with it is steadily increasing. So far the BGO has collected about 1,000 carloads of evacuated goods. One part of these is directed by the B.G.O. to agencies charged with their utilization which operate under its management. Another part--particularly machines and investment goods--are stored in own depots, repaired, catalogued and catalogue submitted to the Office of Armament Supplies as well as to Special Agencies [Sonderringe--Committees set up by Speer to organize the production of component parts of the armament industry] and apportioned according to their directions to the Armament Industry.

The number of personnel employed at present by the BGO is 118 employees of whom 55 are male employees.

(4). _Pharm-Ost G.m.b.H._ (Pharmaceutics--East Company Limited).

The company had the assignment to supply the Eastern Territories with medicines and other drugs within the range of human and veterinary medicines as well as with all equipment for medical and veterinary requirements, hospital requirements, etc.

Apart from supplying the remainder of the Eastern Territories, the company's main assignment at present is essentially to direct the evacuated goods to other consumers, the armed forces in particular, its stocks and those goods which are to be delivered according to business contracts already concluded, while observing the necessary financial liquidation procedure.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 342-PS

Reichs Commissioner for the East [Ostland] Sect. II h

Directions concerning the Treatment of Jewish Property in the Reich Commissariat Ostland of 13 October 1941

Par. 1

The total, movable and immovable properties of the Jewish population in the territories governed by the Reich's Commissioner for Eastern areas are placed under confiscation by the administration for the commission and the seizure according to the following regulations.

Par. 2

Property is defined as movable and immovable objects along with all accessories, claims, commissions, rights and interests of all types.

Par. 3

1. The confiscation will be carried out by the Reich's commissioner for the East or those officers who have been authorized by him. It can be carried out by directives to individual persons or in general by a proclamation and can be limited to individual objects of wealth.

2. The following shall be excluded from confiscation:

_a._ That part of the household furniture which will take care of the base essentials of life.

_b._ Cash, bank and savings credit, as well as bonds, up to a total value of one hundred Reichsmarks.

Par. 4

1. With the confiscation the previous owner loses all rights to dispose of the confiscated property.

2. Whoever has confiscated property in possession or custody, will administer it until further notice. The changing or disposal of the property or of its profits will only be allowed inside the bounds of orderly management. All other measures taken beyond this will need the approval of the Reichs commissioner for the East or those agencies authorized by him.

Par. 5

1. The property that is placed under confiscation can be brought under the administration of the commission, so far as it is necessary for orderly management.

2. The assuming of control by the administrative commission will at the same time be looked upon as confiscation.

3. The Reichs commission for the East will issue directives about the arrangement and management of this administration.

Par. 6

1. Confiscated property can be called in by the Reichs commissioner for the East or by the agencies authorized by him.

2. The disposal of the confiscated property will be left to the authorized agencies.

3. These agencies will decide with finality, using administrative means, on the debts which belong to the confiscated property. The responsibility will be limited to the sales value of the confiscated property.

Par. 7

Bids for the purchase of the property which comes under confiscation can be publicly advertised.

Par. 8

The responsible authorities can demand information from everyone to carry out their task.

Par. 9

1. The following will be punished with a prison sentence and monetary fine or one of those punishments.

_a._ Those who will undertake to withdraw an object of value from the offices of the civil authorities or those installed with the authority for disposal, or in any other manner to thwart, to evade, or to impair the action of confiscation.

_b._ Those who intentionally or carelessly do not fulfill in due time or completely one of those directives imposed upon him such as an order of execution or other directive of execution, and the report and information obligations concerning it.

2. In severe cases the punishment is penal servitude. If the accused is charged with willful disobedience or should it be any other especially severe case the death sentence is authorized.

Par. 10

The Reichs commissioner for the East will issue the necessary measures to carry out those directives.

Par. 11

The directive will go into effect on the day of its publication.

Riga, the 13 October 1941 The Reichs Commissioner for the East Signed: LOHSE

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 343-PS

Field Marshal Milch

Berlin,--W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 31 Aug 1942

Dear Mr. Himmler!

I thank you very much for your letter of the 25 Aug. I have read with great interest the reports of Dr. Rascher and Dr. Romberg. I am informed about the current experiments. I shall ask the two gentlemen to give a lecture combined with the showing of motion pictures to my men in the near future.

Hoping that it will be possible for me to see you at the occasion of my next visit to Headquarters I remain with best regards and

Heil Hitler! yours [signed] E. Milch

Mr. Reichsfuehrer SS and Chief of the German Police Himmler _Berlin SW 11_.

SECRET

Field Marshal Milch

Berlin W 8, Leipzigerstrasse 7, 20 May 1942

Dear Wolffy!

In reference to your telegram of 12 May our sanitary inspector reports to me that the altitude experiments carried out by the SS and Air Force at Dachau have been finished. Any continuation of these experiments seems essentially unreasonable. However the carrying out of experiments of some other kind, in regard to perils at high seas, would be important. These have been prepared in immediate agreement with the proper offices; Major (M.C.) Weltz will be charged with the execution and Capt (M.C.) Rascher will be made available until further orders in addition to his duties within the Medical Corps of the Air Corps. A change of these measures does not appear necessary, and an enlargement of the task is not considered pressing at this time.

The low-pressure chamber would not be needed for these low-temperature experiments. It is urgently needed at another place and therefore can no longer remain in Dachau.

I convey the special thanks from the supreme commander of the Air Corps to the SS for their extensive cooperation.

I remain with best wishes for you in good comradeship and with

Heil Hitler! Always yours [Signed] E. Milch

Mr. SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff _Berlin SW 11_

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 347-PS

Copy of a Copy

I Ju 3 D 9 Tgb No 783/449

18 April 44 [in pencil]

To the Reich Youth Leader Artur Axmann Berlin-Charlottenburg 9 Kaiserdamm 45/46

Dear Party Member Axmann:

My chief of the department youth, Obergebietsfuehrer Lueer has proposed to me the plan to let the youth of the Latvian and Estonian peoples participate in complete age groups in the military education camps of the Hitler Youth.

I thank you, party member Axmann, for the generous invitation of the Hitler Youth to the Youth organization of the Baltic districts [General Bezirken]. I agree with you in the expectations, which we connect with the enlargements of the camps, begun with such success in East-Prussia.

The experience of Germany is best able to liberate the youth from thinking about small states and to explain to them the understanding for the European obligation. Furthermore, I expect especially through the conscription of entire age groups, that the military education will make itself felt in the military aspect. Only the education of an entire age group has influence on the reserve situation. The reserve situation of the Estonian and Latvian Legion is marked especially by the lack of noncommissioned officers and instructors. If we can eliminate this lack by the universal military education of the growing age groups, that will mean for the future a considerable inner strengthening of not small parts of our Northern front.

The first General directors as well as state directors in Estonia and Latvia in the meantime have been instructed, to create the legal basis, which are necessary for the execution of required military education. Obergebietsfuehrer Lueer could assure me that the inner readiness exists on the part of the youth. Also the organization and leaders of the youth will never close their ears to this commitment. However, I must draw your attention to the doubts, which are in the way of the military education of the _Latvian and Estonian youth on German soil_; I have consciously refrained from issuing the necessary orders on my own competence, but have asked Commissioner General to cause the countries own administration to publish the appropriate orders. Because of their own orders, these agencies will also have to issue the specific orders for the individual commitments. This is according to our policy, to relieve the German authorities from all the more technical and administrative problems, which touch little on our leadership and educational mission, and to leave to the countries own administration freedom of action.

However, according to the conferences which have taken place so far, it cannot be expected that General Dankers or Dr. Mae will order their youth organizations on their own, to conduct the military education not in Latvia or Estonia, but in East-Prussia or in Warthegau. This viewpoint is partly caused by the more or less expressed fear, to be suspected by reactionary circles to favor a so called Germanization. General Dankers and Dr. Mae can also point out, that the transfer of the Latvian and Estonian pre-military education of the youth contradicts the above-mentioned principles, which we customarily observe in the realm of the remaining administration. I cannot include a camp education, which primarily is to alleviate the most dire needs of an inadequate recruit training as a matter of our basic German educational mission. In the military education camps, the young Latvians are trained under Latvian leaders in the Latvian language,--not because this is our ideal, but because absolute military necessity demands this. If General Dankers or Dr. Mae express the wish, and they have done so, to conduct such camps on Latvian or Estonian soil, I am not able to oppose them with any serious reasons.

I consider the arrangement of the most necessary suppositions for the future military service an immediate and simply practical mission of the countries own youth activity. The permission, that the countries own youth organizations, even if only in part and under German leadership, can carry out the military education in the country, gives them a considerable power toward those circles, still opposing, and is also able to increase the enthusiasm, especially of the youth. Our policy must adapt itself in the necessary extent toward this immediate goal, to rouse the Baltic peoples to the highest war effort of all forces. I am sure that the adaptability and educational capacity of the youth demand other measures from us, than those which can be advocated by us in our policies toward the adult parts of the population. However, politics and the education of the youth must perform in common according to the necessities of war, which gives us the problem to mobilize all available forces for victory. Even under these conditions, there are enough possibilities for Germany to exercise influence. The universal execution of the military education based on compulsory service with regard to the location of the camp gives us the possibility to increase the share of the German camps. Two or three camps in Estonia and Latvia therefore act as advertising for the camps within Germany; for in contrast to the Germanic peoples of the West, the military education is no longer to be carried out through _voluntary enlistments, but through legal conscription_. The camps in Estonia and Latvia as well, will have to be under German leadership, and as military education camps of the Hitler youth, they must be a symbol of our educational mission beyond Germany's borders.

I consider the execution of the military education of the Estonian and Latvian youth not only a military necessity, but also a war mission of the Hitler youth especially. I would be thankful to you, party member Axmann, if the Hitler youth would put itself at our disposal with the same readiness, with which they have so far supported our work in the Baltic Area.

Heil Hitler! [signed] Lohse

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 351-PS

LIST OF THE MEMBERS OF THE REICH CABINET SINCE 30 JANUARY 1933

_Reichs Chancellor_ Adolf Hitler, appointed 30 January 1933

_Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor_ since 2 August 1934

-------------------------------------+-----------+-------------+--------- Name | Appointed | Reappointed | Resigned -------------------------------------+-----------+-------------+--------- The Deputy of the Reichs Chancellor | | | von Papen | 30.1.1933 | |30.7.1934 | | | 1. The Deputy of the Fuehrer | | | Hess, Reichsminister without | | | portfolio | 1.12.33 | | | | | 2. Reichs Minister of Foreign | | | Affairs--Freiherr von Neurath | 2.6.32 | 30.1.33 | | | | 3. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | of the Interior--Dr. Frick | 30.1.33 | | | | | 4. Reichs War Minister and | | | Supreme Commander of the | | | Armed Forces--von Blomberg | 30.1.33 | | | | | 5. Reichs Minister for Finance--Graf | | | Schwerin von Krosigk | 2.6.32 | 30.1.33 | | | | 6. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | of Economy--Dr. Hugenberg--Dr. | 30.1.33 | | 29.6.33 Schmitt | 29.6.33 | [1] | 30.7.34 | | [2] | 30.1.35 | | | Commissioned: | | | President of the Reichs Bank | | | Directorate--Dr. Schacht | 30.7.34 | Temporary or | | 6 months | 30.1.35 | Until further notice | | | 7. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | for Labor--Seldte | 30.1.33 | | | | | 8. Reichs Minister of Justice--Dr. | | | H.C. Guertner | 2.6.32 | 1.2.33 | | | | 9. Reichs Postmaster General | | | and Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | of Transportation--Freiherr | | | von Eltz-Ruebenach | 1.6.32 | 30.1.33 | | | | 10. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | for Food and Agriculture-- | | | Dr. Hugenberg | 30.1.33 | | 29.6.33 Darre | 29.6.33 | | | | | 11. Reichs Minister for | | | Enlightenment and Propaganda--Dr. | | | Goebbels | 13.3.33 | | | | | 12. Reichs Minister for | | | Aviation--Goering | | | Reichs Minister without portfolio | 30.1.33 | | Reichs Minister for Aviation | 5.5.33 | | | | | 13. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | for Science and Education-- | | | Rust | 1.5.34 | | | | | 14. Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | for Church Affairs--Kerrl | | | Reichs Minister without portfolio | 16.6.34 | | Reichs and Prussian Minister | | | for Church Affairs | 16.7.35 | | | | | 15. Reichs Minister without | | | portfolio | 19.12.34 | | | | | | | | State Secretary of the Reichs | | | Cabinet: | | | | | | Dr. Lammers, State Secretary and | | | Chief of the Reichs Chancellory | 30.1.33 | | | | | Press Chief of the Reichs Cabinet-- | | | Funk | 30.1.33 | | | | | Director of the Ministry | 30.1.33 | | | | | State Secretary in the Reichs | | | Ministry for Enlightenment | | | and Propaganda | 13.3.33 | | -------------------------------------+-----------+-------------+---------

[Footnote 1: 30.7.34 Relieved from the Office of the Reichs Minister for Economy for 6 mos.]

[Footnote 2: 30.1.35 Relieved of his offices.]

Present at the First Session of the Cabinet of Adolf Hitler on 30 January 1933 at 5:00 p.m.

-----------------------------------------+--------------------- Present: | -----------------------------------------+--------------------- Reichs Chancellor | Hitler | Deputy of the Reichs Chancellor | and Reichs Commissar for the | State of Prussia | von Papen | Reichs Minister of Foreign Affairs | Freiherr von Neurath | Reichs Minister of the Interior | Dr. Frick | Reichs Minister of Finance | Graf Schwerin | von Krosigk | Reichs Minister of Economy | Dr. Hugenberg | Reichs Minister of Labor | Seldte | Reichs Minister of Justice | | Reichs Defense Minister | von Blomberg | Reichs Postmaster General and | Reichs Minister for Transportation | Freiherr von | Eltz-Ruebenach | Reichs Minister and Reichs Commissar | for Aviation | Goering | Reichs Commissar for Procurement | of Labor | Dr. Gercke | State Secretary in the Reichs | Chancellory | Dr. Lammers | State Secretary in the Office of | the Reichs President | Dr. Meissner | Reichs Press Chief, Director in the | Ministry | Funk | Responsible for the Protocol Counsellor | in the Ministry | Wienstein | Reichs Minister for Food and Agriculture | Dr. Hugenberg -----------------------------------------+---------------------

_Subject: The Political Situation._

The _Reichs Chancellor_ opens the session and explains that millions of people within Germany would joyfully greet this day on which a Reich Cabinet under his leadership had been appointed by the Reich President. He asked the members of the Cabinet to give him their confidence as he himself had confidence in each member of the Cabinet.

Then the Chancellor stated that he intended to suggest to the Reich President the appointment of the Counsellor in the Ministry, Dr. Lammers, to the post of State Secretary in the Reich Chancellor in place of the retired State Secretary Planck, and the appointment of the member of the Reichstag, Walter Funk, to the post of Director in the Ministry and Director of the Press Office in place of the retired Director in the Ministry, Marcks.

The Reich Cabinet took note of this. There were no objections against his proposal.

The Reich Chancellor then opened a discussion about the political situation.

Reich Minister Goering stated that he had contacted the Center Party. The Center Party felt offended because they had not been informed about the development of the situation. As he had been informed Reich Chancellor von Papen had not contacted the representatives of the Center Party. He, Reich Minister Goering, was under the impression that the Center Party expected certain concessions from the present Reich Cabinet.

The Reich Minister for Economy and Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture stated that it would be wise to avoid any brusque actions toward the Center Party. However, the representation of the Center Party in the Reich Cabinet was to be avoided since, in his opinion, it would endanger the unity of decisions of that body.

The Reich Chancellor pointed out that adjournment of the Reichstag would be impossible without the collaboration of the Center Party. One might, however, consider suppressing the Communist Party to eliminate its votes in the Reichstag and by this measure achieve a majority in the Reichstag. Based on his experiences, however, such suppressions of parties were of no avail. He was afraid that heavy political fights and possibly a general strike might be the result of this contemplated suppression of the Communist Party of Germany. Surely the economy of the count needed settled conditions. If, however, one discussed the question of the greater danger for the national economy, the uncertainty and unrest connected with new elections or a general strike, then one had to arrive at the conclusion that a general strike would be far more dangerous for the national economy.

It appeared flatly impossible to suppress the 6,000,000 people who stood behind the Communist Party of Germany. It might be possible, however, to achieve a majority for the new Reich Cabinet after dissolving the Reichstag and the new elections which had to fall soon. The best thing, however, would be if the Reichstag should adjourn itself voluntarily.

The Reich Minister for Economy and the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture explained that he certainly has no longing for a general strike. In his opinion, however, it was impossible to avoid the suppression of the Communist Party of Germany. If that were not done one could not achieve a majority in the Reichstag, certainly not a majority of two-thirds.

After the suppression of the KPD the passage of an enabling law through the Reichstag would be possible. He doubted that there would be a general strike after the suppression of the KPD. He preferred the suppression of the KPD to new elections.

Reich Minister Goering stated that the Communists had planned a demonstration for this evening (30 January), which he had prohibited. On the basis of his investigations the KPD would not be prepared for a general strike at the present. The social democrats were pressing for a discussion in Reichstag.

In his opinion it would be best to dissolve the Reichstag as soon as possible and to hold new elections. The Reich Chancellor had given his word that the present constellation of the Reich Cabinet would not be altered even after new elections.

The Reich Chancellor confirmed the correctness of this statement.

The Reich Minister for Labor declared that there was great joy in the ranks of the Steel Helmet [Stahlhelm] about the forming of the present Reich Cabinet. There was no more friction between the Steel Helmet and the SA.

In his opinion it would not be wise to let the first act of the present Reich Cabinet consist in the suppression of the KPD which might result in a general strike.

The Deputy of the Reich Chancellor and the Reich Commissar for Prussia pointed out that the German nation needed a rest. In his opinion it would be best initially to request an Enabling Law from the Reichstag. If such a law would not be passed the situation could be tackled anew. The Reich Chancellor declared that the general strike was not to be taken lightly. To suppress a possible general strike the Reichswehr should not be committed, if possible.

The Reich Minister for Defense thanked the Reich Chancellor for this attitude and emphasized that the soldier is only used to thinking of his opponent as an enemy from outside.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs discussed the question of whether a suppression of the KPD with the possible consequence of a general strike were to be preferred to new elections for the Reichstag under foreign political consideration. He came to the conclusion that a suppression of the KPD with the possible consequence of a general strike would be, by far, the more serious outlook.

The Reich Minister for Finance pointed out that the financial status of the Reich, the States, and the Counties could only be adjusted through a slow improvement of the economic situation. He regarded the suppression of the KPD as a last political means. State Secretary Dr. Meissner proposed for the discussion whether an Enabling Law was to be proposed which would contain provisions for measures to be taken by the Reich Cabinet in the interest of combating unemployment. Such an Enabling Law would only require a simple majority in the Reichstag.

Reich Commissar Dr. Gereke stated that the Center Party would not tolerate the Cabinet. Speedy new elections to the Reichstag would become necessary. The Deputy of the Reich Chancellor and the Reich Commissar for the State of Prussia suggested that the Reich Chancellor, in an interview, would state at the earliest opportunity that the rumors about the danger of inflation and the rumors about the danger of the rights of civil servants are untrue. The Reich Chancellor agreed to this. He further informed the meeting that he would contact representatives of the Center Party in the morning of 31 January.

A new meeting of the Ministers is to take place on 31 January at 4:00 p.m.

The Reich Cabinet took note of this.

Signed: Wienstein 31.1.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 352-PS

Copy

THE REICH MINISTER AND CHIEF OF THE REICH CHANCELLERY

Rk. 8008D

Berlin, 14 June 1942 Fuehrer's Headquarters

To the Plenipotentiary for the Reich Administration [General bevollmaechtigter die Reichs Norwaltung]

Subject: The Jurisdiction of the Council of Ministers for the Defense of the Reich [Ministerats fuer die Reichsverteidigung]

Your letter of 3 June 1942--CBV Nr. 493/42/2882--. Recently the Fuehrer announced in accord with the opinions of the Reich Marshal of the Greater German Reich as shown in my letter of 20 Feb. 1940-RK. 624B- that he believes it practical to reserve certain legislative missions for the Reich Cabinet. With this he has not limited the competency of the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich but given a directive as to how legislation should be handled under the point of view of practicability. I have no doubt that the Fuehrer, as well as the Reich Marshal, have not changed their point of view, in particular regarding the fact that at the present there should be only legislation important in the cause of war, and that they will stress the fact that the Fuehrer himself and the Reich Cabinet should not be eliminated from the powers of legislation. It will have to be tested from time to time what measures will be reserved for the Reich Cabinet. My letter of 20 February 1940, and the opinions of the Fuehrer therein expressed may serve as a directive even if the limitations indicated by me are no longer applicable in their full meaning. I would therefore suggest not basing the discussions with the Reich Minister of Finance on the question of competency of the Reich Cabinet or the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich, but on the question of whether it would be practical to achieve settlement through either Reich law or a Decree from the Council of Ministers for the defense of the Reich in the sense of the opinions voiced by the Fuehrer.

Signed: Dr. Lammers

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 374-PS

Berlin Nr 234404 9.11.2355

To all state police offices and state police administrative offices. --To director or his deputy.

This teletype message is to be transmitted immediately in the most rapid way.

1. Actions against the Jews and in particular against their synagogues will occur in a short time, in all of Germany. They are not to be hindered. However, it is to be made certain, in agreement with the ordinary police, that plundering and similar law breaking will be held to a minimum.

2. Insofar as important archive material is present in the synagogues, it is to be secured by immediate measures.

3. The seizure of some 20 to 30 thousand Jews in the Reich is to be prepared. Wealthy Jews above all are to be chosen. More detailed directives will appear in the course of this night.

4. If, in the course of this action, Jews are found in possession of arms then the sharpest measures are to be employed. Special troops of the SS as well as the general SS can be drawn into the total action. In any case the direction of the actions through the State police is to be assured by proper measures.

_Addenda for State Police Cologne_:

In the synagogue of Cologne there is especially important material. This is to be made safe, immediately, by the quickest measures in agreement with the Security Services.

Gestapo I Mueller

This teletype is secret

* * * * *

SECRET

Blitz Munich 47767 10,11.38 0120

To all State police administrative offices and State police offices.

To all Security Service O.A. and W.S.

_Subject_: Tonight's measures against Jews.

On the basis of the attack upon Legation Secretary v. Rath in Paris demonstrations against the Jews are to be expected in the entire Reich tonight 9 to 10 November 38. The following orders are issued for the treatment of these incidents.

1. The directors of the administrative offices of the State police or their deputies have to take up, by long-distance phone, negotiations with the proper political directorates of their regions --Gauleitung or Kreisleitung--immediately upon the receipt of this telegram and to unify a discussion of the carrying out of the demonstrations to which the proper inspector or commander of the regular police is to be drawn. In this conference the political direction is to be informed that the German police has received from the Reichsfuehrer SS and the Chief of the Police the following orders to which the measures of the political directorate should comply.

2. Only such measures are to be taken, which do not entail a danger to German life and property (for example: burning of synagogues only if no fire hazard is present in the neighborhood).

3. As soon as the course of events tonight permits the use of the appointed officials for this purpose, as many Jews are to be seized, especially wealthy ones, in all regions as can be accommodated in the prisons at hand. Moreover, only healthy, male Jews of not too great an age are to be seized. After carrying out the seizure, negotiations are to be taken up at once with the proper concentration camps for the quickest accommodation of the Jews.

Signed: HEYDRICH SS Gruppenfuehrer

* * * * *

Police radio service--Radio Hannover _Urgent--Secret_ SSD Berlin 133 10; 11 2110 To all political authorities

As soon as notices of the ending of the action arrive from the Gau administration take action that destroyed shops are so shut up with boards, etc., that the destruction is as little visible as possible. Have owners directed in certain cases to work under police orders to carry this out. Have the ruins of synagogues, etc., removed as quickly as possible.

Chief of the regular police Special command staff of the High Command g. a. Nr 224/38

* * * * *

Appendix

National Socialist German Workers Party

Gau Coblenz--Trier

Coblenz June 7, 1933

Propaganda Department

To all Kreis directorates _Subject_: List M. 18, Jew baiting Nr 2

You will receive in the next few days a list of the communities of your districts in which you will find the Jewish firms and businesses of your district. You will immediately check in your whole district whether the addresses given are correct or whether some have been forgotten. The highest importance is to be placed on accuracy since the list is to be printed.

_Subject_: Jew baiting

The district directorate will set up a committee which has the task of directing and supervising the communities in the whole district. The strength of this committee will be determined by the district directed. You are to inform the Gau-propaganda directorate at once of the committees named. The Gau propaganda directorate will then set itself in coordinating with these committees through you.

_Present tasks of the committees._

The committee will form in all the local groups and support localities such committees whose names shall be known only to the district committee. The members of the sub-committees shall report to the district committee the names of those Party members and other Germans who buy from Jews. The district committee will publish articles whose content is such that it will point out to the miscreant members of the nation the shamefulness of their deed, and will make them aware of the shame to which they would be subjected if they were proceeded against publicly. This article must be arranged so that only the addresses of those involved, the business and the time in which he made the purchase will be given. The article should bear no signature and will be posted on various posting spots. Further the committees have to secure female clerks from Jewish stores, who can then very easily name those who purchase in Jewish shops. This demands some caution and has to be done with the greatest secrecy. The names of these clerks shall in no case be mentioned. Negotiations are to be undertaken with the association for the employed middle class so that it will prepare the means for this action and will assume the responsibility of finding a new job in another shop of equal importance in case the clerk loses her job. Her name must not be given, only the number.

The district directorate will point out in all gatherings of members or in all public gatherings that the Jew in all countries is again carrying on a low attack which is greatly harmful to Germany. It must be made clear to the masses that no German may buy from a Jew. It is also to be demanded of the Party membership that it constantly bring this to the attention of its friends and acquaintances. The Party membership must go so far in the interest of the nation that it cease friendship with best acquaintances if the latter continue to purchase from Jews. It must go so far that no German will speak to a Jew if it is not absolutely necessary, and this must be particularly pointed out.

German girls who go with Jews are to be made cognizant of the shamefulness of their actions. A member of our party must, in no way, have anything to do with such a person.

Heil Hitler Signed: Bang Gau-Propagandaleiter

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 375-PS

TOP SECRET

Berlin, 25 August 1938 General Staff of the 5th Section (German Air Force) (Genstb. 5. Abteilung) No. 28/38. TOP SECRET (G-2) _For Commanders only_ [_CHEF-SACHE_] THROUGH OFFICER COURIER ONLY

Subject: Extended Case Green [GRUEN--code for Czechoslovakia.] Estimate of the Situation with Special Consideration of the Enemy.

A. _Initial Political Situation_:

1. The basic assumption is that France will declare war during the Case Green.

It is presumed that France will only decide upon war if _active military assistance by Great Britain_ is definitely assured.

2. The Soviet Union will probably side immediately with the Western Powers.

3. It is _not_ expected for the moment that other states will intervene against Germany.

_The Dutch-Belgian area_ assumes in this connection much more importance for the prevention of the war in Western Europe than during the World War. This mainly as an advanced base for the air war.

4. _The United States of America_ will immediately support the fight of the Western Powers with strong ideological and economic means.

5. _Italy, Nationalistic-Spain, Hungary and Japan_ are regarded as benevolent neutrals.

B. _Initial Military Situation_:

1. The French-Czechoslovakian treaty provides for military assistance only in the case of an _unprovoked_ attack. At least an agreement of the French and British views as to the legal aspect has to be achieved. If only for _political reasons_ we have to consider the 2nd day as the earliest possible day of war on a European scale. In cast of a 24 hour ultimatum it would be the 3rd day.

2. It is further assumed that the actual commencement of hostilities will only take place after the French armed forces _have been tactically deployed_. That means within the fourth to eighteenth day. This to

a. use the deployment as a means of political pressure,

b. and to be able to deploy the troops undisturbed.

3. _The war aim of the Entente Powers_ is to be considered as the overcoming of Germany through attacking its war economy. With other words through a _long_ war.

4. The following are possible methods of operation for the French army:

a. to man and hold the Maginot-line,

b. to march into Belgium and the Netherlands at the beginning of the war with the aim of occupying the Ruhr-territory.

_All suppositions support the first alternative._

5. _The French Air Force_ will probably attack both economic and German Air Force targets as well as military and communication objectives. Thus no concentrated effect will be achieved at any one place.

6. The _French Navy_ will probably cooperate through operations with the _British sea power_ to supplant the North Sea blockade. The aim will be the maintenance of naval predominance in the Atlantic and the Western Mediterranean.

7. The _British Air Force_ is assumed to be committed from English bases against the Rhine-Westphalia industrial area and the North Sea ports. Sooner or later the Belgium-Dutch neutrality will be violated.

A _camouflaged aircraft reporting network_ in Belgium and the Netherlands has to be taken into account from the first day of the war. No transfer to France on the part of the British Air Force need be expected at the beginning of the war. Equally it is held to be out of the question for any large parts of the British armed forces to be transferred to France.

8. Provision seems to have been made for the use of North French ground organizations during the _course of the war_ at least by part of the attacking British Air Forces.

The existence of a relatively large number of civilian airfields in Belgium and the Netherlands seem to indicate the intention of moving advanced elements of the air defenses of London (light fighters and reconnaissance aircraft) into this area after a while.

9. Thanks to the expected neutrality of Poland, the active _participation of Soviet Russia_ will be largely restricted to the prosecution of the war in the Baltic.

Furthermore, air attacks against East Prussia and the Baltic coast are to be anticipated and occasional raids on Berlin are regarded as possible.

10. The basic assumption in respect to _our own prosecution of the war_ is that two war plane air forces will be available in the West at the beginning of hostilities. There will be five war plane air forces in all after three to four weeks. The aim will be to bring about a decision by the defeat of the Western powers.

C. _Task of the German Air Force_:

The German Air Force has at present not all the forces necessary to seek a decision by attacking the enemy's war economy with the aid of the navy. The prime responsibility of the German Air Force in the present situation must be to help the armed forces immobilized opposite a fortified front to achieve operational freedom.

D. _Enemy War Plane Forces_:

1. The _French Air Force_ will have on the 1st October some 640 war planes in the front line units on French home territory of which not more than 120 to 150 attain a modern standard of performance. Available reserves total about 320 obsolete war planes.

There are another 150 obsolete war planes in North Africa for use in colonial war or against Southern Italy.

It is assumed that the French home war plane units will be deployed for the most part in the known areas of Eastern France at the beginning of the war. They will be employed against various targets (air force targets, industrial and communications targets, military installations, Army targets) in the operational area as well as in depth according to the capabilities of their personnel and equipment.

Any transfer of more than insignificant forces to Czechoslovakia is regarded as outside the range of practical possibilities, as is the concentrated commitment of large formations against the armies fighting in Czechoslovakia.

2. _The British war plane force_ will consist of some 850 war planes on October 1st of which 300 to 350 can be regarded as modern. The majority of the front line aircraft as well as some 200 to 300 reserve aircraft can be described as only conditionally serviceable in the face of modern defences.

Due to their inadequate range the present British war plane formations are _not_ in a position to carry on a _vigorous_ air war from their home bases only without violating sovereign Dutch or Belgian territory.

Even if Dutch and Belgian neutrality is ignored only the modern war planes need to be taken into account as a serious threat to the Ruhr.

A transfer of British Air Forces to Northern France is to be expected at the earliest, after several weeks of war.

If the French Army Command decides to march through Belgium and the Netherlands the immediate influx of British fighters into this area becomes probable.

Heavy attacks against the North Sea ports by carrier based aircraft need not be reckoned with:

_a._ because the equipment and training of these aircraft is designed to fit them for specific naval tasks;

_b._ because aircraft carriers, due to their vulnerability, will be committed in the North Sea only for very pressing reasons, which do not exist in this instance.

On the other hand occasional attacks by coastal aircraft forces against targets on the North Sea coast are feasible and probable.

E. _Enemy Aircraft Industries_:

1. The first aircraft put into mass production as a result of the expansion of _French military aircraft industry_ during the years 1934 to 1938 are at present rolling off the assembly lines. At the moment the aero-engine factories are lagging behind with deliveries.

In August 1938 forty single-engined and thirty twin-engined military aircraft were delivered to the French Air Forces. It must be assumed that these figures will be increased during the coming months to 100 aircraft a month, 50 single-engined and 50 twin-engined.

A further moderate increase in production is possible and to be expected from spring 1939 on.

2. _In Great Britain_ existing plants have been extended since 1936 with the aid of State funds and the effect on the armament situation will begin to make itself felt increasingly from 1939 on. If the present plans will be observed the program will be completely carried out by 1941.

Present production (August 1938) is estimated at some 200 aircraft of _all types_ (commercial and military aircraft) a month. It must be noted that the import of training aircraft and long-range reconnaissance aircraft from the United States and Canada is intended.

3. _North American aircraft industry_ (United States and Canada) is at the moment fully occupied. No notable expansion has yet taken place but is possible. A possible expansion would have no practical effects in 1939.

250 aircraft of _all types_ (commercial and military) a month for the home and foreign market may be stated as the present production rate. Appreciably more aircraft engines are manufactured.

F. _Position with regard to preparation of target data_:

1. It is proposed to supply units on or before 5th October with the following _target data for France_:

_a._ Air Force (airfields, air parks and equipment depots, air force fuel dumps). About 90% of existing installations are included.

_b._ _Fuel Supply._

100% of the refineries are included and 60% of the total storage capacity (including the above-mentioned Air Force fuel dumps).

_c._ _Ammunition Supply._

An estimated 70% to 80% of the total productive capacity of explosive and gunpowder factories and 17 large supply dumps (main ammunition depots and ammunition depots, Army and Air Force) are included.

_d._ _Power Supply._

All the large power plants are included.

_e._ _Key Industries._

In particular the Paris aero-engine industry has been included.

_f._ _Targets in the Paris area._

Further target data, particularly for essential industrial targets, are accumulating currently.

In addition, command authorities will receive maps of the tactical situation and of target groups on or before the above-mentioned date.

2. Basic target maps of British ground organization (airfields) are approximately 90% ready. They have been passed on to Air Force Group 2 for printing and for the adding of sectional excerpts of maps. They have been ordered to be ready by 15 September.

As far as essential industrial targets are concerned, work has been carried out on the food and crude oil supply systems and docks in the London and Hull areas (basic target maps, sector maps, partially covered also by aerial and ground panoramas).

These will be reproduced after the ground organization targets have been printed. They cannot be expected to be ready before 20 October.

Tactical maps and target maps of London and Hull will be issued to the command authorities prior to the end of September.

3. The basic target maps of the Air Force objectives for _Belgium and the Netherlands_ are ready for printing. Reproduction and distribution (including sector maps) will probably be possible only during October.

4. In general it must be emphasized that, unlike Czechoslovakia, there are relatively very few aerial photographs of Western European targets available.

G. _Recommendations for our own Prosecution of the Air War._

1. A negative answer must be given to the question as to whether it is appropriate to postpone the massed commitment of our striking power until the spring. The _balance of force_ would probably have altered by that time to our disadvantage due to further progress of French and British aircraft industry and imports from North America.

2. From a _climatological_ point of view the autumn offers _our_ forces greater prospect of success than the enemy, due to our relatively good training in instrument flying.

3. As our forces must be regarded as small, even if we accept the figure of 5 air forces as a basis, the task can only be fulfilled by concentrated blows directed against the enemy's weakest points.

For this purpose choice of targets must be made with the greatest care and must be restricted to the decisive points.

4. As long as only _2 air forces_ are available prosecution of the war on the _basis of gaining time is advisable_. This is seen in attacks against the enemy _air forces_ in the airfields where they are deployed in Eastern France, with a view to prevent complete aerial predominance by the enemy.

_Attacks on Paris_ should only be carried out as a reprisal, especially as the air defences in and around Paris are strong. Such attacks must however be possible at all times.

Direct _cooperation with the Army_ is only considered desirable if the enemy deploys or advances in such strength as to endanger the Western German fortifications by a break through or out-flanking.

Support for the Army will be supplied in this case by attacks:

_a._ against transports, troop concentrations and movements,

_b._ against enemy war planes, should these cooperate with his armed forces in great numbers.

Should there be danger of a penetration of the Western fortifications, a further measure would be to concentrate _fighter forces_ scattered in the West on the decisive ground front.

Attacks against objectives in the _British Isles_ are to be regarded as unjustifiable in view of the small numbers of our combat forces.

Should the enemy remain on the defensive in the ground war and withdraw with his war plane forces to the West there will be no urgent reason for us to commit our own forces. In this case it would seem better to save our forces until reinforcements arrive.

5. As soon as _strong forces_ are freed for the prosecution of the war in the West, operations in the air must be directed without delay at _reaching a decision_.

It would seem possible to achieve this end by attacking:

_a._ fuel refineries and dumps;

_b._ gunpowder and high explosive factories, _main ammunition depots and ammunition depots_;

_c._ the most important parks handling imports which are also centers for the transfer and reshipment of fuel and ammunition.

Thus the enemy's fuel and ammunition supply system for his ground and air forces would be paralyzed or at least curtailed to an intolerable degree.

Assuming that the individual groups of targets are one after the other successively attacked until eliminated it would appear that by the use of 5 air forces a sufficient measure of success could be achieved to enable the Army to break through the enemy's fortified front.

_No_ large-scale operations against targets in _the British Isles_ could be carried out in addition to this task.

Everything should however be prepared to make _reprisal attacks_ against London possible at any time.

Considering the strength of the air defences in and around London success in such attacks is only likely if _strong_ forces are committed.

In addition occasional _harassing attacks_ against targets in South and Southeast England may be worthy of consideration, particularly if the weather enforces a lull in France. A secondary aim of such attacks would be to pin down strong defence forces in Great Britain.

6. Should still stronger war plane forces--at least 3 air forces--be available after the French targets had been successfully attacked, they might be committed to advantage in attacks against the _food supply of Great Britain_, notably of London. It must however be emphasized that it is only regarded as possible to achieve decisive successes if considerably stronger forces are committed and if the western ports are also subjected to air attacks.

H. _Requests to Armed Forces Supreme Command, Army and Navy_:

1. The use of the Condor Legion against the refineries in Bordeaux and possibly against those in Marseilles would valuably supplement our attacks of the French fuel supply system.

2. The ammunition situation has to be rendered precarious for the enemy as soon as possible. Therefore the armed forces should accompany the air attacks against the ammunition supplies with synchronized offensive thrusts. Special attention should be directed towards the ammunition supplies stored in the Maginot Line itself and accessible to air attack.

3. The Navy should hamper _imports_ through the French Atlantic ports to as great an extent as is compatible with its other tasks and the forces available. Especially for some 2-3 months at the beginning of the attack against the fuel supply of France.

4. Belgium and the Netherlands would, _in German hands_, represent an extraordinary advantage in the prosecution of the air war against Great Britain as well as against France. Therefore it is held to be essential to obtain the opinion of the Army as to the conditions under which an occupation of this area could be carried out and how long it would take. In this case it would be necessary to reassess the commitment against Great Britain.

Signed: For: WOLTER

1 inclosure _Distribution_: Chief of German Air Force Operations Staff General Staff/5th Section (Draft) 1. copy with 1 inclosure 2. copy with 1 inclosure

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 376-PS

SECRET

FUEHRER'S H.Q. 29/10/40

Major (General Staff) Freiherr von Falkenstein [Addressed to an unspecified General] "Chefsache"

In order to supplement today's telephone conversation of 10:00 A.M. I take the liberty of submitting to you a brief resume of the military questions current here for _your personal information_ before I go on leave. Major Queisner, my deputy, is informed of the questions touched on here and can supply further information if necessary.

The exception is Gibraltar, General Warlimont having requested that all inquiries be made to him, as this territory is regarded as a particularly ticklish business.

1. At the moment no intervention in Greece is intended. Nor for the moment is anything to be undertaken with regard to Crete.

2. The question of _beginning preparation_ in Libya in _conjunction with Italy_ is to be examined in the light of a report by General Ritter von Thoma, which will be received during the next few days.

In the light of this report a proposal is to be submitted to the Fuehrer by Field Marshal Keitel with regard to strength required, date of offensive, etc. Field Marshal Keitel and Marshal Badoglio will then meet in mid-November and will settle details. Large-scale preparations should not be expected before then.

The Quartermaster-General (Colonel Langemeyer) has been informed by us of the necessity for timely disposal of special war material, equipment and clothing.

3. No orders respecting Case East [Fall Ost] have been given and no orders are to be expected at the moment.

At the moment the Russian action against Rumania is dismissed as a trifling matter.

Transports to Rumania are proceeding according to plan as ordered by the Fuehrer and are not to be speeded up.

4. No activity should be expected at present on the part of Spain. The conversation between the Fuehrer and Franco therefore covered only economic collaboration and long-term developments.

The Gibraltar affair should not however be lost to mind though it will have to be treated with extreme care.

The Army will shortly send a small reconnaissance staff [Erkundungsstab] to Spain where it will cooperate with Admiral Canaris: this has been authorized by the Fuehrer. The GAF will request permission to participate on its own account.

There will be further orders from the Armed Forces Supreme Command; the details requested in tele-printer message 00 926/40 are required for this purpose.

5. The Fuehrer is at present occupied with the question of the occupation of the Atlantic Islands with a view to the prosecution of war against America at a later date. Deliberations on this subject are being embarked upon here. Essential conditions are at the present:--

_a._ No other operational commitment,

_b._ Portuguese neutrality,

_c._ Support of France and Spain.

A brief assessment of the possibility of seizing and holding air bases and of the question of supply is needed from the GAF.

Major Queisner will fetch the documents for himself from Ic Kurferst (C. in C. GAF Rear Hq.). I would like to ask Colonel Schmidt to arrange that he be supplied with the information he desires.

6. C. in C. Armed Forces Norway has expressed fears that as a result of the Order: Armed Forces Supreme Command, Armed Forces Operations Staff/Abteilung L. No. 35 331/40 top secret and Chefsache dated 22/10/40 greater activity on the part of the British will develop against Norway, and has requested naval and air force reinforcements. The question of moving Stuka Staffeln was touched upon. I expressed my opinion that Stuka units had at present to prepare for other tasks, but would however request that the matter be further examined.

7. General von Boetticher has made repeated reference, especially in his telegram 2314 dated 26/10, to the fact that in his opinion too many details of our knowledge of American aircraft industry are being published in the German press. The matter has been discussed at Armed Forces Supreme Command. I pointed out that the matter was a specifically GAF one, but have taken the liberty of referring the matter to you on its own merits.

[Signed] Falkenstein.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 382-PS

_WRITTEN STATEMENT BY KORVETTENKAPITAN MOEHLE DATED 19th JULY, 1945_

A. _Order of September, 1942_

In September 1942 (I can no longer recollect the exact date), the following W/T message was given to all U-boats and operational flotillas by the Commander in Chief U-boats in officers' cypher, i.e. Top Secret:--

1. "All rescue measures such as righting of capsized life-boats, going alongside, provisioning, towing to land, etc., are absolutely forbidden and must cease.

2. Previous orders concerning the rescue and taking prisoner of masters and chief engineers remain in force since their interrogation is of the highest importance to the High Command. Boats should rescue as many as they can carry.

3. All rescue measures contradict the most primitive demands of warfare that ships and crews should be destroyed.

4. You must be hard and remember that the enemy in his bombing attacks on German towns has no consideration for women and children."

This W/T message was without any doubt sent out at the instigation of the Commander in Chief U-boats himself, i.e. Grand Admiral Doenitz. In view of my knowledge of the way in which the Staff of the Chief Command U-boats worked, I consider it quite impossible that an order of such importance could have been given without his knowledge.

I do not know whether the order was given with the concurrence or at the instigation of the Supreme Command, i.e. the Fuehrer's headquarters, or at the instigation of the Fuehrer himself after one of his many conferences with Grand Admiral Doenitz.

As Senior Officer of the 5th U-boat Flotilla, it was my duty to pass on these instructions of Commander in Chief U-boats to Commanding Officers of U-boats which were leaving on their war patrols.

So far as concerns the order itself, it undoubtedly states, and in particular for those who know the manner in which Commander in Chief U-boats is wont to give his orders, that the High Command regard it as desirable that not only ships but also their crews should be regarded as objects of attack, i.e. that they should be destroyed; at that time German propaganda was continually stressing the shortage of crews for enemy merchant ships and the consequent difficulties. I too understood this order in that way.

Had the point of view of the High Command been otherwise the order would undoubtedly have been expressed in different words. It would then only have stated that for reasons of security rescue measures were to cease and this order would have been passed as a normal secret W/T message. It was perhaps even the intention that this order could be interpreted in two ways and the reason may be that in the first place, it contravenes international laws of warfare and secondly, that it was an order which must give rise to serious conflicts of conscience in commanding officers.

It was very difficult for me as senior officer of the Flotilla to ask for clarification of this order from the Commander in Chief U-boats since while I was senior officer (15.6.41-5.5.45) I could only, owing to lack of time, visit the Commander in Chief U-boats four or five times. I could not discuss this order with officers on my staff as all messages in officers' cypher might only be received by me. I was moreover of the opinion that commanding officers who were uncertain as to the meaning of this particular point always had the opportunity (an opportunity which they often took on other points) to obtain a clear understanding of this point when they went for their instructions to the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats itself; these instructions by the staff of the Commander in Chief U-boats were for the great part given by very young officers with much more recent operational experience than I had--the officers on Commander in Chief U-boats' staff changed frequently. Generally speaking, with very few exceptions, commanding officers received their instruction from the staff of Commander in Chief U-boats after I myself had given them their instructions. Commanding officers were generally speaking in much closer personal contact with these young staff officers than they were with myself as senior officer of a purely transit flotilla. There were many commanding officers whom I only saw and got to know for a few days in Kiel while they were fitting their boats out for operations.

Having given considerable thought to the whole of this matter I now remember that during one of my visits to Commander in Chief U-boats' staff in the winter of 1942/3 or the summer '43, one of the staff officers, Korvettenkapitaen Hessler or perhaps more likely Korvettenkapitaen Kuppisch, with whom because of very close ties of friendship I used to converse intimately as long as he was Commander in Chief U-boats' staff, told me of the following occurrence (whether I broached the subject or how the matter came up I can no longer remember).

A type VII boat (500-tonner) reported in her war log that when outward bound from a base in France, she met far out in the Bay of Biscay a raft with five enemy airmen, but was not able to take them on board owing to shortage of room (she had a complement of 54 and carried full provisions for 14 weeks). The boat therefore proceeded without taking any notice of the survivors.

This action of the U-boat was vehemently denounced by the Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. It was stated that she would have acted more correctly in destroying this raft since it was highly probable that the enemy air crew would be rescued by the enemy and in the meantime might once more have destroyed a German U-boat.

This occurrence made the views of the Commander in Chief U-boats clear to me.

As concerns making the order known to commanding officers: the order was always passed on during a commanding officers' conference while their boats were having their final overhaul or while they were being fitted out in Kiel for operational patrols; during these conferences I passed on to commanding officers once again all important orders about the equipping of their boats, procedure on departure, in home waters and while in convoy to Norway. Operational orders were not given by the flotilla; they were always given by the Commander in Chief U-boats himself or by Captain U-boats West on his behalf.

I was wont to pass on this controversial and serious order with more or less the following words:--"I have now to inform you of a High Command order concerning conduct towards survivors. It is a very ticklish matter. Commander in Chief U-boats in September 1942 gave the following order in an 'officers only' signal ( ... the exact words of the order were then read out)."

Since I am myself in my innermost conscience in disagreement with this order, I was very glad that in most cases commanding officers raised no queries and I was therefore relieved of any further discussion on this point.

Sometimes however queries were raised and I was wont to answer somewhat as follows:--

"I will explain the viewpoint of the High Command, which gave this order, by reference to the following event": I then mentioned the example of the Type VII boat in the Bay of Biscay together with the explanation and viewpoint expressed to me by Commander in Chief U-boats' staff. I then went on to say, "Gentlemen, you must yourselves decide what is compatible with own consciences. The safety of your own boat must always remain your prime consideration."

Since the introduction of total underwater war ("Schnorchel"), I have in this connection in various ways further stated that commanding officers were in a much easier position in this respect since they had no occasion to surface and that the order was therefore illusory for them. They had to keep clear of everything which was not worth the firing of a torpedo.

I also remember that many commanding officers after the order of September 1942 had been read said, "That is quite clear and unequivocal however hard it may be". Had this order been given to me as a commanding officer I would have taken note of it in silence but in practice would always have been able with a clear conscience not to carry it out since I consider I would endanger my own boat by acting in this way, (i.e., by shooting at life-boats).

If therefore U-boat commanding officers state that they had received from me the order to destroy life-boats, this does not correspond with the facts, but they received from me quite insufficiently clearly expressed instructions from the High Command together with my personal views thereon.

Before the order of September 1942 was issued I never discussed this difficult question at a commanding officers' conference and the subject of conduct towards survivors was never broached.

B. _Conduct Towards Neutral and Hospital Ships_

On this matter, which I treated together with what has gone before, I gave commanding officers the following directions:

There was an express order of the High Command, and Commander in Chief U-boats was adamant on this point and would relentlessly pursue the breach of it by court martial (i.e., he insisted on the order being strictly obeyed), that no neutral or Red Cross ship might be molested even if the enemy misused neutral flags or the Red Cross.

The political results of sinking a neutral were much more serious than would have been the usefulness of the tonnage sunk.

I told commanding officers for their guidance in doubtful cases--in bad visibility, when neutral markings were not distinct, etc.--that it was better to allow five enemy vessels to go free than to sink one neutral.

So far as concerns the stopping and examination of neutrals, an order was made in January 1944 that in particular Spanish and Portuguese steamers in the North and Central Atlantic were to be stopped and examined for contraband and members of enemy nations of military age. I told commanding officers "Don't touch them. Stay underwater. You are endangering yourselves too much by that because you will certainly be reported by wireless and we know from experience that when such examinations are made watchfulness is liable to suffer. You are only exposing yourself to the danger of being surprised. If a ship carries neutral markings let it go by unscathed."

Objection was often made that German hospital ships had often been destroyed by the enemy, as German propaganda had stressed for years. My answer was: That does not matter, however unpleasant it may be. The order of the High Command is decisive and binding. Politics come before warfare.

C. _Rendering of Reports_

There was an order--I do not remember whether it was in the form of a written or verbal instruction--that no events during a war patrol which contravened established international agreements should be entered in the war log. I believe that the reason for this order was that eight copies were made of war logs and were available to many authorities; there was always the danger therefore that events of this nature would become known and it was undoubtedly undesirable for reasons of propaganda that this should be so.

Events of this nature were only to be reported if asked for when commanding officers made their personal reports; these were invariably made after every patrol to Commander in Chief U-boats or later in certain instances to Captain U-boats.

I also gave the commanding officers instructions on this point.

To conclude, I can only stress that the order of September 1942 appeared to me personally to go too far and I am in total disagreement with it at heart. As a serving officer I had however to carry out the command to pass on this order to commanding officers for their instruction.

During the long time that I was senior officer of the Flotilla no single commanding officer mentioned to me that he could not reconcile obedience to this order with his conscience and that he was therefore unable to carry it out.

An order of this nature was never given by me, i.e. on my own initiative, and could not be given by me since, had I exceeded my authority in so serious a way, I would immediately and without question have been relieved.

[signed] MOEHLE Korvettenkapitaen

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 386-PS

Berlin, 10 Nov 1937

NOTES on the Conference in the Reichskanzlei on 5 Nov 37 from 1615-2030 hours

Present: The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

The Reichsminister for War, Generalfeldmarschall v. BLOMBERG

The C-in-C Army, Generaloberst Freiherr von FRITSCH

The C-in-C Navy, Generaladmiral Dr. h. c. RAEDER

The C-in-C Luftwaffe, Generaloberst GOERING

The Reichsminister for Foreign Affairs Freiherr v. NEURATH

Oberst HOSSBACH

The Fuehrer stated initially that the subject matter of today's conference was of such high importance, that its further detailed discussion would probably take place in Cabinet sessions. However, he, the Fuehrer, had decided NOT to discuss this matter in the larger circle of the Reich Cabinet, because of its importance. His subsequent statements were the result of detailed deliberations and of the experiences of his 4-1/2 years in Government; he desired to explain to those present his fundamental ideas on the possibilities and necessities of expanding our foreign policy and in the interests of a far-sighted policy he requested that his statements be looked upon in the case of his death as his last will and testament.

The Fuehrer then stated:

The aim of German policy is the security and the preservation of the nation, and its propagation. This is, consequently, a problem of space.

The German nation is composed of 85 million people, which, because of the number of individuals and the compactness of habitation, form a homogeneous European racial body which cannot be found in any other country. On the other hand, it justifies the demand for larger living space more than for any other nation. If no political body exists in space, corresponding to the German racial body, then that is the consequence of several centuries of historical development, and should this political condition continue to exist, it will represent the greatest danger to the preservation of the German nation [Volkstum] at its present high level. An arrest of the deterioration of the German element in Austria and Czechoslovakia is just as little possible as the preservation of the present state in Germany itself. Instead of growth, sterility will be introduced, and as a consequence, tensions of a social nature will appear after a number of years, because political and philosophical ideas are of a permanent nature only as long as they are able to produce the basis for the realization of the actual claim of existence of a nation. The German future is therefore dependent exclusively on the solution of the need for living space. Such a solution can be sought naturally only for a limited period, about 1-3 generations.

Before touching upon the question of solving the need for living space, it must be decided whether a solution of the German position with a good future can be attained, either by way of an autarchy or by way of an increased share in universal commerce and industry.

Autarchy: Execution will be possible only with strict National-Socialist State policy, which is the basis; assuming this can be achieved the results are as follows:

A. In the sphere of raw materials, only limited, but NOT total autarchy can be attained:

1. Wherever coal can be used for the extraction of raw materials autarchy is feasible.

2. In the case of ores the position is much more difficult. Requirements in iron and light metals can be covered by ourselves. Copper and tin, however, can NOT.

3. Cellular materials can be covered by ourselves as long as sufficient wood supplies exist. A permanent solution is not possible.

4. Edible fats--possible.

B. In the case of foods, the question of an autarchy must be answered with a definite "NO".

The general increase of living standards, compared with 30-40 years ago, brought about a simultaneous increase of the demand for an increase of personal consumption even among the producers, the farmers, themselves. The proceeds from the production increase in agriculture have been used for covering the increase in demands, therefore they represent no absolute increase in production. A further increase in production by making greater demands on the soil is _not_ possible because it already shows signs of deterioration due to the use of artificial fertilizers, and it is therefore certain that, even with the greatest possible increase in production, participation in the world market could NOT be avoided.

The considerable expenditure of foreign currency to secure food by import, even in periods when harvests are good, increases catastrophically when the harvest is really poor. The possibility of this catastrophe increases correspondingly to the increase in population, and the annual 560,000 excess in births would bring about an increased consumption in bread, because the child is a greater bread eater than the adult.

Permanently to counter the difficulties of food supplies by lowering the standard of living and by rationalization is impossible in a continent which had developed an approximately equivalent standard of living. As the solving of the unemployment problem has brought into effect the complete power of consumption, some small corrections in our agricultural home production will be possible, but NOT a wholesale alteration of the standard of food consumption. Consequently autarchy becomes impossible, specifically in the sphere of food supplies as well as generally.

_Participation in World Economy._ There are limits to this which we are unable to transgress. The market fluctuations would be an obstacle to a secure foundation of the German position; international commercial agreements do NOT offer any guarantee for practical execution. It must be considered on principle that since the World War (1914-18) an industrialization has taken place in countries which formerly exported food. We live in a period of economic empires, in which the tendency to colonize again approaches the condition which originally motivated colonization; in Japan and Italy economic motives are the basis of their will to expand, the economic need will also drive Germany to it. Countries outside the great economic empires have special difficulties in expanding economically.

The upward tendency, which has been caused in world economy, due to armament competition, can never form a permanent basis for an economic settlement, and this latter is also hampered by the economic disruption caused by Bolshevism. It is a pronounced military weakness of those States who base their existence on export. As our exports and imports are carried out over those sea lanes which are ruled by Britain, it is more a question of security of transport rather than one of foreign currency, and this explains the great weakness in our food situation in wartime. The only way out, and one which may appear imaginary, is the securing of greater living space, an endeavor which at all times has been the cause of the formation of states and of movements of nations. It is explicable that this tendency finds no interest in Geneva and in satisfied States. Should the security of our food position be our foremost thought, then the space required for this can only be sought in Europe, but we will not copy liberal capitalist policies which rely on exploiting colonies. It is NOT a case of conquering people, but of conquering agriculturally useful space. It would also be more to the purpose to seek raw material producing territory in Europe directly adjoining the Reich and not overseas, and this solution would have to be brought into effect in one or two generations. What would be required at a later date over and above this must be left to subsequent generations. The development of great world-wide national bodies is naturally a slow process and the German people, with its strong racial root, has for this purpose the most favorable foundations in the heart of the European Continent. The history of all times--Roman Empire, British Empire--has proved that every space expansion can only be effected by breaking resistance and taking risks. Even setbacks are unavoidable; neither formerly nor today has space been found without an owner; the attacker always comes up against the proprietor.

The question for Germany is where the greatest possible conquest could be made at lowest cost.

German politics must reckon with its two hateful enemies, England and France, to whom a strong German colossus in the center of Europe would be intolerable. Both these states would oppose a further reinforcement of Germany, both in Europe and overseas, and in this opposition they would have the support of all parties. Both countries would view the building of German military strongpoints overseas as a threat to their overseas communications, as a security measure for German commerce, and retrospectively a strengthening of the German position in Europe.

England is NOT in a position to cede any of her colonial possessions to us owing to the resistance which she experiences in the Dominions. After the loss of prestige which England has suffered owing to the transfer of Abyssinia to Italian ownership, a return of East Africa can no longer be expected. Any resistance on England's part would at best consist in the readiness to satisfy our colonial claims by taking away colonies which at the present moment are NOT in British hands, e.g. Angola. French favors would probably be of the same nature.

A serious discussion regarding the return of colonies to us could be considered only at a time when England is in a state of emergency and the German Reich is strong and well-armed. The Fuehrer does not share the opinion that the Empire is unshakable. Resistance against the Empire is to be found less in conquered territories than amongst its competitors. The British Empire and the Roman Empire cannot be compared with one another in regard to durability; since the Punic Wars the latter did not have a serious political enemy. Only the dissolving effects which originated in Christendom, and the signs of age which creep into all states, made it possible for the Ancient Germans to subjugate Ancient Rome.

Alongside the British Empire today a number of States exist which are stronger than it. The British Mother Country is able to defend its colonial possessions only allied with other States and NOT by its own power. How could England alone, for example, defend Canada against an attack by America or its Far Eastern interests against an attack by Japan.

The singling out of the British Crown as the bearer of Empire unity is in itself an admission that the universal empire cannot be maintained permanently by power politics. The following are significant pointers in this respect.

_a._ Ireland's tendency for independence.

_b._ Constitutional disputes in India where England, by her half-measures, left the door open for Indians at a later date to utilize the nonfulfillment of constitutional promises as a weapon against Britain.

_c._ The weakening of the British position in the Far East by Japan.

_d._ The opposition in the Mediterranean to Italy which--by virtue of its history, driven by necessity and led by a genius--expands its power position and must consequently infringe British interests to an increasing extent. The outcome of the Abyssinian War is a loss of prestige for Britain which Italy is endeavoring to increase by stirring up discontent in the Mohammedan world.

It must be established in conclusion that the Empire cannot be held permanently by power politics by 45 million Britons, in spite of all the solidity of her ideals. The proportion of the populations in the Empire, compared with that of the Motherland is 9:1, and it should act as a warning to us that if we expand in space, we must NOT allow the level of our population to become too low.

France's position is more favorable than that of England. The French Empire is better placed geographically, the population of its colonial possessions represents a potential military increase. But France is faced with difficulties of internal politics. At the present time only 10 per cent approximately of the nations have parliamentary governments whereas 90 per cent of them have totalitarian governments. Nevertheless we have to take the following into our political considerations as power factors:

Britain, France, Russia and the adjoining smaller States.

The German question can be solved only by way of force, and this is never without risk. The battles of Frederick the Great for Silesia, and Bismarck's wars against Austria and France had been a tremendous risk and the speed of Prussian action in 1870 had prevented Austria from participating in the war. If we place the decision to apply force with risk at the head of the following expositions, then we are left to reply to the questions "when" and "how". In this regard we have to decide upon three different cases.

_Case 1. Period 1943-45._ After this we can only expect a change for the worse. The re-arming of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force, as well as the formation of the Officers' Corps, are practically concluded. Our material equipment and armaments are modern, with further delay the danger of their becoming out-of-date will increase. In particular the secrecy of "special weapons" cannot always be safeguarded. Enlistment of reserves would be limited to the current recruiting age groups and an addition from older untrained groups would be no longer available.

In comparison with the re-armament, which will have been carried out at that time by the other nations, we shall decrease in relative power. Should we not act until 1943/45, then, dependent on the absence of reserves, any year could bring about the food crisis, for the countering of which we do NOT possess the necessary foreign currency. This must be considered as a "point of weakness in the regime". Over and above that, the world will anticipate our action and will increase counter-measures yearly. Whilst other nations isolate themselves we should be forced on the offensive.

What the actual position would be in the years 1943-1945 no one knows today. It is certain, however, that we can wait no longer.

On the one side the large armed forces, with the necessity for securing their upkeep, the aging of the Nazi movement and of its leaders, and on the other side the prospect of a lowering of the standard of living and a drop in the birth rate, leaves us no other choice than to act. If the Fuehrer is still living, then it will be his irrevocable decision to solve the German space problem no later than 1943-45. The necessity for action before 1943-45 will come under consideration in cases 2 and 3.

_Case 2._ Should the social tensions in France lead to an internal political crisis of such dimensions that it absorbs the French Army and thus renders it incapable for employment in war against Germany, then the time for action against Czechoslovakia has come.

_Case 3._ It would be equally possible to act against Czechoslovakia if France should be so tied up by a war against another State, that it cannot "proceed" against Germany.

For the improvement of our military political position it must be our first aim, in every case of entanglement by war, to conquer Czechoslovakia and Austria simultaneously, in order to remove any threat from the flanks in case of a possible advance Westwards. In the case of a conflict with France it would hardly be necessary to assume that Czechoslovakia would declare war on the same day as France. However, Czechoslovakia's desire to participate in the war will increase proportionally to the degree to which we are being weakened. Its actual participation could make itself felt by an attack on Silesia, either towards the North or the West.

Once Czechoslovakia is conquered--and a mutual frontier, Germany-Hungary is obtained--then a neutral attitude by Poland in a German-French conflict could more easily be relied upon. Our agreements with Poland remain valid only as long as Germany's strength remains unshakeable; should Germany have any setbacks then an attack by Poland against East Prussia, perhaps also against Pomerania, and Silesia, must be taken into account.

Assuming a development of the situation, which would lead to a planned attack on our part in the years 1943-45, then the behavior of France, Poland and Russia would probably have to be judged in the following manner:

The Fuehrer believes personally that in all probability England and perhaps also France have already silently written off Czechoslovakia, and that they have got used to the idea that this question would one day be cleaned up by Germany. The difficulties in the British Empire and the prospect of being entangled in another long-drawn-out European War, were decisive factors in the non-participation of England in a war against Germany. The British attitude would certainly NOT remain without influence on France's attitude. An attack by France without British support is hardly probable assuming that its offensive would stagnate along our Western fortifications. Without England's support, it would also NOT be necessary to take into consideration a march by France through Belgium and Holland, and this would also not have to be reckoned with by us in case of a conflict with France, as in every case it would have as consequence the enmity of Great Britain. Naturally, we should in every case have to bar our frontier during the operation of our attacks against Czechoslovakia and Austria. It must be taken into consideration here that Czechoslovakia's defence measures will increase in strength from year to year, and that a consolidation of the inside values of the Austrian army will also be effected in the course of years. Although the population of Czechoslovakia in the first place is not a thin one, the embodiment of Czechoslovakia and Austria would nevertheless constitute the conquest of food for 5-6 million people, on the basis that a compulsory emigration of 2 million from Czechoslovakia and of 1 million from Austria could be carried out. The annexation of the two States to Germany militarily and politically would constitute a considerable relief, owing to shorter and better frontiers, the freeing of fighting personnel for other purposes and the possibility of re-constituting new armies up to a strength of about 12 Divisions, representing a new division per 1 million population.

No opposition to the removal of Czechoslovakia is expected on the part of Italy; however, it cannot be judged today what would be her attitude in the Austrian question since it would depend largely on whether the Duce were alive at the time or not.

The measure and speed of our action would decide Poland's attitude. Poland will have little inclination to enter the war against a victorious Germany, with Russia in its rear.

Military participation by Russia must be countered by the speed of our operations; it is a question whether this need be taken into consideration at all in view of Japan's attitude.

Should Case 2 occur--paralyzation of France by a Civil War--then the situation should be utilized _at any time_ for operations against Czechoslovakia, as Germany's most dangerous enemy would be eliminated.

The Fuehrer sees Case 3 looming nearer; it could develop from the existing tensions in the Mediterranean, and should it occur he has firmly decided to make use of it any time, perhaps even as early as 1938.

Following recent experiences in the course of the events of the war in Spain, the Fuehrer does NOT see an early end to hostilities there. Taking into consideration the time required for past offensives by Franco, a further three years duration of war is within the bounds of possibility. On the other hand, from the German point of view a 100 per cent victory by Franco is not desirable; we are more interested in a continuation of the war and preservation of the tensions in the Mediterranean. Should Franco be in sole possession of the Spanish Peninsula it would mean the end of Italian intervention and the presence of Italy on the Balearic Isles. As our interests are directed towards continuing the war in Spain, it must be the task of our future policy to strengthen Italy in her fight to hold on to the Balearic Isles. However, a solidification of Italian positions on the Balearic Isles can NOT be tolerated either by France or by England and could lead to a war by France and England against Italy, in which case Spain, if entirely in white (i.e. Franco's) hands, could participate on the side of Italy's enemies. A subjugation of Italy in such a war appears very unlikely. Additional raw materials could be brought to Italy via Germany. The Fuehrer believes that Italy's military strategy would be to remain on the defensive against France on the Western frontier and carry out operations against France from Libya against North African French colonial possessions.

As a landing of French-British troops on the Italian coast can be discounted, and as a French offensive via the Alps to Upper Italy would be extremely difficult and would probably stagnate before the strong Italian fortifications, French lines of communication by the Italian fleet will to a great extent paralyze the transport of fighting personnel from North Africa to France, so that at its frontiers with Italy and Germany France will have at its disposal solely the metropolitan fighting forces.

If Germany profits from this war by disposing of the Czechoslovakian and the Austrian questions, the probability must be assumed that England--being at war with Italy--would not decide to commence operations against Germany. Without British support a warlike action by France against Germany is not to be anticipated.

The date of our attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria must be made dependent on the course of the Italian-English-French war and would not be simultaneous with the commencement of military agreements with Italy, but of full independence and, by exploiting this unique favorable opportunity he wishes to begin to carry out operations against Czechoslovakia. The attack on Czechoslovakia would have to take place with the "speed of lightning" [blitzartig schnell].

Feldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch in giving their estimate on the situation, repeatedly pointed out that England and France must not appear as our enemies, and they stated that the war with Italy would NOT bind the French army to such an extent that it would NOT be in a position to commence operations on our Western frontier with superior forces. Generaloberst von Fritsch estimated the French forces which would presumably be employed on the Alpine frontier against Italy to be in the region of 20 divisions, so that a strong French superiority would still remain on our Western frontier. The French would, according to German reasoning, attempt to advance into the Rhineland. We should consider the lead which France has got in mobilization, and quite apart from the very small value of our then existing fortifications--which was pointed out particularly by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg--the four motorized divisions which had been laid down for the West would be more or less incapable of movement. With regard to our offensive in a South-Easterly direction, Feldmarschall von Blomberg draws special attention to the strength of the Czechoslovakian fortifications, the building of which had assumed the character of a Maginot line and which would present extreme difficulties to our attack.

Generaloberst von Fritsch mentioned that it was the purpose of a study which he had laid on for this winter to investigate the possibilities of carrying out operations against Czechoslovakia with special consideration of the conquest of the Czechoslovakian system of fortifications; the Generaloberst also stated that owing to the prevailing conditions he would have to relinquish his leave abroad, which was to begin on 10 November. This intention was countermanded by the Fuehrer who gave as a reason that the possibility of the conflict was not to be regarded as being so imminent. In reply to the remark by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that an Italian-English-French conflict be not as near as the Fuehrer appeared to assume, the Fuehrer stated that the date which appeared to him to be a possibility was summer 1938. In reply to statements by Generalfeldmarschall von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch regarding England and France's attitude, the Fuehrer repeated his previous statements and said that he was convinced of Britain's non-participation and that consequently he did not believe in military action by France against Germany. Should the Mediterranean conflict already mentioned lead to a general mobilization in Europe, then we should have to commence operations against Czechoslovakia immediately. If, however, the powers who are not participating in the war should declare their disinterestedness, then Germany would, for the time being, have to side with this attitude.

In view of the information given by the Fuehrer, Generaloberst Goering considered it imperative to think of a reduction or abandonment of our military undertaking in Spain. The Fuehrer agreed to this in so far as he believed this decision should be postponed for a suitable date.

The second part of the discussion concerned material armament questions.

(Signed) HOSSBACH

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 388-PS

APPERTAINING TO WAR HISTORY

[pencil note]

S.O. Only

"FALL GRUEN"

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

[ITEM 1] [_Handwritten notes_] * * * _of the Fuehrer_: [semi-illegible]

1. Does Mussolini regard his work as completed or not.

_a._ if so, close future boundary of Czechoslovakia, West; then wait and see. "Return with the bag empty."

_b._ if not, then the "Empire" of Africa. Impossible without German help. Czechoslovakia is a preliminary condition. "Return with Czechoslovakia in the bag."

2. Mussolini, who is no illusionist, can definitely assess Germany's military potentialities. Therefore he will suit timing of his aims with that.

3. Against France and England problem of Czechoslovakia can be settled only if still allied with Italy. France and England will not intervene. (Only to overcome the four-week re-grouping period.)

4. Living under a common fate. (Example, 1805 and 1806)

5. State of Armament: comparisons relative but in our favor:

_a._ Deliveries of ores: France--600,000 tons; Germany--2 million tons.

_b._ Britain has been arming for 9 months. Launchings not for 2 years.

_c._ Out of date air force equipment.

6. _No_ general staff conferences of the various branches of the Armed Forces. Would have to retract permission to the Army. Only through Supreme Command. Very important that actual intentions be kept secret.

7. Arming progressing too slowly: Guns not only for constituted units, but also in reserve for replacement. Fortifications. Range of guns.

8. Replacement of officers doubtful.

* * * * *

Schm [Major Schmundt's writing and initialled by him]

* * * * *

[ITEM 2] [_Typed notes_] S.O. Only Berlin, 22 April 1938

BASES OF THE DISSERTATION ON "GRUEN"

Summary of discussion between Fuehrer and General Keitel of 21 April:

A. _Political Aspect_

1. Strategic surprise attack out of a clear sky without any cause or possibility of justification has been turned down. As result would be: hostile world opinion which can lead to a critical situation. Such a measure is justified only for the elimination of the _last_ opponent on the mainland.

2. Action after a time of diplomatic clashes, which gradually come to a crisis and lead to war.

3. Lightning-swift action as the result of an incident (e.g. assassination of German ambassador in connection with an anti-German demonstration).

B. _Military Conclusions_

1. The preparations are to be made for the political possibilities 2 and 3. Case 2 is the undesired one since "Gruen" will have taken security measures.

2. The loss of time caused by transporting the bulk of the divisions by rail--which is unavoidable but should be cut down as far as possible--must not impede a lightning-swift blow at the time of the action.

3. "Separate thrusts" are to be carried out immediately with a view to penetrating the enemy fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction. The thrusts are to be worked out to the smallest detail (knowledge of roads, of targets, composition of the columns according to their individual tasks). Simultaneous attacks by the Army and Air Force.

The Air Force is to support the individual columns, (e.g. dive-bombers: sealing off installations at penetration points, hampering the bringing up of reserves, destroying signal communications traffic, thereby isolating the garrisons.)

4. Politically, the first 4 days of military action are the decisive ones. If there are no effective military successes, a European crisis will certainly arise. Accomplished facts must prove the senselessness of foreign military intervention, draw Allies into the scheme (division of spoils!) and demoralize "Gruen".

Therefore: bridging the time gap between first penetration and employment of the forces to be brought up, by a determined and ruthless thrust by a motorized army. (e.g. via Pi past Pr) [Pilsen, Prague],

5. If possible, separation of transport movement "Rot" from "Gruen". A simultaneous strategic concentration "Rot" can lead "Rot" to undesired measures. On the other hand it must be possible to put "Fall Rot" into operation at any time.

C. _Propaganda_

1. Leaflets on the conduct of Germans in Czechoslovakia (Gruenland).

2. Leaflets with threats for intimidation of the Czechs (Gruenen).

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

Written by an officer [_The following are handwritten notes_]

22 April

A. POLITICAL POSSIBILITIES

1. Sudden surprise attack out of clear sky not possible. World opinion can produce critical situation. Would be thinkable only for ultimate conflict without the threat of other opponents.

2. Action after a period of tension and constant aggravation of the situation.

3. Action as the result of an incident. (example)

B. MILITARY NECESSITIES

Cases 2 and 3 can be considered. In case 2 "security measures" will be taken. Duration of transporting by rail to be looked into.

1. Invasion by columns ready to march at points which lie in a direction, strategically important. (Permanent fortifications must be known, columns assembled to suit particular situations, roads reconnoitred.) Simultaneous attack by Luftwaffe, cooperation with Luftwaffe, isolation of garrisons of the fortifications, cutting of communications.

2. "Dead Space" in first 4 days prior to actual operation must be avoided under all circumstances. Must be bridged through motorized army. Penetrating via Pilsen. Hamper mobilization.

3. Separation of transport movement "Rot" and "Gruen",

_a._ in order not to aggravate "Rot",

_b._ but also so as not to arrive late, if necessary.

Basic Principle: Create Accomplished Facts so that

_a._ help comes too late--other powers do not intervene

_b._ Allies take part (like wolves also want something out of it)

_c._ State collapse from within.

Propaganda: Directions to Germans. Threats to others.

_Submit:_

1. Fortifications (strength in detail)

2. Distribution of nationalities within Wehrmacht.

* * * * *

[ITEM 3] [_Four Telegrams_]

MOS 1 16/5 0925-- Supreme Command of the Armed Forces ZEITZLER Most Secret--1. Which divisions on the "Gruen" frontiers ready to march within 12 hours, in the case of mobilization? 2. What is the final day of mobilization?

SCHMUNDT MOS 1 1930 MELDAU MBZ

[the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

* * * * *

MOS No. 2 1115-- MBZ 02 16/5 1114-- Major Schmundt, Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer-- Most Secret to Question 1, 12 of them--in garrisons to Question 2, Third day--Please state time of receipt. Teleprint left my room at 1110--NN. ZEITZLER Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

* * * * *

MOS 03 16/5 1155 OKW for Oberstleutnant Zeitzler--_Most Secret_ 1. Teleprint received 1115 2. Please send the numbers of the divisions. Schmundt 1159 MOS 03 Wagner (?) [the same also in Schmundt's handwriting]

* * * * *

MBZ 04 16/5 1302--

Major Schmundt Armed Forces Adjutant to the Fuehrer--

_Most Secret_ to message 1155 7, 17, 10, 24, 4, 14, 3, 18, 28, 8, armored and mountain.

Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff.

* * * * *

[ITEM 4] [_Telegram_] MBZ 05 17/5 1505

TO MAJOR SCHMUNDT, ARMED FORCES ADJUTANT TO THE FUEHRER--_MOST SECRET_

IN ANSWER TO OBERST LEUTNANT ZEITZLER AND WITH REGARD TO MAP OF FORTIFICATIONS:

FORTIFIED CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF FAIRLY LARGE NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS AS WELL AS LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS TO CLOSE GAPS BETWEEN FORTIFICATIONS. NUMBER OF STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS VARIES FROM ONE TO NINE PER KILOMETER. POSITIONS CONSTRUCTED CONSIST OF LIGHT, MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AND AN OCCASIONAL STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATION IN BETWEEN. NUMBER OF MG EMPLACEMENTS VARIES FROM TWO TO NINE PER KILOMETER. BLOCK CONSTRUCTION CONSISTS OF LIGHT, SOMETIMES MEDIUM AND HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENTS AT MAIN ROADS AND THOROUGHFARES. DEFENSIVE POTENTIALITIES: STEEL AND CONCRETE FORTIFICATIONS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL KNOWN CALIBRES. LIGHT MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST ALL CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., MEDIUM MG EMPLACEMENTS BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 10.5 CM., HEAVY MG EMPLACEMENT BULLET PROOF AGAINST CALIBRES UP TO 21.00 CM., SOMETIMES AGAINST THE LARGEST CALIBRES.

ZEITZLER OBERSTLEUTNANT ON THE GENERAL STAFF

* * * * *

[ITEM 5] [_Covering letter, with draft for Gruen attached_]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 20 May 1938 Tirpitzufer 72.76

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces _L Ia No. 38/38 S.O. Only_

S.O. Only access only through Officer

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

My Fuehrer!

Effective 1 October 1938 (beginning of the new mobilization year for the army) new strategic directives must be issued, whose political bases and stipulations you, my Fuehrer, yourself intend to make.

For the _meantime_, however, it is necessary that the "Gruen" section of the strategic directives be replaced by a new version that takes into account the situation which has arisen as a result of the incorporation of Austria into the Reich and the newly-suspected intentions of the Czech General Staff.

A draft of this kind is attached. It has not yet been discussed with the Commanders in Chief. I intend to do this only after this draft in its fundamental ideas has been approved by you my Fuehrer, so that it can then be resubmitted to be signed.

Heil, my Fuehrer [signed] Keitel

* * * * *

L Ia to No. 38/38 S.O. Only

written by an officer MOST SECRET S.O. Only access only through officer

Berlin, 20 May 1938

DRAFT for THE NEW DIRECTIVE "GRUEN"

_3 Copies_ 1st Copy (Provisional)-[pencil note]

1. _Political Prerequisites:_ It is not my intention to smash Czechoslovakia without provocation, in the near future through military action. Therefore inevitable political developments _within_ Czechoslovakia must force the issue, or political events in Europe create an especially favorable opportunity and one which may never come again.

2. _Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action:_ An invasion without suitable obvious cause and without sufficient political justification cannot be considered with reference to the possible consequences of such an action in the present situation.

Rather will the action be initiated either:

_a._ after a period of increasing diplomatic clashes and tension, which is coupled with military preparations and is made use of to push the war-guilt onto the enemy. Even such a period of tension preceding the war however will terminate in sudden military action on our part, which must come with all possible surprise as to time and extent, or

_b._ by lightning-swift action as a result of a serious incident, through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way and for which at least part of the world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

"_b_" is militarily and politically the more favorable.

3. _Conclusions for the Preparations of "Fall Gruen"_; which must take into account the possibilities mentioned in 2 _a_ and 2 _b_.

_a._ For _Armed War_ it is essential to create--already in the first 4 days--a military situation which plainly proves to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation, and gives the nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to immediate intervention against Czechoslovakia. In such a case the intervention of Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia can be expected, especially if France, due to Italy's clearly pro-German attitude fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by her intervention against Germany.

It is very probable that attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved as a result of the ground operations during the first few days, a European crisis will certainly arise.

_b._ The _Propaganda War_ must, on one hand, intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and reduce her power of resistance, on the other hand, give instructions to the national minorities for supporting the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking.

_c._ The _Economic War_ has the task of employing all means at the disposal of economy to hasten the final collapse of Czechoslovakia.

The opening of the Economic and Propaganda war can precede the Armed war. I myself will determine the date.

Z [initialled at end by Zeitzler]

[Paragraphs 4, 5, and 6 of this draft are set forth with minor changes under ITEM 11.]

* * * * *

[ITEM 6] [_Typescript_]

Questions on "Gruen"

1. Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness.

2. Strength of mobile divisions.

3. Composition of 2nd Armored Division in the case of mobilization.

4. Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) to be used for independent thrust.

5. When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?

6. What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combating fortifications such as fortresses?

* * * * *

MOST SECRET

L Ia

Berlin, 23 May

Questionnaire of 23 May

1. _Peace-time strength of divisions prepared for march readiness._

Strength of a peacetime division 14,000 men Strength of a division made ready to march 14,000 men

(but composition is different from that of a peacetime division, i.e. some men are left out and others included).

2. _Strength of mobile divisions._

Strength of a mobile division 17,000 men

3. _Composition of the 2nd Armored Division in the case of Mobilization._ In the case of mobilization the 2nd Armored Division is composed of 1 rifle brigade, one tank brigade and divisional troops.

The rifle brigade has one Infantry regiment motorized of 2 battalions and one motorcycle rifle battalion.

The tank brigade has two tank regiments of two battalions.

The Divisional Troops will include 1 Artillery Regiment motorized of 2 light Battalions, 1 Reconnaissance Battalion motorized, 1 Anti-Tank Battalion, 1 Engineer Battalion motorized, and 1 Signal Battalion motorized.

Altogether the 2nd Armored Division (mobile) has 807 light Machine guns, 250 heavy Machine guns, 18 light mortars, 12 heavy mortars, 8 light Infantry howitzers, 48 Anti-Tank guns, 122 2 cm. guns, 16 37 cm. guns, 16 7.5 cm. guns and 24 light field howitzers.

4. _Strength, possibilities and composition of a motorized unit (motorized divisions) for independent thrust._ In the case of mobilization, C-in-C Army is in command of the motorized units. C-in-C Army must therefore be questioned as regards any new employment.

Altogether the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Armored Divisions (rapid march readiness is intended) 4 motorized divisions and the light division (for the moment not yet intended for rapid march readiness; presumably from 1 October).

5. _When can the field units be equipped with 15 cm. mortars?_ Mobilization of the infantry guns (= 15 cm. mortars) planned only for the fall, as ammunition for them will only then be available. For training purposes nearly all corps except the 3 corps have the heavy infantry guns at the moment without live ammunition, however.

6. _What calibres and how large a number of artillery pieces are available for combatting fortifications such as fortresses?_ Only 21 cm. howitzers. Altogether 23 (of which 8 are in East Prussia) with 16,000 rounds (of which 4,000 in East Prussia).

[In Schmundt writing]: In general, single experimental artillery piece (guns).

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[On next page the questions are put again, plus the following additional questions:]

7. What do the individual types of Czechoslovakian permanent frontier fortifications look like? Profile?

8. Is cooperation between infantry and bombers assured for attacks against enemy strong points etc.?

9. Can the construction of fortifications in the West, in the form of MG strong points and road blocks, be hastened by the employment of work columns of the Inspector of Road Construction?

10. What progress has been made in the howitzer (Moerser) programme? What progress has been made in the conversion of heavy naval guns?

* * * * *

[Next three pages contain the first 6 questions above and answers to them in a teleprint message, beginning: "I am answering several questions which the Fuehrer put to me during conferences. I request that you report the answers to the Fuehrer."]

* * * * *

[ITEM 8] [_Telegram_]

1. INFORM GENERAL KEITEL: THE FUEHRER IS GOING INTO "GRUEN" IN DETAIL. BASIC IDEAS NOT CHANGED. SURPRISE ELEMENT TO BE EMPHASIZED MORE. CONFERENCE WITH PARTICIPANTS WILL TAKE PLACE AFTER RETURN, AT THE LATEST. CONFERENCE HERE NOT OUT OF THE QUESTION. RETURN PROBABLY BEGINNING NEXT WEEK.

2. INFORM COLONEL GENERAL VON BRAUCHITSCH AND GENERAL KEITEL:

A. THE FUEHRER, IN CONNECTION WITH HIS CONSIDERATIONS ON 1, HIMSELF SUGGESTED THE HOLDING OF MANEUVERS TO PRACTISE TAKING FORTIFICATIONS BY SURPRISE ATTACK. I THEN REPORTED THAT C-IN-C ARMY WAS PLANNING A CORRESPONDING TRAINING EXERCISE FOR SEPTEMBER. THE FUEHRER THINKS THAT MOMENT TOO LATE. HE HIMSELF WILL DISCUSS THIS WITH C-IN-C ARMY.

B. THE FUEHRER REPEATEDLY EMPHASIZED THE NECESSITY OF PRESSING FORWARD GREATLY THE FORTIFICATION WORK IN THE WEST.

(NOTE FOR K. KPT. V PUTTKAMER: PLEASE DESTROY TEXT OF 1 AND 2 AFTER USE)

[ITEM 9] [_Telegram_] REICH WAR MINISTRY/NAVAL SIGNAL SERVICE

MOST SECRET

CANARIS REPORTS ON EVENTS OF THE NIGHT: NO SPECIAL OCCURRENCES. THE MOBILIZATION MEASURES ORDERED IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA CONTINUE. THE FOLLOWING HAVE BEEN DRAFTED: CLASSES 1913 AND 1914 COMPLETE AND SPECIALISTS ONLY FROM CLASSES 1894 TO 1911 LEAVING OUT CLASSES 04, 06, 09. I SHALL KEEP YOU FURTHER CONTINUALLY INFORMED. I CONSIDER IT NECESSARY THAT THE FUEHRER INFORM HIS C'S-IN-C OF HIS INTENTIONS SOON. HAVE YOU ANY FURTHER QUESTIONS?

* * * * *

[ITEM 10] [_Handwritten notes_]

[ILLEGIBLE]

* * * * *

[ITEM 11] [_Covering letter, with directive for Gruen attached_] Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L I Berlin, 30 May 1938

Copy of the 4th Copy S.O. Only Access only through Officer

_3 Copies_, 1st Copy _Written by an Officer_

By order of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, Part 2, Section II of the directive on the unified preparations for war of the Armed Forces dated 24 June 1937 (Ob.d.W. No. 55/37 g.kdos Chefsache L Ia) ("Two-Front-War with main effort in the South-East--strategic concentration 'Gruen'") is to be replaced by the attached version. Its execution must be assured as from 1 October 38 at the latest.

Alterations in the other parts of the directive must be expected during the next few weeks.

By order

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces 1 Appendix

sgd. Keitel

To: C-in-C Army--Copy 1 C-in-C Navy--Copy 2 C-in-C Air Force--Copy 3 OWK Section L--Copy 4-5

Certified a true copy Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

* * * * *

MOST SECRET

Appendix to: Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces OKW No. 42/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia dated 30.5.38.

Copy of the 4th Copy

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

_Written by an Officer_ _3 Copies_, 1st Copy

II. Two front war with main effort in the South East (strategic concentration "Gruen")

1. _Political Prerequisites._ It is my unalterable decision to smash Czechoslovakia by military action in the near future. It is the job of the political leaders to await or bring about the politically and militarily suitable moment.

An inevitable development of conditions inside Czechoslovakia or other political events in Europe creating a surprisingly favorable opportunity and one which may never come again may cause me to take early action.

The proper choice and determined and full utilization of a favorable moment is the surest guarantee of success. Accordingly the preparations are to be made at once.

2. _Political Possibilities for the Commencement of the Action._ The following are necessary prerequisites for the intended invasion:

_a._ suitable obvious cause and, with it

_b._ sufficient political justification,

_c._ action unexpected by the enemy, which will find him prepared to the least possible degree.

From a military as well as a political standpoint the most favorable course is a lightning-swift action as the result of an incident through which Germany is provoked in an unbearable way for which at least part of world opinion will grant the moral justification of military action.

But even a period of tension, more or less preceding a war, must terminate in sudden action on our part--which must have the elements of surprise as regards time and extent--before the enemy is so advanced in military preparedness that he cannot be surpassed.

3. _Conclusions for the Preparation of "Fall Gruen"._

_a._ For the _Armed War_ it is essential that the surprise element as the most important factor contributing to success be made full use of by appropriate preparatory measures, already in peacetime and by an unexpectedly rapid course of the action. Thus it is essential to create a situation within the first four days which plainly demonstrates, to hostile nations eager to intervene, the hopelessness of the Czechoslovakian military situation and which at the same time will give nations with territorial claims on Czechoslovakia an incentive to intervene immediately against Czechoslovakia. In such a case, intervention by Poland and Hungary against Czechoslovakia may be expected, especially if France--due to the obvious pro-German attitude of Italy--fears, or at least hesitates, to unleash a European war by intervening against Germany. Attempts by Russia to give military support to Czechoslovakia mainly by the Air Force are to be expected. If concrete successes are not achieved by the land operations within the first few days, a European crisis will certainly result. This knowledge must give commanders of all ranks the impetus to decided and bold action.

_b._ The _Propaganda War_ must on the one hand intimidate Czechoslovakia by threats and soften her power of resistance, on the other hand issue directions to national groups for support in the Armed War and influence the neutrals into our way of thinking. I reserve further directions and determination of the date.

4. _Tasks of the Armed Forces._ Armed Forces Preparations are to be made on the following basis:

_a._ The mass of all forces must be employed against Czechoslovakia.

_b._ For the West, a minimum of forces are to be provided as rear cover which may be required, the other frontiers in the East against Poland and Lithuania are merely to be protected, the Southern frontiers to be watched.

_c._ The sections of the army which can be rapidly employed must force the frontier fortifications with speed and decision and must break into Czechoslovakia with the greatest daring in the certainty that the bulk of the mobile army will follow them with the utmost speed. Preparations for this are to be made and timed in such a way that the sections of the army which can be rapidly employed cross the frontier at the appointed time at the _same time_ as the penetration by the Air Force *before the enemy can become aware of our mobilization.*

* For this, a timetable between Army and Air Force is to be worked out in conjunction with the OKW and submitted to me for approval.*

5. _Missions for the branches of the Armed Forces._

_a._ _Army._ The basic principle of the surprise attack against Czechoslovakia must not be endangered by the inevitable time required for transporting the bulk of the field forces by rail nor the initiative of the Air Force be wasted. Therefore it is first of all essential to the army that as many assault columns as possible be employed at the same time as the surprise attack by the Air Force. These assault columns--the composition of each, according to their tasks at that time--must be formed with troops which can be employed rapidly owing to their proximity to the frontier or to motorization and to special measures of readiness. It must be the purpose of these thrusts to break into the Czechoslovakian fortification lines at numerous points and in a strategically favorable direction, to achieve a breakthrough or to break them down from the rear. For the success of this operation, cooperation with the Sudeten German frontier population, with deserters from the Czechoslovakian army, with parachutists or airborne troops and with units of the sabotage service will be of importance. The bulk of the army has the task of * frustrating the Czechoslovakian plan of defense, of preventing the Czechoslovakian army from escaping into Slovakia, of forcing a battle,* of beating the Czechoslovakian army and of occupying Bohemia and Moravia speedily. To this end a thrust into the heart of Czechoslovakia must be made with the strongest possible motorized and armored units using to the full the first successes of the Assault columns and the effects of the Air Force operations. The rear cover provided for the _West_ must be limited in numbers and quality to the extent which suits the present state of fortifications. Whether the units assigned this will be transported to the Western frontier immediately or held back for the time being will be decided in my special order. Preparations must however, be made to enable security detachments to be brought up to the Western frontier even during the strategic concentration "Gruen". Independent of this, a first security garrison must be improvized from the engineers at present employed in constructing fortifications and from formations of the Labor Corps. The _remaining frontiers_, as well as East Prussia, are to be weakly protected. But, always depending on the political situation, the transfers by sea, of a part or even the bulk of the active forces of East Prussia, into the Reich must be taken into account.

[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

_b._ _Air Force._ While leaving a minimum of defensive forces in the West, the Air Force is to be employed in bulk in a surprise attack against Czechoslovakia. The frontier is to be flown over at the same time as it is crossed by the first section of the army. (see 5_a_) The _most important task_ of the Air Force is the destruction of the Czechoslovakian Air Force and their supply bases within the shortest possible time, in order to eliminate the possibility of its employment as well as that of Russian and French air forces, should the occasion arise, against the strategic concentration and penetration of the German army and against the German "Lebensraum." Next to this the crippling of enemy mobilization, of the direction of the government and Armed Forces, as well as the delaying of the strategic concentration of the Czech Army by attacks on communication installations, mobilization and government centers can be of considerable importance to the initial success of the army. At points in the frontier area where stronger sections of the Czechoslovakian Army *or the depth of the defensive system* might make the success of the sudden breakthrough of the German Land-attack questionable, the employment of adequate bomber forces must be assured. Czechoslovakian industrial installations are to be spared as far as the course of operations permits. Retaliatory attacks against the population will be carried out only with my permission. Centers of air defense are to be created throughout Berlin, the central German industrial area and the Ruhr area *and gradually prepared even now in an inconspicuous fashion.*

_c._ _Navy._ The Navy will assist the army operations by employing the Danube-flotilla. For this purpose the flotilla will be under the orders of C-in-C Army. As regards the conduct of naval warfare at first only those measures are to be taken which appear to be necessary for the careful protection of the North Sea and the Baltic against a sudden intervention in the conflict by other states. These measures must be confined to the absolutely necessary extent. Their inconspicuousness must be guaranteed. It is of decisive importance that all actions, which might influence the political attitude of the European Great Powers unfavorably, be avoided.

6. _Tasks of the War Economy._ In the war economy it is essential that in the field of the armament industry a maximum deployment of forces is made possible through increased supplies. In the course of operations, it is of value to contribute to the reinforcement of the total war--economic strength--by rapidly reconnoitring and restarting important factories. For this reason the sparing of Czechoslovakian industrial and works installations--insofar as military operations permit--can be of decisive importance to us.

7. *All preparations for sabotage and insurrection will be made by OKW. They will be made, in agreement with and according to the requirement of the branches of the Armed Forces, so that their effects accord with the operations of the Army and Air Force.*

signed ADOLF HITLER Certified copy signed Zeitzler Oberstleutnant on the General Staff

[*--* Passages between asterisks represent additions to the version in Item 5]

* * * * *

[ITEM 12] [_Typescript_] Berlin, 9 June 1938 L I a H

SHORT SURVEY OF ARMAMENT OF THE CZECH ARMY

1. _SMALL ARMS_

Armed uniformly with Mauser Rifle, Model 24, calibre 7.92 mm (similar to German Rifle 98). Also grenade launcher for rifle grenades is attached to the rifle.

2. _MACHINE GUNS_

Light MG Z.B. 26, weight 9 Kg, 20 round magazine.

Heavy MG, temporarily the MG "Schwarzlose" which has been improved in range. Super-heavy MG, 20 mm MG, Oerlikon system has been introduced (especially for active air defence), other models are being tested.

3. _MORTARS_

8.1 cm Stokes-Brandt, range 3000 m.

9cm light Skoda mortar, model 17, range 1200 m.

14cm medium mortar, model 18, range 2500 m.

26cm heavy mortar, model 17, range 2700 m.

4. _INFANTRY GUNS FOR ANTI-AIRCRAFT AND ANTI-TANK DEFENSE_

Several models are being tested, some of them twin barrel guns.

Calibre 37--40 mm and/or 66--70 mm.

5. _ARTILLERY PIECES_

_a._ _Light and Mountain Artillery_:

8cm field gun, model 17, range 10 km

8cm field gun, model 30, range 13.5 km (can also be used as an AA gun)

10cm light field howitzer, model 14/19, range 10 km.

7.5 Mountain gun, model 15, range 7 km.

10cm Mountain howitzer, model 16/19, range 10 km.

_b._ _Heavy Artillery_:

10.5cm gun, model 35, range 18 km.

15cm howitzer, model 14/16, range 8 km.

15cm howitzer, model 25, range 12 km.

15cm gun, model 15/16, range 20 km.

24cm gun, model 16, range 36 km.

21cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 18, range 10 km.

30.5cm howitzer (Moerser) gun, model 16, range 12.4 km.

Also in use are French 15.5cm howitzers.

_c._ _A A Artillery_:

9cm AA-gun, model 12/20 (stationary), range 12 km.

8.35cm AA-gun, model 22/24 horizontal range 18 km, vertical range 12 km.

7.65cm AA-gun, model 35, horizontal range 16 km, vertical range 11 km.

6.6cm AA-gun, model is being tested.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[ITEM 13] [_Typescript_] L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

_FUEHRER'S QUESTIONS ON 9 JUNE 1938_

Berlin, 9 June 1938 2 copies 1st copy

MOST SECRET

_Question 1_: Armament of the Czech Army?

_Answer_:

Arming and equipping of the Army with new means of war is progressing, thanks to the excellent production capacity of the Czech armament industry.

The armament was built up from the weapons of the old Austrian Army. It is slowly and steadily being modernized.

_In Detail_:

_Artillery_: Light field artillery. At present the old armament from the Austrian Army predominates. Mountain Artillery: the same. Medium artillery. New armament predominates. Heavy artillery, old armament predominates.

_Infantry Weapons_: The following are available: a uniform new infantry rifle; a uniform new light MG; a uniform old improved heavy MG.

Equipment of heavy infantry weapons (AT-guns, Infantry Howitzers, Mortars) and tanks is modern, but still incomplete.

A new modern AA-gun has been introduced, but is not yet available in sufficient numbers.

Reserves of weapons and ammunition seem to be guaranteed.

_Summary_: The Czech Army must be considered up to date as far as armament and equipment are concerned.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

_Question 2_: How many battalions, etc., are employed in the West for the construction of emplacements?

_Answer_:

Up to now the following have been employed on fortifications:

The 36th Infantry Battalion

The 10th Infantry Howitzer Company

The 12th Anti-Tank Company

The 10th Battery

The 30th 1/3 Engineer Battalions

In addition:

The 78th German Labor Service Battalion, and later the 190th German Labor Corps Battalion.

In addition, the Commander of Army Group 2 (General Adam) has the authority to draw still further troops from his 4th Corps for the construction of emplacements if he deems it necessary.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

[Pencilled notes by Schmundt:] Number of troops Production possibilities

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

_Question 3_: Are the fortifications of Czechoslovakia still occupied in unreduced strength?

_Answer_:

The troops have been withdrawn to some extent from the fortifications and are housed in local billets. The fortifications themselves are guarded. The barriers at the frontiers are opened.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

L I a

Berlin, 9 June 1938

MOST SECRET

2 copies 1st copy

_Question 4_: Frontier protection in the West?

_Answer_:

In the West as at the other frontiers, the first frontier protection is undertaken by the VGAD, then the Frontier Guard.

This protection by the Frontier Guard is directly at the frontier. At the same time as the Frontier Guard at the frontier, the fortification installations, which lie further back, receive security garrisons (reserve personnel).

Strength of the Frontier Guard on the Western Frontier:

15,200 men with 1,250 light MG's.

For further details on the frontier guard see appendix.

Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[ITEM 14] [_Typescript_] L I a

Berlin, 18 June 1938

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

1. _DRAFT FOR THE NEW DIRECTIVE_

(1st copy)

In three parts.

MOST SECRET

4 copies 1st copy

Written by an officer.

S.O. Only

Access only through Officer

_Part 1_

_GENERAL GUIDING PRINCIPLES_

1. There is no danger of a preventive war by foreign states against Germany.

Germany has not committed herself to any military alliances which would automatically force Germany into a warlike conflict of foreign powers.

The immediate aim is a solution of the Czech problem by my own, free decision; this stands in the foreground of my political intentions. I am determined to use to the full every favorable political opportunity to realize this aim.

Thereby, friends, interested parties and enemies can be called upon to take part in this scheme and other powers can remain indifferent even though they could not be previously placed with absolute certainty in one of these categories.

However, I will decide to take action against Czechoslovakia only if I am firmly convinced as in the case of the occupation of the demilitarized zone and the entry into Austria that France will not march and therefore England will not intervene.

2. The preparations of the Armed Forces must cover:

_a._ thorough preparation of the action against Czechoslovakia ("Fall Gruen"). See Part 2.

_b._ Maintenance of the previous "Fall Rot" (strategic concentration with the main effort against the West.) See Part 2.

_c._ Special preparations, mainly in the form of studies and deliberations within the Supreme Commands. See Part 3.

_d._ Preparatory measures, in case German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power. See number 3.

3. If in the midst of peace, German territory is suddenly and abruptly violated with hostile intent by a foreign power, armed resistance will be offered _without any special order_.

Therefore, the branches of the Armed Forces must empower their competent Commanders on the frontier or on the coast to take on their own authority, all measures necessary to repulse the enemy attack should such a case occur. (See Reich Defense Law (RVG) para. 2).

In no event, however, may the German Reich frontier be crossed by troops or aircraft, nor any foreign territory violated, without my order.

It will not be considered a violation of German territory (see 1st sentence of this number) if single sentries or patrols cross the frontier unintentionally and accidentally or through the over-eagerness of a subordinate commander, or if aircraft fly over the frontier due to faulty navigation, or warships sail in our German territorial waters with obviously no hostile intentions.

4. This directive concerns the uniform _preparation_ for war and the general strategic considerations applying to the _outbreak_ of the war. It will be augmented as necessitated by the various strategic concentrations by regulations dealing with matters of Special Administration and War Economy.

The directives necessary for the prosecution of the war itself will be issued by me from time to time.

K [Initialled by Keitel] Z [Initialled by Zeitzler]

* * * * *

MOST SECRET

4 copies 1st copy

_Written by an officer_

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

_Part 2_

_STRATEGIC CONCENTRATIONS_

1. _Action against Czecho-Slovakia_ ("_Fall Gruen_")

The directive, issued as OKW Nr 42/38 Most Secret S.O. only L I dated 30 May 1938, remains in force. Regulations dealing with special matters, Administration and War Economy relative to "Fall Gruen" are still to be issued.

2. _Two Front War with the main effort in the West_ ("_Fall Rot_")

Since even a war against us started by the Western Nations _must_, in view of the situation today, begin with the destruction of Czecho-Slovakia, the preparation of strategic concentration for a war with the main effort by the Army and Air Force against the West, is no longer of primary importance.

The preparations made to date for the event ("Rot"), however, remain in effect. They contribute, as far as the Army is concerned, towards camouflaging and screening the other strategic concentration and serve, in the case of the Luftwaffe, as a preparation for the shifting of the main effort from the East to the West, which may, under certain circumstances, suddenly become necessary. They also serve as preliminary work for future possibilities of war in the West.

It is left to C in C Army to decide how far the Army strategic concentration "Rot", prepared by OKH for the beginning of the new mobilization year 38/39, will be issued to subordinates.

The tasks which arise for the _Navy_ in "Fall Rot" will be the same as those should "Fall Gruen" be extended to include the Western European nations. The naval preparations are therefore to be continued with the previous objective.

J K [Initialled by Keitel and Jodl]

* * * * *

_Written by an officer_

_2. DRAFT_

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 7 July 38 2 copies 1st copy

S.O. Only

Access only through officer

_Part 3_

_CONSIDERATIONS_

I. _In connection with "Gruen"._

How the political situation will develop during the execution or after the conclusion of "Gruen" cannot be predicted. Therefore the Armed Forces will confine themselves to the preparation of the measures given in Part I, Number 3, to "Fall Gruen" and "Fall Rot". However, it seems expedient to make at least theoretical considerations and calculations for several possible eventualities, to avoid being mentally unprepared. These considerations would have to cover:

_a._ What would have to be done if other nations intervened against us during the execution of "Gruen"--contrary to our expectations.

_b._ What should be done after the conclusion of "Gruen".

To _a_. If, during the execution of "Gruen", France intervenes against us, the measures provided in "Fall Gruen" come into force. The primary essential in this connection is to hold the Western fortifications, until the execution of the action "Gruen" permits forces to be freed. Should France be supported by England, in this it will have small effect at first on the land-war. It is the duty of the Air Force, the Navy, and the OKW (War Economy Staff, Defense, Armed Forces Communications), however, to carry out far-sighted deliberations in their sphere.

Among the Eastern powers, Russia is the most likely to intervene. This, in the beginning at any rate, will probably consist of reinforcement of the Czech Air Force and Armament. However, the decision must not be neglected concerning what measures are to be taken if Russia were to come to the point of starting a Naval and Air war against us or even wish to penetrate into East Prussia, through the border states.

In the case of a penetration by Poland, we must hold the Eastern fortifications and East Prussia, using the Frontier Guard and other formations, until the conclusion of the action "Gruen" once more gives us freedom of movement.

To _b_. If the action "Gruen" takes place still during this Mobilization year, we must be in the position after the conclusion of "Gruen" to put a provisional strategic concentration quickly into force.

In connection with the latter, further to what was said in part 1, number 3, it is of primary importance to safeguard the German frontiers, including the new addition by the Armed Forces, and still have the bulk of the Field Forces and the Air Force at our disposal. It would have to be possible to put such a future strategic concentration, "Frontier Protection," into force separately for the various frontiers.

II. _Independent of "Fall Gruen"_

Germany will not refrain from occupying the Memel-territory by a lightning blow in the case of a Polish-Lithuanian conflict occurring. The deliberations on this eventuality must cancel the directive issued 18 March 1938 (OKW Nr 472/38 g. Kdos L Ia).

III. _General_

The branches of the Armed Forces are still allowed to deliberate further on the matter contained in Section I) and II). These however, may be carried out only as theoretical studies within the Supreme Commands without the participation of subordinate authorities.

Z K [Initialled by Keitel and Zeitzler]

* * * * *

[Item 15]

[_Six pages of mobilization schedules, not translated_]

* * * * *

[ITEM 16] [_Covering memorandum, with report attached_] Berlin, 22 July 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces _No. 1233/38 Most Secret L Ia_

_2 Copies_ 1st Copy

MOST SECRET

To: Major Schmundt or deputy

I enclose a conference report. Your attention is requested (e.g. the remark of Chief OKW).

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By order

[Signed] Zeitzler

Submitted to the Fuehrer on 1.8. Schm [pencil note by Schmundt]

[Stamp]

Adjutants' Office of the Armed Forces to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Recd. 26 July 1938 App. 1 No. 82/38 Most Secret

* * * * *

[pencil note:] Maj. Schmundt 1 copy 3rd report to Fuehrer Berlin, 12 July 1938

L Ia to L No. 1233/38 Most Secret

2 copies 1st Copy

_Conference Notes_ K [Initialled by Keitel] MOST SECRET

OKH issues new manoeuvre intentions for 1938. Reason for alteration: development of the western fortifications and spreading of the foot-and-mouth-disease.

Details:

1. Of the previously _intended training manoeuvres_, the following remain:

Fall exercise for the I Army Corps

Training exercise for the XI Army Corps

Fortress warfare exercise for the 1st Army Group Command

2. _New training manoeuvres_:

_a._ Fighting for fortifications

_b._ Coordination with the Air Force

_c._ Cooperation between ground attack, airplanes and field units commencing 1 August in the exercise area.

_d._ Mobilization exercises for the Staffs

_e._ Supply and communications control

_f._ Chemical defense and cleansing of contaminated areas

3. _Training Manoeuvres for armored divisions_:

1st Armored Division up to 24 October at GRAFENWOHR, Corps HQ of the XVI Army Corps will also be there

2nd Armored Division remains in Austria

3rd Armored Division up to 24 September in KOENIGS-BRUEK, from 25 September near BRESLAU West of the ODER

4. _Training Manoeuvres for motorized divisions ready to march_:

2nd motorized Division in exercise area A, from 28 September, in NEUHAMMER

29th motorized Division in exercise area B

20th motorized Division in exercise area C

13th motorized Division in exercise area D

1st light Division in exercise area E

Commencement of the exercises not before 12 September, the end 24 November.

5. _Terrain exercises for units ready to march_:

These take place in the following Wehrkreise:

II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, XIII, XVII,

Commencement of terrain exercises: 20 September

6. _Training Manoeuvres for the mountain divisions composed as on mobilization_:

2nd Mountain Division in area STEYR-PICHL-WEGER

3rd Mountain Division in area SEMMERING-BRUCK

Commencement of exercises: 26 September, End: 24 November

7. _Training Manoeuvres for Training Divisions (Reserve Divisions)_:

_a._ 15 August to 13 September:

Training Division VII Army Corps (69th Division) Field units Exercise Area NEUHAMMER,

Training Division IX Army Corps (52nd Division) Field units Exercise Area GROSSBORN,

Training Division III Army Corps (68th Division) Field units Exercise Area JUETERBOG.

_b._ 9 September to 24 November:

Training Division IV Army Corps (56th Division) Field units Exercise Area OHRDRUF

Training Division VIII Army Corps (62nd Division) Field units Exercise Area SENNE

Training Division XIII Army Corps (73rd Division) Field units Exercise Area MUENDINGEN

Training Division XII Army Corps (79th Division) Field units Exercise Area WAHN

From about 24 September these 4 divisions will train West of the RHINE.

8. _New dispositions_:

_a._ Truck Regiment 616, 20 September to 24 October disposition by III Army Corps.

_b. Army Artillery_:

6 battalions: 15 August to 3 September disposition and training

11 battalions: 9 September to 24 October disposition and training.

Of these, beginning 24 September:

5 battalions, to Reserve divisions West of the RHINE

6 battalions to Terrain exercises of troops "ready to march"

_c. Engineer Battalions_:

3 Engineer Battalions, 9 September to 24 October, disposition and training.

of these 2 battalions, 20 September, to terrain training of troops "ready to march"

1 battalion, from 20 September to Reserve Division West of the Rhine.

_d. Artillery Intelligence Regiments_:

4 battalions and 2 Telephone communications companies (motorized) 9 September to 24 November.

Disposition and training; from 28 September, the battalions will be situated in the neighborhood of BRESLAU, GRAFENWOEHR, NEWHAMMER, INGOLSTADT.

9. _Employment of Engineer Battalions on the Western fortifications_:

Employment of Engineer Battalions extended for no longer than 3 weeks, also 7 engineer battalions will be added.

10. _Reich Party Rally and Harvest Festival_:

Participation remains as intended.

11. _Foreign Military Delegations_:

The foreign military delegations as well as foreign military attaches will be invited to attend the fall exercises of the I Army Corps.

Z [Initialled by ZEITZLER]

* * * * *

[Item 17] [_Typescript_] Chief Section L

Written by General Staff Officer MOST SECRET

Berlin, 24 August 1938

S.O. Only Access only through Officer

1 Copy

TIMING OF THE X-ORDER AND THE QUESTION OF ADVANCE MEASURES

The _Luftwaffe's_ endeavor to take the enemy air forces by surprise at their peace-time airports justifiably leads them to oppose measures taken in advance of the X-order and to the demand that the X-order itself be given sufficiently late on X minus 1 to prevent the fact of Germany's mobilization becoming known to Czechoslovakia on that day.

The _Army's_ efforts are tending in the opposite direction. It intends to let OKW initiate all advance measures between X minus 3 and X minus 1 which will contribute to the smooth and rapid working of the mobilization. With this in mind _OKH also demands_ that the X order be given _not later than 1400 on X minus 1_.

To this the following must be said:

Operation (Aktion) Gruen will be set in motion by means of an "incident" in Czechoslovakia which will give Germany provocation for military intervention. The fixing of the _exact time_ for this incident is of the utmost importance.

It must come at a time when weather conditions are favorable for our superior air forces to go into action and at an hour which will enable authentic news of it to reach us on the afternoon of X minus 1.

It can then be spontaneously answered by the giving of the X order at 1400 on X minus 1.

On X minus 2 the Navy, Army and Air Force will merely receive an advance warning.

If the _Fuehrer_ intends to follow this plan of action, all further discussion is superfluous.

For then no advance measures may be taken before X minus 1 for which there is not an innocent explanation as we shall otherwise appear to have manufactured the incident. Orders for absolutely essential advance measures must be given in good time and camouflaged with the help of the numerous manoeuvres and exercises.

Also, the question raised by the Foreign Office as to whether all Germans should be called back in time from prospective enemy territories must in no way lead to the conspicuous departure from Czechoslovakia of any German subjects before the incident.

Even a warning of the diplomatic representatives in Prague is impossible before the first air attack, although the consequences could be very grave in the event of their becoming victims of such an attack (e.g. death of representatives of friendly or confirmed neutral powers).

If, for technical reasons, the _evening hours_ should be considered desirable for the incident, then the following day cannot be X day, but it must be the day after that.

In any case we must act on the principle that nothing must be done before the incident which might point to mobilization, and that the swiftest possible action must be taken after the incident. (X-Fall).

It is the purpose of these notes to point out what a great interest the Wehrmacht has in the incident and that it must be informed of the Fuehrer's intentions in good time--insofar as the Abwehr Section is not also charged with the organization of the incident.

I request that the Fuehrer's decision be obtained on these points.

J 26/8 [Initialled by Jodl]

Notes: [in Schmundt's handwriting] Submitted on 30.8 The Fuehrer will act on these lines. On 31.8 Col. v. S. Jodl notified. Schm 31.8

* * * * *

[ITEM 18] [_In Schmundt's handwriting_]

CONFERENCE on 3 September 38 at the BERGHOF

Present: The Fuehrer Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch General of Artillery Keitel Major Schmundt

I.

_Gen. Ob. v. Brauchitsch_

Reports on the exact time of the transfer of the troops to "exercise areas" for "Gruen". Field units to be transferred on 28 Sept. From here will then be ready for action. When X Day becomes known, field units carry out exercises in opposite directions.

_Fuehrer_

Has objection. Troops assemble; field units a 2-day march away. Carry out camouflage exercises everywhere.

?

OKH must know when X-day is by 1200 noon, 27 September.

II.

_The Fuehrer_

Expresses different opinion on employment of troops for "Gruen". Aspects for the 2nd Army (OS) are smallest. Strongest Cz. fortifications there. Waste of troops; thrust in the 10th Army area, however, is promising. Roadblocks prepared everywhere in addition also in 2nd Army area. No reason for hindrance. The Czechs will stop opposite 2nd army and keep assault army ready east of Prague. A thrust against it into the heart of Cz. is to be made. Thrust in the 14th army area will fail because of means of transport. Therefore assemble all mot. and arm'd divisions with 10th army and employ in the thrust. Once we are through there, the South front, which is built up opposite our 12th army in 3 defense lines, will collapse. An army in the heart of Bohemia will bring about the decision. Possible repetition of Verdun in case of 2nd army. An attack there would mean bleeding to death for a task which cannot be accomplished.

_v. Brauchitsch_

Has objections because of the state of the mot. divisions, supply and untrained leaders.

_The Fuehrer_:

The course now planned corresponds to Cz. expectations.

Opposite the 10th Army the enemy is not always in concrete emplacements. Possibility here of drawing in the Henlein people (uniforms). The line here is very far back. Cooperation between 10th and 12th armies. We must add motorized units to army. As formerly the "Prussian Cavalry." How else can we gather experiences? Decisive is the coordination of equal speeds. Breakthrough in sector of 2nd army not so rapid, so that a tactical success can be turned into a strategic one. _The Fuehrer_ gives orders for the development of the western fortifications; improvement of advance positions around Aachen and Saarbrucken. Construction of 300 to 400 battery positions (1600 artillery pieces). He emphasizes flanking action.

Certified. SCHMUNDT, Major on the General Staff BERGHOF, 4 Sept 1938

* * * * *

[In Schmundt's writing] [ITEM 19] [_In Schmundt's handwriting_]

S.O. Only MOST SECRET _DISCUSSION_

Nurnberg, 9 Sept to 10 Sept, 2200 to 0330.

Present: Fuehrer Generaloberst v. Brauchitsch General Halder General Keitel Major Schmundt Hauptmann Engel Hauptmann v. Below [?]

_General Halder_ states reasons for operational plan "Gruen". Mission: to prevent retreat of Cz. Army from Moravia-Bohemia area. To beat army. To bring about rapid decision. Mission can be accomplished by pincer attack in the direction of Olmutz and Brunn to be undertaken by 2nd and 14th Armies. Difficult transport situation in Austria. Therefore main effort in 2nd Army area. Cz. frontier can only be lightly held. Withdrawal certain on part of Cz. forces. Several defensive lines favorable but terrain will delay second thrusts and allow time to be gained for a Cz. retreat, and so retain a rear position. This is to be avoided. The Bohemian Moravian heights which will confront the attacker in the last phase will favor probable Cz. line of action. The pincer attack makes a "rear attack" from behind these heights possible. This operation will definitely succeed. Reserves at first mainly local. Further reserves near and south of Prague. Opponent won't have time to form further reserves. Opponent does not possess closed armoured forces. They are distributed and consist of light units.

_2nd Army._ Weaknesses opposite its sector recognized. Installations only partly completed. Mostly lack armd cupolas. There are great gaps. Olmutz will be reached on the second day. Oppa is no obstacle, can be crossed by tanks as well as Inf. No armd forces opposing. Freudenthal only 35 men garrison. So-called light motorized forces on right flank are no danger. Consist partly of mounted units and will be engaged by adjoining Army. Were the attack, against expectations, to fail, then under no circumstances "bleed to death" before the position. Strategic concentration to be flexible. Rear sections will then be brought up to the points where success has been achieved. Cz fears the Glaz mountain area. Only demonstrations to be staged in this area; there will be a tie up of Cz forces. To provide cover eastwards tanks will be valuable.

On the rest of the mountain front: 4th (9?) Corps, and in the frontier sector demonstrations must be staged to tie up forces.

_12th and 14th Armies_ will work together. Their columns must necessarily support one another during the thrust and cause the front to collapse. Bohemia only weakly occupied at frontier: 1 Division to 120 kms. Operation therefore promising. After the thrust in a northerly direction 12 Army forces east and "races" for Brunn. The enemy will not be able to employ reserves according to plan.

_10th Army faces_ Pilsen Riegel which is strongly fortified. Bad roads. Tanks must break through here and establish bridge-heads for following up forces. Forces of the next wave will be brought up by truck units. After the 3rd and 4th Mobilization day 6 further divisions will be brought up to the 2nd and 3rd line and can be employed where success is in the balance.

_The Fuehrer_: We should not plan the action on the operations as we desire them, but take into consideration the probable course of action pursued by the enemy. With regard to his course of action two factors are decisive: 1. At the time of our rearmament between 1934 and 1938 our opponent must have endeavoured to secure himself against a tearing of the East-West Communication, in his case probably between Trappau and Nikolsburg. Against us this would imply the building of fortifications on the Upper Silesian frontier. In the South an agreement with Austria would achieve a defense north of the Danube, or an advance to the Danube to protect the Southern flank.

2. The latter is no longer possible. Therefore, as a result of the situation created in March 1938, it is all the more probable that they have increased their fortifications opposite our 2nd army. The enemy must hold there--otherwise there is no sense in holding the remaining front. Hence here the best regiments and fortifications are to be expected. Holding of the front facing the 2nd Army will decide the "To be or Not to be" of Cz. There is no doubt that the planned pincer movement is the most desirable solution and should take place. But its success is nevertheless too uncertain for it to be depended on. Especially as a rapid success is necessary from a political point of view. The first 8 days are politically decisive; within that week a far-reaching territorial gain must be achieved. Our artillery (210cm Howitzers) not adequate against fortifications. Where an attack is expected the element of surprise is ruled out. Besides from experience it is difficult to refrain from an action that achieves only part-success. More and more units are thrown into breaks, and bleeding-to-death which one wanted to avoid sets in (Verdun!!). Tanks are used up and are not available for the subsequent territory-gaining operation. The consequence is that motorized divisions have to advance without tanks. ("Tables Turned")

Also the objectives of the motorized units are not too far-removed and can be gained without fighting, so that they could be equally well gained by infantry troops. The motorized divisions will not be able to influence a decision to any extent. It is the task of motorized forces to bridge areas free of the enemy. Where an attack opens up a large free space, the commitment of motorized forces is justified. Compare with the use of army cavalry at the beginning of the 1914 war. It is catastrophic for tanks to have to stop and wait for infantry. This contradicts all laws of logic. In the 14th army sector fortifications can only have been begun since March. Hence, thrust toward Brunn will be easier. 2nd Pz Div can therefore be left there. However, this division should operate with the 29th motorized division. _Therefore the 29th must not arrive on the evening of the 2nd day._ The 2nd Pz must constitute the advance column of the 29th Div (Mot.). Are the road conditions suitable for the 29th? The 13th Division, which has no prospects of success as a Mot. division with the 12th Army, is to be transferred to the Reichenau Army together with 2nd Motorized Div. Thus 2 chances for victory will be created.

If pincer movement has no success, 10th Army will open way for 12th Army, bringing strong forces into the heart of the country. If both operations are successful, this means the end of Cz. In place of the two motorized divisions it is preferable to mobilize two further divisions which are to be brought up in trucks and buses. For the 10th Army the turn Northeast toward Prague may become necessary.

_General Oberst v. Brauchitsch_: Employment of motorized divisions was based on the difficult rail situation in Austria and the difficulties in getting other divs. (ready to march) into the area at the right time. In the West vehicles will have to leave on the 20th of Sept., if X-Day remains as planned. Workers leave on the 23rd, by relays. Specialist workers remain according to decision by Army Command 2.

_The Fuehrer_: Doesn't see why workers have to return home as early as X-11. Other workers and people are also on the way on mobilization day. Also the RR cars, they will stand around unnecessarily later on.

_General Keitel_: Workers are not under the jurisdiction of district commands (Bezirks Kdos.) in the West. Trains must be assembled.

_v. Brauchitsch_: 235,000 men RAD [Labour Service] will be drafted. 96 Construction Bns will be distributed (also in the east). 40,000 trained laborers stay in the West.

_Fuehrer_: Trained men should be distributed among newly formed divisions on 2nd line.

_Brauchitsch_: Will be investigated. Implies change of mobilization orders if war orders already in the hands of the people.

_General Construction Inspector Dr. Todt (late brought into the conference)_: Delays in unloading of material through slow changeover in timetable of RRs only from 15 September. Transports must be in their appointed positions by X minus 11. Air zone to take 2nd place to the Infantry zone. Build battery positions.

Certified /s/ SCHMUNDT Major on Gen. Staff

* * * * *

[ITEM 20] [_Typescript_] Schm [initialled by Schmundt] Nurnberg, 10 September 1938 [Stamp]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer Reich Chancellor

Received 19 September 1938 The Fuehrer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces

TOP SECRET

1. The whole RAD organization comes under the command of the Supreme Command of the Army effective 15 September.

2. The Chief of OKW decides on the first commitments of this organization in conjunction with the Reichs Labor Leader (Reichsarbeitsfuehrer) and on assignments from time to time to the Supreme Commands of the Navy, Army and Air Force. Where questions arise with regard to competency he will make a final decision in accordance with my instructions.

3. For the time being this order is to be made known only to the departments and personnel immediately concerned.

[signed] ADOLF HITLER

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces _No. 2038/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc_ T 9.9

_Distribution_:

C-in-C of the Army Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Force C-in-C of the Navy Reichsminister of the Interior for the attention of Ministerial Director Dr. Danckwerts Head of Reich Labor Service through Admin Office (VOA)

_Distribution_:

Adjutant to the Fuehrer--1st Copy WZ, WH, WR--2nd to 4th Copies Armed Forces Ops. Dept.--5th Copy LIa, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA--6th to 10th Copies WNV--11th Copy Office for Ausl/Abwehr--12th to 14th Copies General Armed Forces Office--15th to 17th Copies Armed Forces Staff--18th to 20th Copies Spare--21st to 25th Copies

25 Copies 1st Copy A true copy: Hofmann Oberst (Reserve)

[ITEM 21] [_Typescript_]

Berlin, 14 September 1938 12 Copies

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2044/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

[Stamp]

Office of the Adjutant of the Armed Forces attached to the Fuehrer and Reichs Chancellor

Received 19 Sept. 1938 Reg. No. 198/35 Despatched Schm Clerk [initialled by Schmundt]

_Subject: Employment of Reich Labor Service for Manoeuvres with Wehrmacht._

I. Effective 15 September the following units will be under command of the C-in-C of the Army

1. The RAD forces of the light road construction battalions.

2. Those parent units of construction troops which are to be formed from personnel from 2 Gau Commands, 21 RAD Group Commands, and 91 RAD Battalions of Wehrkreis HQs VII, IX and XIII, and set up at Army Group HQ 2 (Heeresgruppenkommando) for the purpose of carrying out exercises within the areas of Wehrkreis HQs V and XII.

3. _a._ The staff of Labor Gau W (Arbeitsgaustab) and the section and group staffs of the RAD employed on the construction of the Western fortifications and also RAD Battalions with the exception of those branches of the RAD attached to the Reich Minister for Air and the C-in-C of the Air Force (compare Section 8).

_b._ Labor Gaus XXI, XXIV, XXV, XXVI, XXVII, and XXXII come under the Supreme Command of the Army only in matters affecting the defence of the country. Those RAD units from these Labor Gaus employed at the moment for purposes of the country's Kultur, etc., will retain these tasks for the time being, Labor Service for Girls [AWJ] is excepted from coming under the control of the Supreme Command of the Army.

_c._ It must be borne in mind, when allotting military tasks to those sections of the RAD named in _a_ and _b_ above, that in accordance with Appendix 7 to the Army Commands and Guard Units will remain with the RAD if and when mobilization takes place.

4. The C-in-C of the Army and Reichs Labor Leader are requested to discuss all details under 1 and 3 direct.

II. 5. Light road construction battalions are training-units of the Army. Their members are regarded as having been drafted into the Armed Forces for manoeuvre purposes and are soldiers.

6. The members of remaining formations as per 2 and 3 who have been taken exclusively from the RAD will remain RAD leaders or men until mobilization.

But it is possible that they will have to be attached to the Army for administration or that the army must furnish money if difficulties are encountered in prompt payment of the men.

The C-in-C of the Army and the Reich Labor Leader are requested to settle details by direct agreement.

7. In case of mobilization the regulations laid down in Appendix 7 of the plan for the mobilization of the army come into effect automatically and apply also to those exercise formations for which there have up to now been restrictive regulations with regard to their coming fully under the command of the Army.

III. 8. Those RAD staffs and Battalions made over to the Luftwaffe in the Limes area will be under command of the Reich Minister for Air and the C-in-C of the Air Force beginning September 15. The same regulations apply in essence to them.

The Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Signed Keitel

_Distribution_:

C-in-C of the Army--1st to 3rd Copy Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces--4th to 6th Copy Head of Reich Labor Service--7th to 8th Copy L Ia, II, IV--9th to 11th Copy Draft (VOA)--12th Copy

_Distribution 2: 25 Copies_

Adjutant to the Fuehrer--1st Copy WZ, WH, WR--2nd to 4th Copy Armed Forces Ops Dept--5th Copy Armed Forces Ops Dept/L Ib, Ic--6th Copy Armed Forces Communications (WNV)--7th Copy Office of Ausl/Abwehr--8th to 10th Copy General Armed Forces Office--11th to 13th Copy Armed Forces Staff--14th to 16th Copy Draft--17th Copy Spare--18th to 25th Copy

A true Copy: HOFMANN Oberst (Reserve)

* * * * *

[ITEM 22] [_Typescript_]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, 16 September 1938

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces WFA No. 194/38 Most Secret S.O. Only L Ia

S.O. Only Access only through Officer

7 Copies 5th Copy 19.9.38 Schm

_Subject_: Preparations on part of Reichsbahn etc.

The Reichsbahn must provide trains of empty trucks in great numbers by September 28 for the carrying out of mobilization exercises. This task now takes precedence over all others.

Therefore the train-loads for the Limes-job will have to be cut down after September 17 and those goods loaded previous to this date unloaded by September 20.

The Supreme Command of the Army (5th Division of the Army General Staff) must issue further orders after consultation with the authorities concerned.

However, in accordance with the Fuehrer's directive, every effort should be made to continue to supply the materials in as large quantities as feasible even after 20th September 1938, and this for reasons of camouflage as well as in order to continue the important work on the Limes.

Reports should be submitted on what can be done in this direction.

Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces Signed Keitel

Distribution:

Supreme Command of the Army--1 (Copy 1) C-in-C of the Air Force (Ketzinger's staff)--1 (Copy 2) General Inspector for Roads--1 (Copy 3)

Certified Zeitzler Oberst on the General Staff

Major Schmundt [There is no ITEM 23 in the file]

* * * * *

[ITEM 24] [_Typescript_]

MOST SECRET

Berlin, September 16, 1939 30 Copies 4th Copy T 9.9

[Stamp]

Schm [initialled by Schmundt]

Office of the Armed Forces Adjutant attached to the Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor

Rec. 19th Sept. 1938, Enclosures Reg. No. 199138 Despatched Clerk

Supreme Command of the Armed Forces No. 2120/38 Most Secret WFA/L IIc

_Subject_: Employment of the Reich Labor Service (RAD)

1. The following RAD forces will receive military training; in accordance with the instructions of the C-in-C of the Army:

From the area of the--

IInd Army Korps (AKs) 7 Battalions IIIrd 2 Battalions IVth 31 Battalions Vth 1 Battalion VIth 78 Battalions VIIth 1 Battalion IXth 65 Battalions Xth 84 Battalions XIth 33 Battalions

For the time being these battalions are still part of the RAD in matters regarding personnel, administration, and discipline.

2. The C-in-C of the Army and Reich Labor Leader are requested to settle all details by direct agreement.

For the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces

By Order

Jodl

_Distribution_:

Supreme Command of the Army--1st Copy Reich Minister for Air and C-in-C of the Air Forces--2nd Copy Head of Reich Labor Service--3rd Copy WZ, WH, WR--5th-7th Copies Armed Forces Ops Division--8th Copy L Ia, Ib, Ic, IV, VOA--9th-13th Copies Armed Forces Communications Dept.--14th Copy Office of Ausl/Abwehr--15th-17th Copies General Armed Force Office--18th-20th Copies Armed Forces Staff--21st-23rd Copies Spare--24th-30th Copies

* * * * *

[ITEM 25] [_Telegram_] [Handwritten note]

MOST SECRET

S.O. ONLY

LAST NIGHT CONFERENCE TOOK PLACE BETWEEN FUEHRER AND OBERSTLEUTNANT KOECHLING. DURATION OF CONFERENCE 7 MINUTES. LT. COL. KOECHLING REMAINS DIRECTLY RESPONSIBLE TO OKW. HE WILL BE ASSIGNED TO KONRAD HENLEIN IN AN ADVISORY CAPACITY. HE RECEIVED FAR-REACHING MILITARY PLENARY POWERS FROM THE FUEHRER. THE SUDETEN GERMAN FREE CORPS REMAINS RESPONSIBLE TO KONRAD HENLEIN ALONE. PURPOSE: PROTECTION OF THE SUDETEN GERMANS AND MAINTENANCE OF DISTURBANCES AND CLASHES. THE FREE CORPS WILL BE ESTABLISHED IN GERMANY. ARMAMENT ONLY WITH AUSTRIAN WEAPONS. ACTIVITIES OF FREE CORPS TO BEGIN AS SOON AS POSSIBLE.

[Pencil Note] 1045, 18 Sept 38 RADIOED to Capt. Engel, Berlin.

* * * * *

[ITEM 26] [_Telegram_] [Handwritten note]

MOST SECRET S.O. ONLY

[In Ink] 18.9 38 1030 vb

GERMAN 2nd ARMY--COSEL--7 Inf. Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks, 1 Light Div, of these the following arrive on 1st X day: Two-thirds of one Inf Div, 1 Armd Div, and 1 Inf Div on trucks.

On 2nd X Day: one-third of one Inf Div.

On 3rd X Day: 1 Inf Div

On 4th X Day: 1 Inf Div

On 5th X Day: 2 Inf Divs from 7th day on 1 Inf Div and one light Div.

8th Army:--FREIBURG--4 Inf Divs. The following is the timetable for arrival:

On 2nd X Day: two-thirds of one Inf Div

On 3rd X Day: one-third of one Inf Div

On 4th and 5th X Day: One Inf Div each day.

4th Army Corps--Herrenhut, 2 Inf Divs of which one will arrive on the 1st day, the other on the 3rd day.

10th Army:--SCHWANDORF--3 Inf Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Light Div, 3 Mot Inf Divs. They will arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: 1 Inf Div and 1 Armd Div. 1 Light Div, 2 Mot Inf Divs.

On 2nd X Day: 1 Inf Div., 1 Mot Inf Div.

On 4th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

12th Army:--PASSAU--7 Inf Div's, 1 Mountain Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks, Regt. They arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: 1 Inf Div, 1 Mountain Div.

On 2nd X Day: 2 Inf Div, 1 Inf Div on trucks

On 4th X Day: 2 Inf Div's.

On 7th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

On 8th X Day: 1 Inf Div.

14th Army:--VIENNA--1 Inf Div, 2 Mountain Div's, 1 Armd Div, 1 Light Div, 1 Mot Inf Div. N N Mot [?] They will arrive as follows:

On 1st X Day: one-third of one Inf Div, 1 Armd Div, 1 Mot. Div.

On 2nd X Day: 2/3 of one Inf Div, 1 Light Div.

On 3rd X Day: 2 Mountain Divs.

END

Reich War Ministry/Naval Communication Service

MOST SECRET 18.9

Renewed attention is called to strictest observance of secrecy regarding following message. Noted. Message begins--

[There follows a repetition of the above telegram in its exact form.]

Any questions?

* * * * *

[ITEM 27] [_Typescript_]

_Army Appointments Held_

Army Group Command: C-in-C: Gen. of Inf. Adam CofS : Gen. of Inf. Wietersheim G-3 : Lt. Col. Muller

1st Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Arty Beck CofS : Maj. Gen. v. Apell G-3 : Col. v. Greiffenberg

2nd Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. v. Rundstedt CofS : Brig Gen v. Salmuth G-3 : Lt. Col. Hasse

3rd Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. of Arty v. Kuechler CofS : Brig. Gen. Hollidt G-3 : Lt. Col. Wagner

4th Army HQ: C-in-C: Gen. (for special duties)