Part 10

While in the tendencies of the age we see much to admire, we also see much to be regretted. In a word, there is too much friction in the complicated machinery that spins and weaves the web and woof of American character. In religion, morals, and politics, wide differences of opinion are to be expected, yet they should be honest. While a free public press may be regarded in theory as the "palladium of American liberty," it seems to proceed practically on the belief that its own interests are the public interests. Especially is this true of the political press. Money, instead of principle, is too often its guiding star. By its influence, men in office and out of office are made and unmade at pleasure. And this will ever be the case so long as editorial utterances are accepted as oracular. And yet there is hope, and perhaps safety, even in the freedom of our partisan prints, so long as they continue to expose the falsities of each other, whatever may be their motives. If, as in China, the head of every editor who knowingly publishes an untruth were demanded as a forfeit, it is to be feared that gentlemen of the "tripod" would soon become "few and far between" in this broad land of the free. Yet the newspaper is the controlling power of the government, and the mouth-piece of public sentiment. Editors should therefore appreciate their responsibility, as well as "take the responsibility."

Though rotation in office may be regarded as a wholesome principle in the administration of a popular government, it is evident from the history of the past that frequent elections tend to disturb the peace and harmony of society. One political campaign scarcely ends before another begins. Especially is this true of our Presidential elections. The spirit of these elections extends to all our local elections, and often renders them equally bitter and intolerant.

These are growing evils which seem to threaten the stability of the Republic, and which require the application of a radical remedy. In the first place, the right of suffrage should be made uniform in all the States, and extend to none except citizens who can read, write, and speak the English language. This must be done, if we would preserve our American nationality from a confusion of tongues and the contamination of disloyal principles. In the next place, the President should be elected by a direct popular vote for a term of eight or ten years, and be rendered ineligible thereafter.

If provisions of this character were incorporated into the federal Constitution, the President would have no other motive in the discharge of his official duties than a desire to make for himself a good record; while professional politicians would disappear, and our county be saved from the demoralizing influences of a constant partisan warfare.

In regard to the Presidential question, the keynote is usually sounded by the friends of the administration, who wish to retain its patronage, or by opponents, who seek to overthrow it for the sake of the "spoils." Though candidates for office contend loudly for principles and reform, it is evident that with many of them the public treasury is the centre of attraction. It is true, however, that there are some honorable exceptions,--some men who are influenced by patriotic motives, who love their country and desire to promote its real welfare, and who would rather "do right than be President of the United States."

In a government like ours, which is essentially partisan in its character, there exists a manifest want of promptitude in the exercise of its central power. In other words, it takes a republic too long to move and execute in a crisis. It is prevented from doing this by the popular trammels which environ it. And yet it is often as difficult to ascertain what is the popular will as it is to comply with it. For this reason it is often a slavish fear, rather than a sense of right, that controls the administration of the government. Even our best men, when placed in power, become so sensitive to public opinion that their moral courage "oozes out at their fingers' ends." They see lions in their path, and therefore fear to do their duty. So long as a love of office, rather than a love of country, influences the action of the politician and the statesman, there can be neither strength nor stability in the framework of democratic institutions. For an illustration of this, we need only appeal to the histories of Greece and Rome. America has produced, however, many model men, and doubtless will produce many more of a like character. It is men that we want,--men of nerve and pluck, as well as men of wisdom, not only to enact our laws, but to administer them. All conspiracies of one class against the rights of another class, or against the rights of individuals, should by Congressional enactment be declared crimes, and the perpetrators promptly punished, no matter by what name their associations may be known. It is the prompt enforcement of criminal law that gives it moral force and overawes the offender.

It is impossible to predict the future, except as we see it from a standpoint of the present. Hence it is, perhaps, that we apprehend dangers when there are none. Yet we know that the elements of dissolution are incorporated into the very material that constitutes the universe. And so it is with the nations of the earth. The law of change is universal. It affects alike both the moral and the physical world. In his desires, man, as an individual, is insatiable; and so are nations. It is a prominent trait of Americans to want territory, and to acquire territory. They must have elbow-room; but the misfortune is, they do not know when they have enough. It seems as if they aspired to grasp the world and to govern the world.

It is doubtless true that we, as a nation, have already acquired too much territory. The result is, the government has become unwieldly, and the danger great that it will break down, sooner or later, of its own weight. So vast is the national domain, and so various is it in its climate, productions, and population, that its central power cannot so legislate as to do equal justice to all interests, and at the same time harmonize the conflict of public sentiment. This state of things had its influence in producing the outbreak of the late Rebellion. For grievances of this character there would seem to be no other remedy than that of revolution.

We can but hope, however, that the States now known as the United States will continue to increase in numbers, and to harmonize as one people, one nation, and one government. Yet it is quite possible that the time will come when they will sever into groups and become independent of their present federal relation to each other, in accordance with their peculiar sectional interests, "peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must." Then, instead of one, we shall probably have several independent American confederacies, whose future boundaries are clearly indicated, not only by differences of climate and productions, but by Nature, as marked by her great intervening rivers, lakes, and mountain ranges. These confederacies, when organized, will doubtless consist of those groups of States now known as the Eastern, Western, Southern, and Pacific States.

In addition to sectional interests and geographical differences, there are other considerations tending to induce a division of the Union. Among these are an almost unlimited number of political aspirants, and a rapidly increasing population. In Europe, and in many parts of Asia, an overgrown population, in connection with geographical differences and tribal distinctions, is doubtless the original cause which led to subdivisions of empire, and the establishment of so many petty kingdoms as now exist in those countries. The same causes are evidently at work on the American continent, and must ultimately produce similar results. In little more than a century our population has increased from seven to sixty millions. In the next century, at present rates, the increase from natural growth and the influx from foreign emigration will in all probability approximate two or three hundred millions. Europe alone, judging from present indications, will transfer to this continent within that period a large share of that number. If this be assumed as worthy of credence, is it not time that we, as American citizens, should look ahead, as well as go ahead, and if possible, preserve our national character?

It is true that an intermixture of foreign blood with American blood may tend to develop a higher order of manhood; yet when we go so far as to permit foreign languages to be taught in our public schools at the public expense, as essential to an American education, and that, too, at the dictation of denizens whose education and predilections are in conflict with our own, have we not reason to fear the ultimate results? If this insidious influence of foreign growth be allowed to control our educational system, it will not be long before we shall adopt foreign habits and sentiments, and lose forever our American nationality.

If America would be true to herself, she must preserve not only the purity of her principles, but the purity of her spoken language. If foreigners choose to become American citizens, they must expect to become Americanized in language and sentiment, as well as accept our form of government. We want no foreign element incorporated into our free institutions which does not harmonize with them. In a word, we want no union of Church and State, no "confusion of tongues" in our public schools, no aping of foreign manners and habits, no foreign dictation,--nothing but pure American freedom and pure American principles.

It is in this country that Church and State, for the first time in the history of the civilized world, have been separated, and allowed to conduct their own affairs in their own way, and independently of each other. So far as experience has gone in this respect, it proves the wisdom of the policy. And yet there are many statesmen, who, in reading the "signs of the times," think there are reasons for believing that the priesthood have inherited their ancient love of civil power, and are quietly endeavoring, in various ways, to secure such a degree of moral power over the popular mind as will, in effect if not in fact, transfer to them the control of the civil government.

If the priesthood are to control the government, it matters but little whether it be the Catholic or the Protestant. Catholicism regards the Church as supreme and the State as subordinate, repudiates public schools, and trains her youth in the Church and for the Church, thus preparing them to become not only adherents to the faith, but "soldiers of the cross;" while Protestantism asks the recognition of God in the Constitution, urges a fraternal union of all her various denominations, with a view to concentrate and direct their moral force, and even goes so far as to discuss politics in the pulpit,--thus attempting to control the results of our popular elections, especially when great moral questions are supposed to be involved. In all this there may be no insidious design; but facts carry with them a degree of significance which ought not to be disregarded. If a "religious war" must come, it will be a fearful contest, and one which must result in the subversion of free government, and finally extinguish the last hope of every true philanthropist.

And yet, as a people, we need never "despair of the Republic" so long as we sustain free public schools and confide the government to none other than an enlightened and philanthropic statesmanship. If America continues to respect herself, she is evidently destined to wield, not only the moral power of the world, but to complete the civilization of the world. Inspired with a desire to ameliorate the condition of mankind the world over, she annually expends millions of money in advancing the cause of a true Christianity. So inviting are her free institutions that she is rapidly becoming a central nation in point of wealth, talent, and population, as well as in moral and political influence. It should be her pleasure, as well as aim, not only to perfect her own government, but to diffuse a knowledge of her liberal principles throughout the world.

In reverting to the history of the past, we see that nations, like individuals, have their career, succeed each other, and finally become extinct. On this continent the red race has been rapidly succeeded by the white race. Whether a still higher order of man will succeed the white race, is a question which time only can determine.

Nature is provident, and like Divine Providence, works in "mysterious ways," and with an aim to achieve ultimate results. What America now is, we know; what she will be, we know not. It is devoutly to be wished, however, that her career may continue to be characterized by great and noble achievements, and that her "star-spangled banner" may forever float in triumph

"O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave."

CAREER OF REV. JOSEPH BADGER.

There have been but few men in the clerical profession who have made a worthier or more exemplary life-record for themselves than Rev. Joseph Badger. He fought for liberty in the Revolution, and for Christianity in the wilds of the Western Reserve. In the one case he fought with the musket, in the other with the sword of the Spirit. Whether serving as a soldier or as a missionary, he proved himself sincere and steadfast in his devotion to duty.

Rev. Joseph Badger was born at Wilbraham, Mass., Feb. 28, 1757. He was a lineal descendant of Giles Badger, who emigrated from England and settled at Newburyport, not far from Boston, about the year 1635. The father of Joseph was Henry Badger, who married Mary Landon. They were both devoutly pious, and equally poor in this world's goods. They instructed their son Joseph, at an early age, in the catechism of the Puritan faith, and gave him such further elementary education as they were able at the domestic fireside. He grew strong in the faith as he grew to manhood, when he began to realize that in sharing life with his parents, good and kind as they were, he shared their poverty. In consulting his mirror he was often painfully reminded of the fact that his garments, patched as they were, displayed about as many colors as the coat of his ancient namesake. Inspired with the patriotic sentiment of the times, and desiring not only to provide for himself, but to obtain sufficient money to give himself a liberal education, he enlisted in 1775, when but eighteen years of age, in the Revolutionary army, as a common soldier, and was assigned to the regiment commanded by Colonel Patterson. The regiment was stationed at Fort No. 3, near Lechmere's Point, in the vicinity of Boston. At the battle of Bunker Hill this regiment was posted on Cobble Hill, in a line with the front of the American battery, and about half a mile distant, where every man of the regiment could see the fire from the whole line, and enjoy the pleasure of seeing the British break their ranks, run down the hill, and then reluctantly return to the charge. On their third return, as luck would have it, they carried the works at the point of the bayonet. This was the first time after his enlistment that young Joseph had an opportunity to smell the smoke of British gunpowder. It was some time in September of the same year he enlisted that the British landed three or four hundred men on Lechmere's Point to take off a herd of fat cattle. Colonel Patterson ordered his regiment to attack the marauders and prevent them from capturing the cattle. A sharp conflict ensued, in which Joseph tested the virtues of his musket and poured into the enemy nine or ten shots in rapid succession and with apparent effect. Several were killed and others wounded on both sides. Joseph escaped unharmed. But soon after this skirmish he took a violent cold, attended with a severe cough. His captain advised him to return home until he could recover. This he did, and within twenty days came back and rejoined his regiment quite restored to health.

The British evacuated Boston on the 17th of March, 1776. On the next day Colonel Patterson's regiment, with several other regiments, was ordered to New York, where they remained for three weeks, and were then ordered to Canada. They were transported up the Hudson to Albany, and thence by way of Lakes George and Champlain to St. Johns, and thence to La Prairie on the banks of the St. Lawrence and in sight of Montreal. On the way the troops suffered severely from exposure to rain-storms and snow-storms, and from want of provisions. They arrived at La Prairie late in the day, and in a state bordering on starvation, where they encamped supperless. The next day each soldier received a ration of a few ounces of mouldy bread for breakfast, and a thin slice of stale meat for supper. Joseph accepted his share of the dainty feast without a murmur, but doubtless thought the wayfaring soldier had a pretty "hard road to travel." A part of Colonel Patterson's regiment was then ordered up the river to a small fort at Cedar Rapids, which was besieged by a British captain with one company of regulars and about five hundred Indians, led by Brant, the famous Indian chief. The Indians were thirsting for blood. A fierce conflict ensued, which lasted for an hour or more, when the enemy was compelled to retreat towards the fort. At this juncture a parley was called, and the firing ceased. A number were killed, and more wounded. It so happened that the fifth company, to which Joseph belonged, did not arrive in time to participate in the fight, though they had approached so near the scene as to hear the firing and see the rolling cloud of battle-smoke. Joseph expressed his regret that he had lost so good an opportunity to give his flint-lock a second trial. The detachment was now ordered to retreat to La Chine,--a French village about six miles above Montreal. Here they were reinforced by the arrival of eight hundred men, under command of General Arnold. The entire force advanced to the outlet of Bason Lake, at St. Ann's, where they embarked on board the boats and steered for a certain point about three miles distant. In passing, the force was fired upon by the enemy, armed with guns and two small cannon. A shower of shot seemed to come from every direction, and as the boats containing the Americans were about to land at the point sought, they received, amid hideous yells from the Indians in ambush, a hailstorm of bullets that rattled as they struck the boats, and slightly injured some of the men. The men in the boats returned the fire as best they could. It was marvellous that none of the Americans were killed or seriously injured. "It appeared to me," said Joseph, "a wonderful, providential escape." A British captain by the name of Foster was shot in the thigh. It was now nearly sunset, when General Arnold ordered a retreat. The night was spent in making preparations for the morrow. It was near morning when Captain Foster came over to General Arnold and agreed with him to a cartel by which certain prisoners were exchanged. The American prisoners were returned in a destitute and forlorn condition. The pitiful sight deeply excited the generous sympathies of the kind-hearted Joseph, who did what he could to comfort them by dividing his own supplies with them.

General Arnold now returned with his troops to Montreal, exercising great vigilance to avoid further surprise. He then crossed the St. Lawrence and encamped at St. Johns. Here the small-pox appeared in camp. In order to avoid the severity of the disease, Joseph procured the necessary virus and inoculated himself with the point of a needle, which produced the desired effect. Two days after the disease had appeared in camp, the troops were ordered to Chambly. The British hove in sight and began to land on the opposite side of the bay. The invalids were numerous and continued to increase. They were directed to march back to St. Johns,--a distance of twelve miles. Most of them could hardly carry gun, cartridge-box, and blanket, and were often obliged to sit down and rest by the wayside, Joseph among the rest. In the course of a few days the sick were transported to Isle aux Noix, at which place all the shattered army were collected under command of General Heath. From this place the troops, including the sick, proceeded amid sundry embarrassments to Crown Point, where they encamped. Here the small-pox spread among the men, and in its most aggravated form, with fearful rapidity. The scene in camp soon became appalling. The groans and cries of the sick and dying were heard night and day without cessation. As it happened, the surgeons, for want of medicines and hospital stores, could render but little aid. In some instances as many as thirty patients died in a day, and were buried in a single vault or pit, for the reason that there were not well men enough to bury them in separate graves.

The humane and philanthropic Joseph, who had previously inoculated himself with success, and thus avoided further danger from the contagion, now devoted himself to nursing and caring for his sick companions-in-arms with unwearied assiduity. As soon as the contagion began to abate, the sick were transferred in boats to Fort George, while the men fit for service were ordered to Mount Independence, opposite Ticonderoga, to erect works of defence. The mount was covered with forest trees, loose rocks, and dens infested with rattlesnakes, which often crept into camp and were killed.