Part 2

“As I have in some measure to depend on my memory, I will begin with Col. Shelby’s retreat after his defeating the British at Ennoree. Col. Charles McDowell had detached Shelby, Sevier, &c., with a party to go round where Ferguson was camped—who defeated the British and Tories at Ennoree. When Col. McDowell received intelligence of Gate’s defeat, and sent an express to Col. Shelby to retreat, Gen. Joseph McDowell was then Major, and I was Captain. Col. Shelby called a council of all his officers to know what was best to do. It was agreed that we must make a wood’s trip to get round Ferguson and join Col. C. McDowell, carrying the prisoners alternately on horseback, and running on foot short distances. After going some distance, found that Col. C. McDowell had left his camp, and was retreating towards Gilbert Town, we altered our course and overtook him and the main army.”

After joining Col. C. McDowell, it was proposed by Cols. Shelby and Sevier that they thought an army of volunteers could be raised to defeat Ferguson, stating that Ferguson’s main business was to kill the Whig stock; that he would be at the heads of Broad River, and then go to the head of Catawba to execute that purpose, which would give time to raise an army of volunteers over the mountains, and in Wilkes and Surry counties. All the officers, and some of the privates were consulted, and all agreed that it was right to make the trial to raise an army. It was then agreed that the prisoners should be sent to Virginia; that Cols. Shelby and Sevier and their men should immediately go over the Mountains home and procure volunteers; that Col. Chas. McDowell should send an express to Cols. Cleveland and Herndon in Wilkes for them to raise volunteers; and that Col. C. McDowell should provide some way to preserve the Whig stock on the head of Catawba, and provide some way also to give intelligence of Ferguson’s movements.

The prisoners were accordingly dispatched to Virginia. Cols. Shelby and Sevier went immediately over the mountains; and Col. C. McDowell wrote to Cols. Cleveland and Herndon to raise volunteers to be ready to march upon the shortest notice;—he then called the men on the head of Catawba, and first proposed that they who could not go over the mountains, should take protection on the advance of Ferguson and thereby save the whig stock: Daniel Smith (afterwards Colonel), Thomas Lytle, Robert Patton and J. McDowell of the Pleasant Garden, absolutely refused, and stated that they would drive the Whig stock into the deep coves under the eave of the Black Mountain; that others might take protection and save the stock that remained behind. John Carson, afterwards Colonel, Wm. Davidson, Ben. Davidson and others were appointed to take protection to save the remaining whig stock.

James Jack and Archibald Nail were appointed to be news-bearers over the Yellow Mountains to Shelby and were to be passing continually—that they were to receive the news in the Turkey Cove relative to Ferguson’s movements. That Joseph Dobson and James McKoy were to be bearers of the like news to Cols. Cleveland and Herndon, and that they were to receive their news at the Montgomery place, afterwards Joseph Dobson’s place.

Col. Ben. Cleveland appointed his brother, Robert Cleveland and Gideon Lewis, our pilot, to be news-bearers from B. Cleveland to Shelby. Thus the news went the rounds as fast as horses could carry their riders.

After Col. C. McDowell had thus arranged his business, he received the news that Ferguson was at Gilbert Town. He then collected all the men that he could procure from Burke county and went to Shelby and Sevier, who had engaged Col. Campbell, of Virginia, also to raise volunteers. The orders given to the volunteers were to equip themselves as quick as possible and have nothing to provide when they were called on to march, but to saddle their horses and march on the shortest notice. Those who could not go supplied those who could with any thing they stood in need of. It was also announced to the volunteers by the officers, that a battle with Ferguson was determined upon, and that they might rely on a battle before they returned home.

The news went the rounds by the news-carriers already mentioned, of every thing that happened in Ferguson’s camp—until the news came that John Carson had played a supple trick on Ferguson—that having saved almost all the whig stock that had not been driven into the coves by Daniel Smith and company—that Ferguson began to suspect Carson for saving whig stock—there being a large quantity of Tory cattle ranging about the large cane-breaks where David Greenlee lives, and that a party of Ferguson’s were fitted out to kill whig stock, and that they designing to go to that place, and another party was going to the Montgomery place—that is the place where Joseph Dobson lives on—for the like purpose. Carson went with the party going to the Montgomery place, without informing the party going to the Greenlee place that the cattle ranging there were Tory stock, the owners being in Ferguson’s camp. The parties each went to their places of destination, and returned into camp; those who went to the Greenlee place reported that they had killed over one hundred head of three, four, five and six year old rebel steers at the McGonaugh place. J. Carson observed that he expected that those steers were the stock of Joseph Brown, Dement and Johnstone, who were there in the camp. Whereupon Brown, Dement and Johnstone went and discovered that the steers there killed were every one theirs. This turned the Tories rather against Ferguson; whereupon Ferguson stated that the Rebels had out-witted him, and that he could not effect his purpose there—that he would start back to Gilbert Town on a given day.

The news was on its passage to Shelby and Cleveland as soon as the breath left Ferguson’s mouth—it did not stop day or night—it was soon at the place of destination. Immediately Shelby directed Campbell and his men to meet him at a given time at Wautaga and Sevier to meet him and Campbell at ten o’clock on a given day at the Spring in the Bald Ground, on the Yellow Mountain, at the side of Bright’s path—all of which were done with great exactness. He issued orders for Cleveland and Herndon to meet him on a given day on Silver Creek, in Burke county; and ordered D. Smith, J. McDowell, Lytle, Patton, and those who had taken protection, to meet him at Wm. Nail’s by a given night, which was the night next after the meeting on the Yellow Mountain.

When the officers met at the Spring on the Yellow Mountain, it was quickly agreed that they would send Col. Charles McDowell with an express to Gen. Gates, for him to send an experienced officer to conduct them in a battle with Ferguson, and as soon as Chas. McDowell, with his silver-mounted Tom. Simpson rifle, had disappeared, steering for the path on the Linville Ridge, the army descended the Mountain on Bright’s path and went to Wm. Nail’s that night where they met Daniel Smith, Thomas Lytle, Joseph McDowell and Robert Patton, the persons who had driven the whig stock into the coves under the eave of the Black Mountains, and also those who had taken protection. When it was agreed, that D. Smith, T. Lytle and J. McDowell should remain at the head of the river, as they were considered equal to a small army against Indians; and that the Indians were expected to fall on the frontiers as soon as Ferguson left it; and that they should have those who had taken protection to assist them. It was agreed that Joseph McDowell, (now Gen.) should take twenty men with him, and follow Ferguson’s trail for fear of surprise—who at the head of Silver Creek, near the Pilot Mountain, came on a squad of Tories who were designing to follow Ferguson, and killed some of them and put the rest to flight and returned to the army in the morning after staying the night at Wm. Nails’s.

The army marched in to Silver Creek, and at the place appointed met Cols. Cleveland and Herndon so exactly that it scarcely occasioned a halt—proceeding on to Cane Creek of Broad River at a place afterwards called Probit’s place.

Major Billy Chronicle with twenty men joined the army; no halt called—still proceeding on. At Camp Creek Cols. William Graham, with one hundred and sixty men well mounted, joined—who gave intelligence that Ferguson had left Gilbert Town and had crossed Broad River at Twitty’s Ford on his way to Cruger at Ninety-Six and that Col. Williams was near to Gilbert Town. It was agreed among the officer’s [while] still on the march, that Col. Herndon’s foot could not overhaul Ferguson before he would reach Ninety Six. They then began to count the number of horsemen that they could raise. Beginning with those under Col. Graham and those of Major Chronicle, Graham’s men 160, Chronicle’s 20, were to count 200 instead of 180. Campbell mentioned to Chronicle that the lad whom he had with him should not hear their enumeration. Chronicle replied that he was a son of “Old Rugged and Tough;” that his cheek was too well hooped to leak—the lad [Robert Henry] then [listening] is now our surveyor. They numbered on, and found their true number to be between six and seven hundred; but told the soldiers it was between 1100 and 2000 [1200] counting Williams’ men.

Orders were then given for all who were unable, from any cause that would hinder him in a severe march, should fall back into the foot troops and give their horses to footmen [who needed them, in order to be properly equipped for the march]; a number of exchanges were made. Further orders were given at Gilbert Town to kill some beeves, which was done; and orders were given for the horsemen to be ready to march at a given time, which was very short. Some of the troops who were tardy got none [of the beef?]. The line of march was taken to cross Broad River at Pear’s Ford, below the mouth of Green River, to take a near cut on Ferguson on his way to Ninety Six. The day and night were occasionally showery. We marched on, crossing Ferguson’s trail in the track (?), and proceeded to the Cowpens and came to a Tory’s house, pulled him out of bed, treated him roughly, and asked him at what time Ferguson had passed that place. He said he had not passed at all; that he had torch pine—that we might light it and search, and if we could find the track of an army we might hang him, or do what we pleased with him; and if no sign of an army could be found, he would expect more mild treatment. Search was made and no sign of an army found.

We then camped, and began to send persons to find Ferguson’s track. Chronicle proposed to send Enoch Gilmer as one; it was objected to because he was not acquainted with the country. Chronicle said that he could find out any thing better than those acquainted, for he could act any character that he pleased; that he could cry and laugh in the same breath, and those best acquainted would believe that he was in earnest in both; that he could act the fool so that those best acquainted with him would believe him to be deranged; that he was a shrewd, cunning fellow, and a stranger to fear. Hence he was [sent] among others. He went to a Tory’s house on Ferguson’s trail and stated to him that he had been waiting on Ferguson’s way from Twitty’s Ford to Ninety-Six, but missed finding him; that he wished to join the army. The Tory replied, that after Ferguson had crossed the river at Twitty’s Ford, he had received an express from Lord Cornwallis for him to join the main army at Charlotte; that he had called in Tarleton, and would call in his out-posts, and give Gates another defeat, and reduce North Carolina to British rule as he had South Carolina and Georgia, and would enter Virginia with a larger army than ever had been in America. Gilmer gave this account to the officers. This was some time in the day. They then commenced marching to the Cherokee Ford on Broad River. Night came on, and our pilots missed their way, the night being dark and occasionally raining, so that when we came near to the river it was near day-light; and when we came to the river hills it was agreed that we would send Enoch Gilmer to see whether Ferguson had not been apprised of us and would attack us in the river. Orders were given to keep our guns dry, for it was raining. Gilmer was gone for some time, when his voice was heard in the hollow singing Barney-Linn, a favorite black-guard song. This was notice that all was right. Orders were given that the largest horses should be on the upper side. The order was not obeyed. The river was deep, but it was remarked that not one was ducked. After passing the river, it was agreed that Enoch Gilmer should go ahead, and make all the discoveries about Ferguson that he could. He went off in a gallop. The officers kept in front of the privates at a very slow gait—the men cursing and stating if we were to have a battle, to let it be over, &c.

All were very hungry, and when we would come to a cornfield, it was soon pulled. The soldiers would cut part of the raw corn off the cobb, and haul the remainder to their horses. After travelling some miles, the officers saw Gilmer’s horse at a gate about three-quarters of a mile ahead. They gave whip to their horses, and went at full speed to the gate—alighted, and went into the house. Gilmer was sitting at a table eating. Campbell exclaimed, “We have got you—you d——d rascal.” Gilmer replied, “a true King’s man by G——d.” Campbell in order to try Gilmer’s metamorphosis, had provided himself with a rope, with a running noose on it, threw it over Gilmer’s neck. Gilmer commenced crying and begging. Campbell swore that they would hang him on the bow of the gate—when Chronicle stated that it was wrong to hang him there, for his ghost would haunt the women, who were now in tears. Campbell observed that was right, that we will hang him on the first stooping limb of a tree that they should pass on the road—then sending Gilmer along one or two hundred yards, Gilmer crying and begging for his life, the rope was taken from his neck, and he mounted his horse, and was asked what news he had obtained. He stated as follows:—That when he came to the Tory’s house, he professed to be a true King’s man, that he was wishing to join Col. Ferguson, and desired to know where he was, and that he had kissed the two Tory women; that the youngest of the two informed him, that she had been in Ferguson’s camp that morning; that the camp was about three miles distant from that place; that she had carried him some chickens; that he was camped on a ridge between two branches where some deer hunters had a camp the last Fall. Major Chronicle and Capt. Mattocks stated that the camp referred to was their camp, and that they well knew the ground Ferguson was camped on.

Whereupon it was agreed on that they should plan the battle, as they knew the ground. They rode a short distance by themselves, and reported that it was an excellent place to surround Ferguson’s army, as the shooting would all be up hill—that there would be no danger of our destroying each other; but doubted whether we had men enough to surround them. It was then instantly agreed on by all the officers, that we would attempt to surround our foes. They immediately began to arrange their men, without stopping and assigning to each officer the part he was to take in surrounding the hill. By the time this was done, we were close to our enemy. The last whose duty was to be prescribed was Col. Wm. Graham with his men, who desired leave of absence, alleging that he had received certain intelligence that his wife was dying with the colic, about sixteen miles off, near Armstrong’s Ford on the South Fork. Campbell stated to him that should be the greatest inducement for him to stay, that he could carry the news—and if we were successful, it would be to her as good as a dose of medicine. Graham exclaimed, “Oh my dear, dear wife! Must I never see her again?” Campbell in an angry tone of voice turned to Major Chronicle, and said “shall Col. Graham have leave of absence?” To which Chronicle replied—“it is woman’s business, let him go.” Campbell told Graham he might go. Graham said he must have an escort—Chronicle told him he might have one; Graham chose David Dickey. Dickey said that he would rather be shot in [battle] than go. Chronicle said—“Dave—You must go.” Dickey said he would rather be shot on the spot; “but if I must go, I must go, I must.” Then Col. Graham and Dickey immediately took to the woods, and disappeared.[6]

Campbell then mentioned to Chronicle that as Graham has gone, you must take his place: Turning to Col. Hambright, Campbell asked “have you any objections?” He replied, that it was his wish, as Chronicle best knew the ground. Whereupon Chronicle called “come on, my South Fork boys,” and took the lead.

The hill was surrounded in a few minutes, and the battle commenced. Our enemies had two to our one; of course their fire was double that of ours. We killed 247 of them, and they killed 143 of our side, agreeably to the account of E. Gilmer and Joseph Beatty, supposed to be the most accurate of any. So that they having choice of ground, we fought them two to one; we killed as many more of them as they killed of us, and took more prisoners than we had men to guard them. But we had not a coward to face the hill that day—they all faded off, until within ten minutes of the battle, the last coward left us. Our equals were scarce, and our superiors hard to find. This is the most particular and accurate account, my friend, that I can give you.

Whereupon at the head of the Round-About, I made a similar statement to our chain-bearers, pack-horsemen, &c. Mussentine Matthews made the following reply: “Ah! you would have been a formidable and destructive set of blue hen’s chickens among eggs, if each one of you had been provided with a good stick. When anybody pretends to tell the story of that transaction, it would be to his credit to play the game of shut mouth.”[7] This elicited the following reply from Gen. Joseph McDowell:

Before that battle (referring to Ferguson’s defeat,) we had sustained two shameful and disastrous defeats—that of Gates by treachery; and that of Sumter by carelessness, in quick succession one after the other—upon which, the Tories flocked to the British camps, and increased their numbers to two or three fold; that the country was over-run, and fairly deluged with them, so much that from the pressure of their numbers, the souls of the brave, from necessity were obliged to cower under its weight, and none but the bravest of the brave withstood the shock.

At the time when the news of Gates’ defeat reached Col. Charles McDowell, he had detached Cols. Shelby and Sevier to go round Ferguson’s camp to dislodge some British and Tories on the Ennoree, near to Ninety-Six. He then sent an express to Shelby to take care of himself, for Gates was defeated. Whereupon Shelby made the best of his way round Ferguson, and fell in with Charles McDowell and the main body, retreating towards Gilbert Town. Then it was suggested by Shelby, that a sufficient force could be raised over the Mountains, with the assistance from Wilkes and Surry counties, to defeat Ferguson. This was agreed to by all the officers present. The troops were raised without Government orders; each man had to furnish his own provisions, arms, ammunition, horse, and all his equipage, without the value of a gun flint from the public; without pay, or expectation of pay or reward, even to the amount of a Continental dollar depreciated to eight hundred to one. They were all volunteers; they were under no compulsion to go, but each man in advance consulted his own courage, well knowing he was going to fight before his return. They started in a rainy, inclement season of the year, without baggage wagon, pack-horse, or tent cloth, across the most rugged bar of mountains in the State, and almost pathless, having only a hunter’s trail to travel, followed Ferguson through all his windings; at length over took him at King’s Mountain, where he boasted the morning of the battle, that “he was on King’s Mountain, and that he was king of that Mountain, and that God Almighty could not drive him from it.” There we over-hauled him, fought him two to one—hence their fire was double that of ours; yet we killed 287 [247] of them, to 143 they killed of us. Yet the fate of nations and of battles turn on a pivot. Ferguson, a prudent officer, finding himself beset and surrounded on all sides, ordered his regulars, who had muskets and bayonets, to charge bayonets on Major Chronicle’s South Fork boys: The regulars having discharged their muskets at a short distance with effect, in turn the Fork Boys discharged their rifles with fatal effect, and retreated, keeping before the points of the bayonets about twenty feet, until they loaded again, when they discharged their rifles, each man dropping his man. This was treatment that British courage could not stand; they in turn retreated with precipitation; then the flag was hoisted, and all was over.

If they had succeeded in the charge, it would have made a pass-way for his army, and they might have turned on our line on the one side of the hill, and defeated us in detail, or have made good their march to Lord Cornwallis at Charlotte, either of which would have been disastrous to the American cause. We had neither a coward or a traitor to face the hill that day. We were the bravest of the brave; we were a formidable flock of blue hen’s chickens of the game blood, of indomitable courage, and strangers to fear. We were well provided with sticks; we made the egg shells—British and Tory skulls—fly, like onion peelings in a windy day; the blue cocks flapped their wings and crowed—“we are all for Liberty these times;” and all was over; our equals were scarce, and our superiors hard to find.

Taking the whole campaign, including the battle, I know of no parallel to it in the annals of ancient or Modern warfare; the nearest was that of the Grecian Leonidas and his army at the battle of Thermopylae with the Great Xerxes. Leonidas and his army were found, victualled and clothed at public expense; each individual of our army had to find at his own expense; Leonidas’ army were under Governmental orders; we were under no government at all, but were volunteers; Leonidas’ army were furnished with arms and camp equipage: We had to find our own arms, ammunition and horses at our own expense; Leonidas’ army were under Government pay; we were under no pay or reward, or the expectation of any; Leonidas’ army had choice of ground at the pass at Thermopylae; our enemies had the boasted choice of ground; Leonidas’ army had to fight superior numbers—so had we; Leonidas had never a coward—neither had we any; but Leonidas had a traitor who was his over-throw and destruction of all but one man: We had neither coward or traitor to face our enemy—hence we were successful: Leonidas would have been successful, and have defeated or put to flight the great Xerxes if he had not had a traitor aboard; Leonidas’ defeat was the destruction of the fine country of Greece, and the burning and destruction of their fine city of Athens, the labor of ages: Our success was the salvation of our country and our liberty. There is no parallel here: We will see if there is any in modern times.