Part 7
When first the _Europeans_ went to settle at _Richmond_, the _Esquimaux_, who reside about this part, kept them in a continual state of alarm all the winter, by lurking about the woods, in their sledges drawn by dogs. At length an English boy was missing from the settlement; and, after some difficulty, two _Esquimaux_ were seized, and confined in separate apartments. In order to recover the absent youth, the settlers made use of a stratagem. A musket was discharged in a remote apartment; and the settlers entering the room in which one of the _Esquimaux_ was confined, they informed him, by signs, that his comrade had been put to death, for decoying away the boy; and they gave him to understand, at the same time, that he must prepare to undergo the same fate, unless he would faithfully pledge himself to restore the absentee. The _Esquimaux_ naturally promised every thing; and on being set at liberty, he made the best of his way into the woods, and, of course, was never afterwards heard of. They kept the other native for some time a prisoner: at length, he tried to effect his escape, by boldly seizing the sentinel’s firelock at night, but the piece accidentally going off, he was so terrified at the report, that they easily replaced him in confinement: yet either the loss of liberty, a supposition that his countryman had been murdered, or that he was himself reserved for some cruel death, deprived the poor wretch of reason. As he became exceedingly troublesome, the settlers held a conference as to the most eligible mode of getting rid of him; and it being deemed _good policy_ to deter the natives from similar offences, by making an example, they accordingly shot the poor maniac in cold blood, without having given themselves the trouble to ascertain whether he were really guilty or innocent.
Possessing only the plain leading facts of this affair[25], it is not easy to determine how far existing circumstances might have justified such an act of severity towards an ignorant being, who was also, perhaps, totally innocent. The reasons ought certainly to have been weighty which induced them to put the poor man to death; and I hope they will be able hereafter to reconcile the deed to God and to their own consciences.
After this time, _Richmond_ was abandoned as a permanent establishment; and they fell into the present method of visiting this place only during the fishing season, and returning to pass the winter at _East-Main Factory_. Captain _Turner_, however, represented to the _Hudson’s-Bay Company_, that, in his opinion, want of perseverance was alone necessary to render _Richmond_ a safe and permanent settlement; and that, by having people on the spot, ready to begin fishing early in the spring of the year, much greater profit would necessarily accrue to the Company. Accordingly, he received directions to take thither seven people, who were to remain at _Richmond_ during the whole winter. In the spring of the succeeding year, the northern or _Hunting Indians_, who had visited _Richmond_ in pursuit of game, came, as usual, to barter their furs at _East-Main Factory_; at the same time bringing the dreadful intelligence that the seven unfortunate _Europeans_ had been murdered by the _Esquimaux_. The bodies of some of the settlers were afterwards found; although it be by no means certain that they were killed by the _Esquimaux_: such, however, is a fair presumption, as this people had before displayed a hostile disposition in the case of the boy; and the place was rifled of all the metal, of which the _Esquimaux_ are known to be remarkably fond: add to this, that the northern _Indians_ had long been accustomed to trade yearly at _East Main_, and no instance had ever been known of their behaving with treachery towards the _Europeans_.
On the other hand, we must allow, that the _Hunting Indians_ and the _Esquimaux_ live in a state of constant enmity, and, consequently, that their evil reports of each other should be cautiously received. It is also certain, that the northern _Indians_ are as partial to spirituous liquors as the _Esquimaux_ are to metals. Three bloody shirts, belonging to the murdered settlers, were found in the tent of a northern _Indian_, which he alleged to have taken from the bodies of the slain, after the _Esquimaux_ had quitted them. Upon the whole, it remains uncertain whether the settlers at _Richmond_ perished by the hands of the _Esquimaux_, or by those of the northern _Indians_: for my own part, I should be inclined to the former opinion. This catastrophe has effectually put a stop to any further attempts towards establishing a permanent settlement at _Richmond Bay_.
The following anecdote of Mr. _Darby_, the father of the celebrated Mrs. _Mary Robinson_, will shew that the _Esquimaux_ are of a treacherous disposition, and extremely averse from any settlements being made on their coasts.
Mr. _Darby_ had long fostered in his mind a scheme of establishing a whale fishery upon the coast of _Labrador_, and of civilizing the _Esquimaux Indians_, in order to employ them in the extensive undertaking. Hazardous and wild as this plan appeared to his wife and to his friends, Mr. _Darby_ persevered in his resolution to prosecute it; and actually obtained the approbation and encouragement of some of the leading men at that time in power, who promoted his designs. To facilitate the execution of his plan, he deemed it necessary to reside at least two years in _America_. His wife felt an invincible antipathy for the sea, and, of course, heard his determination with horror. The pleadings of affection, of reason, and of prudence, were alike ineffectual, and he sailed for _America_.
The issue of this rash enterprise proved quite as unfortunate as it was predicted. Mr. _Darby_ had embarked in it his whole fortune; and it failed. The noble patrons of his plan deceived him in their assurances of marine protection, and the island of promise became a scene of desolation. “_The Indians rose in a body, burnt his settlement, murdered many of his people, and turned the product of their toil adrift on the merciless ocean._”—This great misfortune was followed by other commercial losses; and the family of this too enterprising man were, in consequence, reduced from a state of affluence and luxury to a very different condition[26].
Having now described the whole of the Factories established upon the sea-coast of _Hudson’s Bay_, it will be necessary to say something of the interior: this is so far from being unknown, that a man may with safety travel from _Hudson’s Bay_ to _Quebec_, in _Canada_, by land. The _Hudson’s-Bay Company_ have many small factories, or rather mart-houses, dispersed in all directions, for upwards of one thousand miles in the interior; to which the _Indians_ bring furs, feathers, quills, &c. in exchange for cloths, blankets, ammunition, fowling-pieces, trinkets, &c. The furs thus collected are sent down the rivers, in large boats, to the factories on the sea-coast, whence they are shipped off for Europe, as before described. There is great jealousy existing between the _Hudson’s-Bay_ traders and the _Canadian Company_, styled the _North-West Adventurers_, respecting the traffic in _peltry_ with the _Indians_. As the mart-houses of the two parties meet inland, each uses all the means in its power to induce the natives to barter furs with themselves, in preference to their opponents: nay, to such a pitch have they carried their mutual animosity, that it is not long since a man in the Company’s employ actually killed a _Canadian_ trader, in a dispute relative to the purchase of some furs from the _Indians_; for which offence the culprit was tried at _Montreal_: and as it appeared that the _Canadian_ had given him sufficient provocation, the jury returned a verdict of manslaughter.
The _Indians_ have not failed to observe this competition, so impolitic on both parts, and they profit by it accordingly.
Each factory and mart-house has its _Chief_, appointed by the Company; and there is also a northern and southern Superintendant, who is directed to visit all the places of note within his district, at least once in the year. The northern department comprises _Churchill_, _York_, and _Severn_ factories, on the coast; and the southern embraces _Albany_, _Moose_, _East Main_, and _Richmond_. To determine the interior limits of each, an imaginary line of demarcation is drawn east and west from _Hudson’s Bay_ to the _Stony Mountains_.
With respect to the inhabitants of this vast desert I shall say but little, as Sir _Alexander M^cKenzie_ has given a very full description of the various tribes by which it is peopled[27]. The most populous of all, perhaps, are the _Cree Indians_: they appear to me to be the same race described by the before-mentioned author, under the name of _Knisteneaux_. They occupy the country from _Churchill_ nearly as far south as _Moose_, and are found scattered almost as far to the west as the _Stony Mountains_; but their numbers have been much diminished of late, owing to the small-pox. When this dreadful malady first reached this country, as the _Indians_ were not aware of any remedy by which they could counteract its violence, they were accustomed to leave the person afflicted in the midst of a wood, with a sufficient stock of food for two or three days’ subsistence; and when this scanty provision was expended, the unhappy victim must have necessarily perished with hunger. The banks of the rivers, for a time, exhibited a most loathsome spectacle, of bodies which had thus fallen a sacrifice to this disorder.
Besides the _Cree_ or _Knisteneaux Indians_, there are innumerable tribes spread over the interior of this vast country; the principal of which are, the _Copper_, _Dog-ribbed_, and _Hare-foot Indians_, towards the north; the _Swees_, _Bongees_, _Slave_, and _Stone Indians_, towards the west; likewise a variety of tribes inhabiting the southern country around _Moose_, such as the _Mistassins_, and others. The different tribes have frequently wars with each other; and they appear to agree unanimously in one respect only, that is to say, in universal and eternal hatred of the _Esquimaux_. However, it fortunately happens, from the contrariety of their modes of life, that their parties seldom come into contact with each other, and consequently the battles between them are very rare.
It remains now to speak of one of the most enterprising speculations, perhaps, ever undertaken by a single person; namely, the attempt lately made by Lord _Selkirk_ to establish a colony upon the banks of the _Red River_, in a situation nearly equidistant from _York Factory_ and _Lake Superior_, and in the latitude of 50° N.[28]
His Lordship holds this land by a grant of 12,000 square acres from the _Hudson’s-Bay Company_. The first settlers left _Sligo_ in the year 1811; and arriving in _Hudson’s Bay_, they past the winter of that year at _York Factory_. In the spring of 1812, they proceeded to their destination, under the command of a Captain _M^cDonald_, formerly belonging to a veteran corps in _Canada_: but this gentleman seems deficient in the essential art of conciliating those who are placed under his government: however, the situation of the colony is undoubtedly good, and the soil so fertile as to produce every thing almost spontaneously. The winters, indeed, are more severe than in places upon the same parallel of latitude in Europe, but much milder than at _Moose_, or any of the factories in _Hudson’s Bay_; and yet even at _Moose_ they produce barley, if it be a fine year; and _Orkney_ oats every year, by sowing them a short distance from the sea-beach. Still, it is extremely doubtful if ever his Lordship’s descendants will derive much benefit from their father’s mighty speculations; unless, indeed, he could prevail upon his tenants to grant him a sort of tithe from their produce, in lieu of rent. With this corn he could supply the _Hudson’s-Bay_ settlements, which would save the Company a considerable expense, and they might repay his Lordship in the current coin of the realm.
The _Prince of Wales_ took out many women and settlers for the colony, as also a Mr. _White_, to act as surgeon. Lord _Selkirk_ has agreed with this gentleman, to give him a yearly stipend of 100_l._ together with a grant of five hundred acres of land, and a labourer four days in the week for its cultivation.
It is difficult to imagine what were his Lordship’s intentions with respect to the colony at _Red River_. Allowing the luxuriance of the soil to answer his fullest expectations, by what possible means could the produce be conveyed to an adequate market, so as to repay the expenses of its carriage? The communication between the colony and _York Factory_ is kept up by boats, through the great _Lake Winnepeg_; a little to the southward of which runs the _Asnaboyne_ or _Red River_: yet the channels of the different rivers are so full of falls, rapids, portages and carrying-places, that the labour of conveying the boats is immense, and consequently quite unfit for the purposes of commerce, except it be in furs, and in such light merchandize.
It was for some time believed that a large opening to the northward of _Richmond_, and near to _Cape Smith_, was an inlet to some large inland sea; but, in the year 1786, Mr. _Davison_, an officer in one of the Company’s ships, was sent in a schooner to explore the same. The following extract contains the description of his progress, as expressed by himself. “On entering the bight, and perceiving no land a-head, we sat down to a bottle of wine, and drank success to the new discovery: however, we were soon chagrined by the appearance of some low islands stretching across the opening; and shortly afterwards, coming to an anchor under one of them, we climbed to the top of it, and, to our great mortification, we perceived that the supposed sea was nothing more than a deep gulf, terminated at the bottom by thick clusters of islands, among which the sea ran winding in romantic mazes. Here we found the _Esquimaux_, who bartered away their dresses, &c. with great avidity, for any sort of metal.”—Notwithstanding this clear statement, there are experienced men who still suppose that an inland sea does exist; and for these reasons:—1st. There is a continual current setting to the east from _Cape Henrietta Maria_, towards the supposed opening; 2dly, The bay ship, in her voyage to _Moose_, has frequently observed a large glut of loose ice off _Cape Henrietta Maria_, which, before her return, has entirely disappeared; and whither could it have drifted with a strong easterly current, unless some opening had admitted its escape from the bay?—These are the reasons for and against the existence of the supposed sea; but it is to be regretted, that the Company do not make a decisive attempt to ascertain the fact.
It will now be necessary to return to the proceedings of the ship.
August _24th_.—Course run S. W. by W. ¼W. 34 miles. In the morning, past to the northward of _Mansfield_, a very long, low, level island, lying about seventeen leagues to the westward of _Cape Diggs_. Its extent from north to south is said to be full sixty miles. As it abounds with marshes and ponds of fresh water, it may be considered as the grand nursery of those innumerable flocks of wild geese and ducks which afterwards line the shores of _Hudson’s Bay_: however, it is but seldom visited; and the ships generally avoid going too near to it, in consequence of some shoals that lay around the shore. Towards evening, we steered away W. S. W. by compass.
August _25th_.—Course run S. S. W. ¾ W. 101 miles. As there is generally a glut of ice floating about the centre of _Hudson’s Bay_, a ship, on leaving _Mansfield Island_, and having a northerly wind, ought to steer for _Cape Churchill_, until they reach within sixty leagues of the land, when they may alter the course, and steer for _York_ direct. It is necessary to make this angle, to avoid the body of ice in question. Another thing worthy of remark is, that if a ship steer in for _Cape Churchill_ until she have forty fathoms water, she may be certain of being in latitude of the Cape: and when she reaches within five or six leagues of the land, she will have eighteen fathoms water. But a navigator must be cautious to make allowance for the southerly current, which sets continually along the western coast of _Hudson’s Bay_.
August _26th_.—Course run S. W. ¼ S. 56 miles. The wind this day to the S. S. W. Our latitude at noon was 60°. 11′. N. ship still standing to the westward. It has been already noticed, that the officers of the _Hudson’s-Bay_ ships have a motive in concealing from the public the knowledge which they actually possess relative to the navigation of the Northern Seas; and I pledged myself to explain that motive at a proper opportunity. I cannot undertake this unpleasant task at a more apposite time than the present, when it may serve to enliven the dulness of a few nautical remarks, which I think it necessary to insert into this part of my Journal.
In the first place, it is proper to state, that this illiberal concealment has its origin in the Company themselves, who (as I am told by their own officers) have issued the strictest and most peremptory commands to the people in their employment, “that they take especial care to conceal all papers, and every other document, which may tend to throw light upon the Company’s fur-trade.”—It is probable that the Company had no other motive in issuing these directions, than to keep themselves and their gains shrowded in a profound silence; as it appears that, above all other things, they wish their trading concerns not to become a topic of general conversation in the mother-country. Actuated by such principles, the officers of the _Hudson’s-Bay_ ships conceive it to be their duty to conceal likewise all those remarks which their experience has taught them to make upon the navigation of the _Northern Seas_: consequently, nothing can be more incorrect than the Chart supplied by the _Admiralty_ for the guidance of a man-of-war in _Hudson’s Straits_: it absolutely bears no resemblance to the channel of which it is intended to be an exact delineation. During the time we continued in _Hudson’s Straits_, the _Rosamond_ was entirely piloted by a chart belonging to the chief mate of the _Prince of Wales_, and one of his own making; yet he was so jealous of his performance, that he was highly offended at our Master’s having endeavoured to take a copy of it; and from thenceforward kept his charts carefully locked up. When I questioned him, with some freedom, on this mysterious conduct, the selfish motive stood at once confessed: he feared lest, from others attaining the same knowledge as himself, they might be induced to enter into the service of the Company, and thereby possibly supplant him in his situation. And such I found to be the motives which induced the majority of these experienced seamen to keep their truly valuable information concealed within their own bosoms. After the foregoing statement, it will be unnecessary to explain my reasons for inserting the very few nautical observations which I was enabled to collect.
August _27th_.—Course run, W. S. W. ¼ W. 87 miles.
We continued running all this day across the bay, with a fine leading wind. Our latitude at noon was 59°. 40′. N.
August _28th_.—Course run W. S. W. 74 miles.
At noon this day we sounded, and found that we were in eighty fathoms water. About sun-set we observed a large body of ice to windward; our latitude at this time 58°. 56′. N.; and longitude, by chronometer, 89°. 50′. W. It is about this spot that the _Hudson’s-Bay_ ships generally calculate on seeing ice, allowing they meet with it at all.
August _29th_.—Course run S. by W. ¼ W. 68 miles.
At 1 A.M. we sounded in sixty-seven fathoms water. At four in the morning, the wind suddenly increased to a violent gale, which died away again at sunset. Our latitude at noon was 58°. 6′. N.; longitude, 90° W. Towards night-fall we sounded in forty-two fathoms, with a muddy bottom; and at the same time we caught an owl and a hawk, which we considered as sure signs of the vicinity of land.
August _30th_.—As we were now running in to make the land, I shall insert a Table of the Soundings, taken from the depth of water, which we ascertained last night at sun-set.
Table _of_ Soundings _ascertained on the 30th of_ August, _while standing in for the Land to the Southward of_ York Factory.
Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom. Course, by since last Water. Compass. Soundings.
4 A.M. S. S. W. 20 Miles 25 Fathoms Mud 5^h 0^m Ditto 4 Ditto 21 Ditto Ditto 5.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 15 Ditto Ditto 6.0 Ditto 5 Ditto 14 Ditto Ditto 6.30 Ditto 5 Ditto 19 Ditto Ditto & sand 7.0 Ditto 6 Ditto 12 Ditto Sand & pebbles _Note._—At seven o’clock in the morning we saw the trees a-head, the land itself being too low to be seen. The land probably about seven leagues distant. 7.30 S. by W. 5 Ditto 9½ Ditto Ditto 7.50 Ditto 2 Ditto 7 Ditto Ditto
As we continued beating to windward, in various soundings, all the forenoon, I shall not mark them down, but proceed to 1 P.M. when _Cape Tottenham_ bore S. by E. five leagues distant.
Table _of_ Soundings _ascertained on the 30th of_ August, _while standing in for the Land to the Southward of_ York Factory;—continued from the preceding page.
Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom. Course, by since last Water. Compass. Soundings.
1 P.M. We had —— 13 Fathoms Rocky and gravelly, which denotes the Cape bearing S. by E. 2^h. 0^m. W. N. W. 4½ Miles 14 Ditto Rocky. 3.— Ditto 6 Ditto 23 Ditto Ditto 5.— S. S. E. 5 Ditto 26 Ditto Brown sand. 6.— Ditto 5 Ditto 17 Ditto Mud, shells, and stones. 7.30 Southward 7½ Ditto 8 Ditto Mud. & Westward 9.— Ditto 7 Ditto 11 Ditto Ditto 9.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 11 Ditto Sand. 10.— Ditto 2 Ditto 11½ Ditto Ditto 10.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Fine sand. 11.— Ditto 2 Ditto 12 Ditto Very fine sand. 11.30 Ditto 2 Ditto 14 Ditto Gravelly sand, and black specks. 12.— Ditto 2 Ditto 14½ Ditto Very fine sand.
Table _of_ Soundings _ascertained on the 31st of_ August, while standing in for the Land to the Southward of York Factory.
Hours. Ship’s Distance run Depth of Bottom. Course, by since last Water. Compass. Soundings.