Part 26

On July 19th, 1805, the English fleet anchored in Gibraltar, and on the 20th Lord Nelson says, in his diary, “I went on shore for the first time since June 16th, 1803, and, from having my foot out of the Victory, two years, wanting ten days.”

He remained only three days on shore at Gibraltar, and then received information that the allied fleet had been seen, five weeks before, steering N. N. west, in latitude 33°, longitude 58° west. This was stale news, but the earliest, of a positive nature, which he had received. He, therefore, passed the Straits of Gibraltar, and at first went to the westward, but afterwards he went off Cape St. Vincent, to be ready to steer in any direction that circumstances might direct. On the third day of August the English fleet was in 39° north, and 16° west longitude.

Here Lord Nelson got some information from an American merchant ship, which had taken the log of a vessel which had been set on fire and abandoned, but not destroyed, and, from a scrap of paper containing a reckoning, he derived the fact that the vessel had been taken by the French fleet.

Nelson then proceeded north, but finding no news, either from Admiral Cornwallis, off Ushant, or the Channel fleet, proceeded, with the Victory, and another ship, to Portsmouth, leaving the rest of his fleet as a reinforcement to the Channel fleet.

In the meantime the combined fleet had had a most important action, on July 22d, with Sir Robert Calder’s squadron, between Ferrol and Finisterre, not necessary to be here gone into. It was a sort of drawn battle, with numbers in favor of the French. Sir Robert Calder was much blamed for the result.

Napoleon was terribly vexed that Villeneuve had not rendered a better account of Sir Robert Calder’s fleet, to which he was superior.

Bonaparte said that “Villeneuve was one of those men who require more spur than bridle,” and asked if it “would not be possible to find, in the navy, an enterprising man, with cool views, as one ought to see, either in battle, or in the manœuvres of a fleet.”

Villeneuve was ordered to go to Brest; but, in spite of that, went to Cadiz, the details of the reasons and movements being too long to be recounted here. The Emperor was furious, and charged him with dereliction in duty, disobedience of orders, refusing to fight the enemy, etc.

Part of Bonaparte’s vexation with Villeneuve no doubt arose from the loud complaints of the Spaniards, at having lost two ships in Calder’s action; and this was aggravated by the apparent unwillingness of the French Admiral, even with a powerful fleet under his command, to sail out, in the face of eleven English sail-of-the-line, cruising off Cadiz; and so enable the Spanish squadron at Carthagena to form a junction with Admiral Gravina, who commanded the Spanish portion of the allied fleet.

The fact is, to quote a French authority, “Villeneuve, like others, was impressed by the inferiority of the French marine, in comparison with the English. The French seamen, brave enough, but inexperienced at sea, looked with a sort of terror upon the necessity of meeting the redoubtable victor of Aboukir, knowing well his genius and audacity, commanding, as he did, a well prepared fleet and thoroughly drilled and sea-hardened crews. Villeneuve’s personal courage is above suspicion, but he lacked energy, decision, and power of organization. Exasperated by the reply of the Emperor, who accused him of cowardice, in consequence of his perpetual hesitations, Villeneuve replied to the Minister of Marine, in these bitter words, “If all the French Navy lacks is audacity, as is pretended, the Emperor will soon be satisfied; and he may count upon brilliant successes.”

On September 17th, 1805, Napoleon directed his Minister of Marine to order Villeneuve to sea, on a new expedition. He was to proceed off Naples, and disembark, at some point on the coast, a number of troops, in order that they might join the army of General St. Cyr. He was then to proceed to Naples, and capture the English ship Excellent, and a Russian ship-of-the-line, lying there; to do all possible injury to English trade; to intercept an expedition bound to Malta; and then to come to Toulon, where everything was to be ready to re-victual and repair his ships.

Napoleon seemed to have feared the failure of Villeneuve to carry out these orders; and had actually ordered Vice-Admiral Rosily to supercede him. But the fact remains that Villeneuve’s written orders had always been to avoid an engagement, and at last to bring his fleet, fresh and entire, into the British Channel. In his movements he was, moreover, retarded by the supineness of the Spaniards, who, when their long voyage to the West Indies was over, felt inclined to remain snugly in port.

In the meantime, Vice-Admiral Collingwood, off Cadiz, was joined by four sail-of-the-line, under Rear-Admiral Sir Richard Bickerton; and soon after by seventeen more, under Sir Robert Calder, in the Prince of Wales.

Some of these ships were occasionally detached to Gibraltar, for water and provisions; and with the rest Collingwood continued to cruise before Cadiz. On the 28th of September, Lord Nelson arrived, to take command of the English fleet; having left Portsmouth in the Victory, on the fifteenth. The Ajax and Thunderer, line-of-battle ships, had come with him.

The Euryalus frigate had preceded him, to inform Collingwood that, on his assuming command again, no salute should be fired, or flags displayed, in order that the Allies should not be apprised of the arrival of a reinforcement.

The force under Lord Nelson now consisted of twenty-seven sail-of-the-line, twenty-two of which cruised about fifteen miles off Cadiz; and the remaining five, under Rear-Admiral Louis, in the Canopus, were stationed close off the harbor, watching the motions of the combined fleet. Lord Nelson considered that if he kept the main body of his fleet out of sight of land, the French Admiral, being ignorant of the exact British force, might perhaps put to sea, so that he kept the bulk of his fleet at a long distance west of Cadiz.

The force close in with the city was then relieved by two frigates, the only ships left there. Beyond these, further out, and at a convenient distance for signalling, were three or four ships-of-the-line, the westernmost of which could communicate directly with the easternmost ship of the main body.

The new station of the English fleet had a great advantage in case of westerly gales, usual at that season, as they would not be forced into the Mediterranean; in which event the combined fleet, on the first change of wind, might easily put to sea, unmolested.

On October 1st, the Euryalus frigate reconnoitred the port of Cadiz, and plainly discovered, at anchor in the outer harbor, and apparently ready for sea, eighteen French, and sixteen Spanish ships-of-the-line, frigates and two brigs.

The next day Lord Nelson sent Rear-Admiral Louis with five sail-of-the-line, to Gibraltar, for provisions and water; and on the same day, a Swedish ship, from Cadiz, bound to Alicante, informed the Euryalus that the combined fleet had reëmbarked the troops a day or two before, and intended to put to sea the first easterly wind.

Rear-Admiral Louis got this intelligence on the 3d of October, and at once returned to the main fleet with his squadron; but Lord Nelson, conceiving the news to be a stratagem to draw him nearer to Cadiz, so as to obtain a knowledge of his force, ordered Louis to proceed in the execution of his orders.

On the 4th the weather was very calm, and some Spanish gunboats pulled out from Cadiz and attacked the two English frigates which were on duty close in; but they soon retired again. By the 8th of October two more line-of-battle-ships had joined the English fleet, and the same day the Euryalus again counted thirty-four sail-of-the-line in Cadiz harbor.

The possibility that the Cadiz, Carthagena and Rochefort ships might effect a junction, and thereby present a force of forty-six sail-of-the-line, induced Lord Nelson to draw up and transmit to his second in command a plan of attack in which he supposed that, by the junction of a squadron under Sir Richard Strachan, and other ships, from Gibraltar and elsewhere, he might be able to assemble a force of forty sail-of-the-line.

His plan was regarded by naval men as a master-piece of naval strategy, and agreed in principle with that pursued in the great battle then impending. Condensed, it was as follows: Taking it for granted that it was next to impossible to form a fleet of forty sail-of-the-line in line of battle, with varying winds, thick weather, and other difficulties which might arise, without so much delay that the opportunity would probably be lost of bringing the enemy to battle in such a manner as to render it decisive, Lord Nelson resolved to keep the fleet in such a position that, with the exception of the first and second in command, the order of sailing would be the order of battle. The fleet was to be placed in two lines, of sixteen ships each, with an advanced squadron of eight of the fastest sailing, two-decked ships, which latter would always make, if wanted, a line of twenty-four sail, on any line the Commander-in-chief might direct.

The second in command would, after this latter intention was made known to him, have the entire direction of his line, and was to make the attack, and to follow up the blow, until the enemy’s ships were captured or destroyed.

Should the enemy’s fleet--supposed to consist of forty-six sail-of-the-line, be seen to windward, in line of battle, and the two British lines and the advanced squadron be able to fetch it, the ships of the former would probably be so extended that their van could not succor their rear.

The English second in command would then probably be signalled to lead through, at about the twelfth ship from the enemy’s rear, or wherever he could fetch, if not able to advance so far.

The Commander-in-chief’s line would lead through at the centre, and the advanced squadron cut through at about three or four ships ahead of the centre, so as to ensure getting at the enemy’s Commander-in-chief, whom every effort should be used to capture.

The whole impression of the British fleet was to be made to overpower from two to three ships ahead of the enemy’s Commander-in-chief (supposed to be in the centre) to the rear of his fleet.

Admitting twenty sail of the enemy’s line to be untouched, it would be some time before they could perform a manœuvre, so as to bring their force compact, to attack any part of the British fleet engaged, or to succor their companions; and this they could not do without mixing with the ships engaged.

If it happened that the two fleets were of less force than here contemplated, a proportionate number only of the enemy’s fleet were to be cut off, and the British were to be one-fourth superior to the enemy so cut off.

Lord Nelson, making due allowance for what chance might effect, looked with confidence to a victory, before the van of the enemy could succor his rear; and then he expected that the British ships would most of them be ready to receive the enemy’s other twenty sail, or to pursue them, should they endeavor to make off.

If the van of the enemy tacked, the captured ships were to run to leeward of the British fleet; if the enemy wore, the British were to place themselves between the enemy and the captured, as well as their own disabled ships; and should the enemy close, his Lordship made no doubt of the result.

The second in command was to direct the movements of his line and to keep the ships as compact as circumstances permitted. Captains were to look to their own line as their rallying point; but, in case signals could neither be seen nor perfectly understood, _no captain could do wrong who placed his ship close alongside that of an enemy_.

So far with regard to the attack from to leeward. Next followed the plan of attack from to windward.

Supposing the enemy formed in line-of-battle to receive the British fleet, the three divisions of the latter were to be brought nearly within gun-shot of the enemy’s centre, when the signal would most likely be made for the lee line to bear up together, under all sail, in order to reach the enemy’s line as quickly as possible, and then to cut through; beginning at the twelfth ship from the enemy’s rear.

Some ships might not get through at their exact place, but they would always be at hand, to assist their friends; and if any British ships were thrown round the rear of the enemy, they would, it was considered, effectually complete the business of twelve of the enemy’s ships.

Should the enemy wear together, or bear up, and sail large, still the twelve ships of the enemy’s rear were to be the object of attack of the British lee line, unless otherwise directed by the Commander-in-chief, an interference not contemplated in the plan, as the entire management of the lee line, after the Commander-in-chief had signalized his intentions, was to be left to the judgment of the Admiral commanding that line.

The remainder of the English fleet were to be left to the management of the Commander-in-chief; who, as he rather modestly expressed himself, would endeavor to take care that the movements of the second in command were as little as possible interrupted.

This plan and instructions have been given rather at length, because they have always been looked upon as models, and have been copied into foreign historical works, and adopted upon several other occasions.

Cadiz became much straightened for provisions, in consequence of having so large a fleet to victual. To remedy this evil, especially in regard to his own fleet, Napoleon had ordered shipments to be made to Nantes, Bordeaux, and other ports in the Bay of Biscay. The carriers were vessels under the Danish flag, that landed their cargoes at small ports in the south of Spain, whence they were easily conveyed to Cadiz. As some check to this, a vigorous blockade had been adopted by Collingwood, and maintained by his successor who considered it a more likely way of driving the combined fleets to sea than a bombardment of Congreve rockets, as had at one time been contemplated. The arrival of a number of frigates enabled Nelson to prosecute this blockade of the coasting trade more successfully. On the 10th of October two line-of-battle ships, and on the 13th two more, joined Nelson; and he had now twenty-nine sail-of-the-line off Cadiz, and five at Gibraltar. This was the highest number his fleet reached.

On the 10th the allied fleet had moved out to the entrance of the harbor, and evinced a disposition to put to sea at the first opportunity.

Four days after, Lord Nelson was obliged, owing to orders from England, to send there Sir Robert Calder, in the Prince of Wales; and on the 17th was obliged to send the Donegal to Gibraltar, for water. This done, he had twenty-seven sail-of-the-line (not all in very good order, or well manned), four frigates, a schooner, and a cutter. There were in his fleet three 100-gun ships; the Victory, his own flag-ship; the Royal Sovereign, Vice-Admiral Collingwood; and the Britannia, Rear-Admiral the Earl of Northesk. Then came four 98-gun ships; one 80, sixteen 74s, and three 64s, which formed the line-of-battle.

On the very day on which Lord Nelson took command of the fleet a courier had arrived at Cadiz, with the order of the French Emperor for Villeneuve to put to sea. These orders had been issued about the middle of September, and required that the French ships should pass the Straits of Gibraltar, land the troops on the Neapolitan coast, sweep the Mediterranean of all British commerce and cruisers, and then enter Toulon, to re-fit and re-victual.

Although Villeneuve’s instructions contained no mention of the Spanish fleet, it is natural to suppose that they would be glad to avail themselves of the exit of a formidable French fleet to effect a junction with seven sail-of-the-line of theirs, which were blockaded in the port of Carthagena. Every exertion was, therefore, made to fill the complements of the fleet, which had otherwise been ready for some time. Of the vessels which had been in Sir Robert Calder’s action, one, the Argonauta, had been repaired and refitted, but the damage to the other, the Terrible, proved of so serious a nature that she was disarmed, and her crew divided among the short-manned ships.

All these details may seem tedious, but are necessary to a correct understanding of this, the most important naval battle of the century.

To return a little. On the 10th of October, the French troops having re-embarked, the combined fleet moved to the entrance of Cadiz harbor, to be ready for a start at a moment’s warning. Hard westerly gales continued until the 17th. At midnight of that date the wind shifted to the eastward, and on the 18th of October Admiral Villeneuve informed the Spanish Admiral Gravina of his intention to put to sea on the following day; and had a strong line of gunboats drawn up across the mouth of the harbor.

On October 19th the Allied fleets, by signal from the Commander-in-chief, began getting under way, at seven o’clock in the morning. There was a fair breeze, but light, and the British reconnoitring frigates at once saw and reported the movement. Owing to the light wind, only twelve ships got out, and these lay becalmed until afternoon, when a breeze sprang up from the west-north-west, and the twelve stood to the northward, accompanied closely by the two English frigates on guard. At daylight the next morning the rest of the combined fleet left Cadiz, making, with the twelve already outside, thirty-three sail-of-the-line, five frigates, and two brigs. They had a light southeast wind, while the ships in the offing, as is frequently the case on this coast, had the wind south-southwest.

The French had four 80-gun ships, and fourteen 74s, with the frigates and brigs. The Spanish had one 130-gun ship; two of 112 guns; one 100; two 80s; eight 74s, and one 64.

Villeneuve’s flag-ship was the Bucentaure, 80, and Gravina’s the Principe de Asturias, 112.

Scarcely had the fleet cleared the harbor when a southwest wind and thick weather began to delay their progress. Meantime the two English frigates carefully watched their every manœuvre.

The first effect of the thick weather was that the English ship Agamemnon, with a merchant brig in tow, was unconsciously running into the midst of the enemy’s ships, but was, after some difficulty, warned off by the frigates. Then one of the English frigates was in danger of capture by her stopping too long to examine an American ship; she was chased and fired upon.

In the afternoon the weather cleared, and the wind shifted to north-northwest; whereupon Admiral Villeneuve ordered his fleet to form in five columns, in accordance with a plan previously communicated to his Admirals and Captains.

The Allied fleet then divided itself into two parts. The first part was of twenty-one sail, and was denominated the line-of-battle, and this was again subdivided into three squadrons, of seven ships each; of which the centre was commanded by Villeneuve himself; the van by Vice-Admiral Alava; and the rear by Rear-Admiral Dumanoir.

The second part of the Allied fleet, the reserve, was divided into two squadrons, of six ships each, the first under Admiral Gravina, and the second under Rear-Admiral Magon.

Villeneuve’s instructions to these officers were as follows: in case of being to windward, the line to bear down together, and each ship to engage her opponent in the English line; to engage closely, and to board, if possible.

If, on the contrary, the English fleet was to windward, the allied fleet was to await attack in close order of battle.

The French Admiral said, “the enemy will not confine himself to forming a line-of-battle parallel to ours, and engage us with his cannon, when success often attends the most skillful, and always the most fortunate; he will endeavor to turn our rear, to pass through our line, and will endeavor to surround such of our ships as he succeeds in cutting off, and reduce them with numbers of his own.”

Villeneuve adds “there is nothing to alarm us in the sight of the English fleet; their 74-gun ships have not five hundred men on board; their seamen are harassed by a two years’ cruise; they are not more brave than we; and have infinitely less motives to fight well, and have less love of country. They are skillful at manœuvring. In a month we shall be as much so as they are. In fine, everything unites to inspire us with hopes of the most glorious success, and of a new era for the Imperial marine.”

The most remarkable feature of the French Admiral’s plan was, that it persisted in ordering the movements of his fleet to be conducted in close line-of-battle, even while he admits that his enemy will adopt a different mode of attack, that of cutting off the rear of the line, and making it an easy conquest. Such, however, was the ancient rule of sea-tactics, and France had not yet had a Rodney to break through them.

Shortly after the combined Fleet had formed in five columns, one of their advanced frigates made the signal for eighteen sail of British ships in sight. On this the fleet, still on the port tack, cleared for action, and at about five P. M. tacked, and stood for the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltar. They had continued so long on the other tack that Lord Nelson thought it was Villeneuve’s intention to proceed to the westward.

About this time the four British frigates came down to reconnoitre, and were chased by some of the Allied fleet, which latter, however, rejoined the main body at nightfall.

Just before dark the French ship Aigle made signal for eighteen British ships in line-of-battle, to the southward; and shortly after the combined fleet wore and stood to the northwest.

On the 21st, a little before daylight, the French Admiral, abandoning his plan of forming line-of-battle of twenty-one ships (as the enemy were now to windward, and of nearly equal force to himself), ordered the three columns, composed of the twenty-one ships, without regard to priority of rank among them, to form in close line-of-battle, on the starboard tack, upon the leewardmost division of twelve ships, and then to steer southeast. The manœuvre executed, daylight found the two fleets fairly in sight of each other, for the first time. The centre of the Franco-Spanish fleet bearing about east by south of the centre of the British, and distant about ten miles.

The wind was then light, from west-northwest, and a heavy swell setting in from the westward.

Let us now look at the movements of the British fleet during the period just before the momentous battle now impending.

About half-past nine A. M., on the 19th, while the British fleet was lying to, fifty miles west-southwest from Cadiz, the line-of-battle ships which formed the cordon of communication between the fleet and the reconnoitring frigates, inshore, repeated the signal that the enemy was coming out of port.

Lord Nelson immediately made sail to the southeast with light breezes, mostly from south-southwest. At three P. M. the signal was repeated, that the enemy was at sea.

That afternoon Lord Nelson directed that the fleet should observe the motions of his flag-ship, the Victory, during the night, and that the best sailing ships should stand ahead, and steer for the mouth of the Straits.

On the 20th of October, at daylight, the English found themselves near the entrance of the Straits, but saw nothing of their enemy.

Thereupon the fleet wore, and made sail to the northwest, with a fresh breeze at south-southwest.

At seven A. M., one of the frigates signalled the Allied fleet, bearing north; and by noon the Victory and the English fleet were within twenty-five miles of Cadiz, standing to the west-northwest, on the port tack.