xxiii. 49) from those in Andover and adjacent towns to the General

Court, urging that their children should not be bound out to service. Cf. also Aaron Hobart’s _Abington_, App. F., and “Lancaster in Acadie and Acadiens in Lancaster,” by H. S. Nourse, in _Bay State Monthly_, i. 239; _Granite Monthly_, vii. 239. More came to Boston in the first shipment than were expected, and New Hampshire was asked to receive the excess. _N. H. Prov. Records_, vi. 445, 446.

[1016] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1862, p. 142.

[1017] Jasper Mauduit’s letter to the House of Representatives, relating to a reimbursement of the expense of supporting the French neutrals, 1763. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 189. Among the Bernard Papers (_Sparks MSS._), ii. 279, is a letter from Bernard to Capt. Brookes, dated Castle William, Sept. 26, 1762, forbidding the landing of Acadians from his “transports.” There is also in _Ibid._, ii. 83, a letter of Gov. Bernard, July 20, 1763, in which he speaks of a proposition which had been made to the French neutrals then in the province, to go to France on invitation of the French government. “Many of these people,” he adds, “are industrious, and would, I believe, prefer this country and become subjects of Great Britain in earnest, if they were assured of liberty of conscience.” The governor accordingly asks instructions from the Lords of Trade. The number of such people intending to go was, as he says, 1,019 in all, which he considers very near if not quite the whole number in the province. Bernard expressed a hope that he could induce them to settle rather at Miramichi, as he had formed a high opinion of their industry and frugality (p. 86). When some of them wished to migrate to Saint Pierre, the small island near the St. Lawrence Gulf, then lately confirmed to France, the governor and council tried to persuade them to remain.

[1018] See further in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 513, 581; _Penna. Col. Recs._, vii. 45, 55, 239-241, 408-410.

[1019] Cf. also his _Contributions to Amer. History_ (1858), and _Philad. American and Gazette_, Mar. 29, 1856.

[1020] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 147. Cf. also Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 475-79; Johnston’s _Cecil County_ (1881), p. 263.

[1021] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 268, 280, 293, 306, 347, 360, 363, 379, 380, 396, 408, 444, 538.

[1022] _Hist. Georgia_, i. 505.

[1023] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 410, 412, 417, 463, 479, 544.

[1024] Akins’ _Selections_, etc., 303; R. I. _Col. Rec._, v. 529.

[1025] In July, 1756, Governor Spencer Phips gave orders to detain seven boats, containing ninety persons.

[1026] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, vii. 125.

[1027] R. L. Daniels in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xix. 383.

[1028] From January to May, 1765, 650 arrived from the English colonies. Gayarré, _Louisiana, its history as a French colony_ (N. Y., 1852), pp. 122, 132.

[1029] Parkman, i. 282-3. There are various papers of uncertain value in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, vol. i., respecting the fate and numbers of the exiles. One paper dated at London in 1763 says there were 866 in England, 2,000 in France, and 10,000 in the English colonies. Another French document of the same year places the number in France at from three thousand to thirty-five hundred. There are among these papers plans for establishing some at Guiana, with letters from others at Miquelon and at Cherbourg.

[1030] Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 77.

[1031] See chapter viii.

[1032] Sabin, ix. 36,727; Boston Public Library, 4426.17; Harvard Coll. lib., 4375.39; Haven, _Ante Rev. Bibliog._, p. 540. Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 81) refers to five letters from Amherst to Pitt, written during the siege, which he got from the English Public Record Office, copies of which are in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. Cf. _Proc._, 2d ser., i. p. 360.

[1033] There is an abstract in English of the journal of a French officer during the siege, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1881, p. 179.

[1034] He sometimes called himself Thomas Signis Tyrrell, after his mother’s family. Cf. Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc. of N. Scotia_, p. 229, where some of Pichon’s papers, preserved at Halifax, are printed.

[1035] Sabin, xv. 62,610-11; Brinley, i. no. 71; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,274-75. There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1883, etc.) Drucour’s account of the defences of Louisbourg (iv. 145); Lahoulière’s account of the siege, dated Aug. 6, 1758 (iv. 176), and other narratives (iii. 465-486).

[1036] Also, _Ibid._, p. 188, is a journal of a subsequent scout of Montresor’s through the island.

[1037] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,184.

[1038] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,389.

[1039] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,680.

[1040] Particularly letters of Nathaniel Cotton, a chaplain on one of the ships.

[1041] Cf. references in Barry’s _Massachusetts_, ii. p. 230. There are some letters in the _Penna. Archives_, ii., 442, etc.

[1042] Vol. III. p. 8.

[1043] Vol. II. p. 108.

[1044] Vol. III. p. 9.

[1045] Vol. II. p. 122.

[1046] Vol. IV. p. 92.

[1047] Vol. III. p. 213.

[1048] Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the blue book, _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.

[1049] Vol. IV. p. 380.

[1050] Vol. IV. p. 382.

[1051] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1052] Vol. III. p. 306.

[1053] Vol. IV. p. 383.

[1054] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1055] Vol. IV. p. 384.

[1056] Vol. IV. p. 386.

[1057] Vol. IV. p. 388.

[1058] Vol. IV. p. 390.

[1059] Vol. IV. p. 391.

[1060] Vol. IV. p. 148.

[1061] Vol. IV. p. 393.

[1062] The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In _De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670-71) the map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen,” represents the great lakes beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, _Die unbekante Neue Welt_, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked “per Jacobum Meursium.” Ogilby’s English version, _America, being an accurate description of the New World_ (London, 1670), though using for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map of America, “per Johannem Ogiluium.” This volume has an extra map of the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in Montanus. These maps are repeated in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, _America, being the latest and most accurate description of the new world_. It will be remembered that Pope, in the _Dunciad_ (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for his ponderous folio,—

“Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great.”

[1063] Vol. III. p. 383.

[1064] Vol. IV. p. 249.

[1065] Vol. IV. p. 228.

[1066] See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the _North American boundary_, Part i. London, 1840.

[1067] For further references, see sections v. and vi. of “The Kohl Collection of Maps,” published in _Harvard Univ. Bulletin_, 1884-85. Cf. also the _Mémoire pour les limites de in Nouvelle France et de la Nouvelle Angleterre_ (1689) in _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531. In later volumes of this _Collection_ will be found (vol. iii. p. 49) “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans par le Père Charlevoix,” dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii. p. 522); “Mémoire sur les limites de l’Acadie,” dated 1755. here is an historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 781.

[1068] Moll’s maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon. Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called _The world displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires_, etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720.

[1069] This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about 1721. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 170. There was a claim upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth Colony, and in elucidation of such claims _A patent for Plymouth in New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the Colony, etc._, was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the _Belknap Papers_, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is called _A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson’s, Esq^r., from Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin^s. Jones’ Survey in 1751, and from John North’s late survey in 1752_. _Attest, Thomas Johnston_. The Belknap copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it is a tract called _Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick_, dated at Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince’s notes upon it.

[1070] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 894. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 93.

[1071] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 915.

[1072] _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 23,615 (fol. 72).

[1073] Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746, by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, _An account of the French settlements in North America ... claimed and improved by the French king_. _By a gentleman_.

[1074] Jefferys reproduced this map in the _Gentleman’s Mag._ in 1746.

[1075] Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the _London Mag._, 1749, p. 181.

[1076] Sabin, xii. no. 47,552.

[1077] See Vol. IV. p. 154.

[1078] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.

[1079] Rich, _Bibl. Amer._ (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691.

[1080] The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William Bollan’s _Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton_, etc. (London, 1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the _Miscellaneous State Papers_, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited by the name of the editor, as the _Hardwicke Papers_. Cf. also _Actes, mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d’Utrecht, depuis l’année 1706 jusqu’à présent_. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W. Gerard’s _Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty of 1713-14, and of the principal events of the war of the Spanish succession_ (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the American aspects of the treaty.

[1081] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981.

[1082] To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston, _Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to Great Britain_, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same year. Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 1,407; _Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib._, p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the _Nova Scotia Hist. Coll._, i. 105.

[1083] The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne MSS. in the _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, iii. 141.

[1084] The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set forth in _A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their authorities in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry to the courts of Europe. Translated from the French._ New York, 1757. The 2d volume of the original 4to ed. and the 3d volume of the 12mo edition contain the following treaties which are not in the London edition, later to be mentioned:—

1629, Apr. 24, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Suze.

1632, Mar. 29, between Louis XIII. and Charles I., at Saint Germain-en-Laye.

1655, Nov. 3, between France and England, at Westminster.

1667, July 21-31, between France and England, at Breda; and one of alliance between Charles II. and the Netherlands.

1678, Aug. 10, between Louis XIV. and the Netherlands, at Nimégue.

1686, Nov. 16. Neutrality for America, between France and England, at London.

1687, Dec. 1-11. Provisional, between France and England, concerning America, at Whitehall.

1697, Sept. 20, between France and England, at Ryswick. [This treaty is also in the _Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l’histoire de la Nouvelle France_ (Quebec, 1884), vol. ii.]

1712, Aug. 19. Suspension of arms between France and England, at Paris.

1713, Mar. 31-11 Apr. Peace between France and England, and treaty of navigation and commerce, at Utrecht.

1748, Oct. 18, between France, England, and the Netherlands, at Aix-la-Chapelle.

The _Bedford Correspondence_ (3 vols., 1842) is of the first importance in elucidating the negotiations which led to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The _Mémoires_ of Paris and the _Memorials_ of London also track the dispute over the St. Lucia (island) question, but in the present review that part need not be referred to.

[1085] It is said to have been arranged by Charles Townshend. Cf. Vol. IV. index.

[1086]

1. Memorial describing the limits, etc. (in French and English), signed Sept. 21, 1750, by W. Shirley and W. Mildmay.

2. “Mémoires sur l’Acadie” of the French commissioners, Sept. 21 and Nov. 16, 1750.

3. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English), Jan. 11, 1751.

4. Memoir of the French commissioners (en réponse), Oct. 4, 1751. The “preuves” are cited at the foot of each page.

5. Memorial of the English commissioners (in French and English) in reply to no. 4. The “authorities” are given at the foot of the page. It is signed at Paris, Jan. 23, 1753, by William Mildmay and Ruvigny de Cosne.

6. “Pièces justificatives,” supporting the memoir of the English commissioners, Jan. 11, 1751, viz.:—

Concession of James I. to Thomas Gates, Apr., 1606 (in French and English).

Concession of James I. to Sir Wm. Alexander, Sept., 1621 (in Latin), being the same as that of Charles I., July 12, 1625.

Occurrences in Acadia and Canada in 1627-28, by Louis Kirk, as found in the papers of the Board of Trade (in French and English).

Lettres patentes au Sieur d’Aulnay Charnisay, Feb., 1647.

Lettres patentes au Sieur de la Tour, 1651. [There are various papers on the La Tour-D’Aulnay controversy in _Collection de Manuscrits_, Quebec, 1884, ii. 351, etc.]

Extract from Memoirs of Crowne, 1654 (in French and English).

Orders of Cromwell to Capt. Leverett, Sept. 18, 1656 (in French and English).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie au Roi de France, 17 Feb., 1667-8 (in French and English).

Letters of Temple, 1668 (in French and English).

Lettre du Sieur Morillon du Bourg, dated “à Boston, le 9 Nov., 1668.”

Order of Charles II. to Temple to surrender Acadia, Aug. 6, 1669 (in French and English).

Temple’s order to Capt. Walker to surrender Acadia, July 7, 1670 (in French and English).

Act of surrender of Pentagoet by Walker, Aug. 5, 1670 (in French and English).

Procès verbal de prise de possession du fort de Gemisick, Aug. 27, 1670.

Certificate de la redition de Port Royal, Sept. 2, 1670.

Ambassadeur de France au Roi d’Angleterre, Jan. 16, 1685.

Vins saisis à Pentagoet, 1687.

John Nelson to the lord justices of England, 1697 (in French and English).

Gouverneur Villebon à Gouverneur Stoughton, Sept. 5, 1698.

Vernon to Lord Lexington, Ap. 29, 1700 (in French and English).

Board of Trade to Queen Anne, June 2, 1709 (in French and English).

Promesse du Sieur de Subercase, Oct. 23, 1710.

Premières Propositions de la France, Ap. 22, 1711.

Réponses de la France, Oct. 8, 1711, aux demands de la Grand Bretagne (in French and English).

Instruction to British plenipotentiaries for making a treaty with France, Dec. 23, 1711 (in French and English).

Mémoire de M. St. Jean, May 24, 1712 (in French and English).

Réponses du Roi au mémoire envoyé de Londres, June 5-10, 1712.

Offers of France, Demands for England, the King’s Answers, Sept. 10, 1712 (in French and English).

Treaty of Utrecht, art. xii. (in Latin and French).

Acte de cession de l’Acadie par Louis XIV., May, 1713.

7. Table des Citations, etc., dans le mémoire des Com. Français, Oct. 4, 1751, viz.—

_Ouvrages imprimés_: Traités, 1629-1749; Mémoires, etc., par les Com. de sa Majesté Britannique; Titres et pièces communiquées aux Com. de sa Majesté Britannique.

_Pièces manuscrites_;—

1632, May 19. Concession à Rasilly.

1635, Jan. 15. Concession à Charles de St. Étienne.

1638, Feb. 10. Lettre du Roy au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1641, Feb. 13. Ordre du Roi au Sieur d’Aunay Charnisay.

1643, Mar. 6. Arrêt.

1645, June 6. Commission du Roi an Sieur de Montmagny.

1651, Jan. 17. Provisions en faveur du Sieur Lauson.

1654, Jan. 30. Provision pour le Sieur Denis.

1654, Aug. 16. Capitulation de Port Royal.

1656, Aug. 9. Concession faite par Cromwell.

1657, Jan. 26. Lettres patentes en faveur du Vicomte d’Argenson.

1658, Mar. 12. Arrêt (against departing without leave).

1663, Jan. 19. Concession des isles de le Madelaine, etc., au Sieur Doublet.

1663, May 1. Lettres patentes an Gov. de Mezy.

1664, Feb. 1. Concession an Sieur Doublet (discovery in St. Jean Island).

1668, Nov. 29. Lettre du Temple an Sieur du Bourg.

1669, Mar. 8. Ordre du Roi d’Angleterre au Temple pour restituer l’Acadie.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession de la terre de Soulanges par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 16. Concession an Sieur Joibert de Soulanges du fort de Gemisik par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1676, Oct. 24. Concession de Chigneto au Sieur le Neuf de la Vallière par Frontenac et Duchesneau.

1684. M. de Meules au Roi.

1684. Requête des habitans de la Coste du sud du fleuve St. Laurent.

1684, Sept. 20. Concessions des Sieurs de la Barre et de Meules au Sieur d’Amour Ecuyer, de la rivière de Richibouctou, et an Sieur Clignancourt, de terres à la rivière St. Jean.

1686. Mémoire de M. de Meules sur la Baye de Chedabouctou.

1689, Jan. 7. Concession à la rivière St. Jean au Sieur du Breuil.

1710, Oct. 3. Lettre de Nicholson à Subercase.

[1087] This document was also published at the Hague in 1756, as _Répliques des Commissaires Anglois: ou Mémoire présenté, le 23 Janvier, 1753_, with a large folding map.

[1088] The maps of Huske and Mitchell (1755), showing the claims of the French and English throughout the continent, are noted on a previous page (_ante_, p. 84), and that of Huske is there sketched. In a _New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, London, 1756, etc., are maps of “Newfoundland and Nova Scotia,” and of “New England and parts adjacent,” showing the French claim as extending to the line of the Kennebec, and following the water-shed between the St. Lawrence and the Atlantic.

[1089] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,028. A French translation appeared the next year: _Conduite des François par rapport à la Nouvelle Ecosse, depuis le premier établissement de cette colonie jusqu’à nos jours. Traduit de l’Anglois avec des notes d’un François_ [George Marie Butel-Dumont]. Londres, 1755. The next year (1756) a reply, said to be by M. de la Grange de Chessieux, was printed at Utrecht, _La Conduite des François justifiée_. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,129.)

[1090] _Discussion sommaire sur les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_ [par Matthieu François Pidansat de Mairobert]. Basle, 1755. (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,972.) Cf. also _A fair representation of his Majesty’s right to Nova Scotia or Acadie, briefly stated from the Memorials of the English Commissaries, with an answer to the French Memorials and to the treatise Discussion sommaire par les anciennes limites de l’Acadie_, London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,130).

[1091] Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,973.

[1092] It includes, for the most distant points, Boston, Montreal, and Labrador.

[1093] Various maps of Nova Scotia, drawn by order of Gov. Lawrence (1755), are noted in the _British Museum, King’s Maps_ (ii. 105), as well as others of date 1768. Of this last date is an engraved _Map of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with the islands of Cape Breton and St. John, from actual surveys by Capt. Montresor, Eng’r._ There is a map of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland in _A New and Complete Hist. of the Brit. Empire in America_, Lond., 1756; and one of New England and Nova Scotia by Kitchin, in the _London Magazine_, Mar., 1758. In the Des Barres series of British Coast Charts of 1775-1776, will be found a chart of Nova Scotia, and others on a larger scale of the southeast and southwest coasts of Nova Scotia.

[1094] On three sheets, each 22½ x 18½ inches, and called _Louisiane et Terres Angloises_.

[1095] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 293.

[1096] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 451.

[1097] See Vol. IV. p. 356.

[1098] The Indians held the Ohio to be the main stream, the Upper Mississippi an affluent. Hale, _Book of Rites_, 14.

[1099] Cf. also _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians to the Earl of Bellomont, 20 July, 1698_, New York, 1698 (22 pp.). Sabin, xv. 66,061. Brinley’s copy brought $410.

[1100] See chapters ii. and vii.

[1101] There is a contemporary MS. record of this conference in the Prince Collection, Boston Public Library. (_Catal._, p. 158.)

[1102] For the movement instituted by Spotswood, and his inspection of the country beyond the Blue Ridge, see chapter iv., and the authorities there cited.

[1103] See chapter vii.

[1104] See chapter ii.

[1105] This Indian confederacy of New York called themselves Hodenosaunee (variously spelled); the French styled them Iroquois; the Dutch, Maquas; the English, the Five Nations; the Delawares, the Menwe, which last the Pennsylvanians converted into Mingoes, later applied in turn to the Senecas in Ohio. Dr. Shea, in his notes to Lossing’s ed. of Washington’s diaries, says: “The Mengwe, Minquas, or Mingoes were properly the Andastes or Gandastogues, the Indians of Conestoga, on the Susquehanna, known by the former name to the Algonquins and their allies, the Dutch and Swedes; the Marylanders knew them as the Susquehannas. Upon their reduction by the Five Nations, in 1672, the Andastes were to a great extent mingled with their conquerors, and a party removing to the Ohio, commonly called Mingoes, was thus made up of Iroquois and Mingoes. Many treat Mingo as synonymous with Mohawk or Iroquois, but erroneously.”

[1106] The inscription on Moll’s _Map of the north parts of America claimed by France_ (1720) makes the Iroquois and “Charakeys” the bulwark and security of all the English plantations. This map has a view of the fort of “Sasquesahanock.” A map of the region of the Cherokees, from an Indian draught, by T. Kitchen, is in the _London Mag._, Feb., 1760.

[1107] Chapter vii.

[1108] This fort had been built in 1739, and called Fort St. Frederick. G. W. Schuyler (_Colonial N. Y._, ii. pp. 113, 114) uses the account of the adjutant of the French force, probably found in Canada at the conquest. The fort stood on the west side of the Hudson, south of Schuylerville, while Fort Clinton, built in 1746, was on the east side. (_Ibid._, ii. pp. 126, 254.) A plan of this later fort (1757) is noted in the _King’s Maps_ (Brit. Museum), ii. 300. See no. 17 of _Set of Plans_, etc., London, 1763.

[1109] _American Mag._ (Boston), Nov., 1746.

[1110] Chapter ii. p. 147.

[1111] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1866, p. 237.

[1112] See _ante_, p. 9.

[1113] See _ante_, p. 3.

[1114] _Canadian Antiquarian_, vii. 97.

[1115] He was accompanied by Andrew Montour, a conspicuous frontiersman of this time. Cf. Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 54; Schweinitz’s _Zeisberger_, 112; Thomas Cresap’s letter in Palmer’s _Calendar, Va. State Papers_, 245; and on his family the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. 79, iv. 218.

In 1750 John Pattin, a Philadelphia trader, was taken captive among the Indians of the Ohio Valley, and his own narrative of his captivity, with a table of distances in that country, is preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society, together with a letter respecting Pattin from William Clarke, of Boston, dated March, 1754, addressed to Benjamin Franklin, in which Clarke refers to a recent mission of Pattin, prompted by Gov. Harrison, of Pennsylvania, into that region, “to gain as thorough a knowledge as may be of the late and present transactions of the French upon the back of the English settlements.”

[1116] The English got word of this movement in May. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 779.

[1117] See papers on the early routes between the Ohio and Lake Erie in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 683, ii. 52 (Nov., 1877, and Jan., 1878); and also in Bancroft’s _United States_, orig. ed., iii. 346. For the portage by the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers, see Darlington’s ed. of Col. James Smith’s _Remarkable Occurrences_, p. 174. The portages from Lake Erie were later discovered than those from Lake Michigan. For these latter earlier ones, see Vol. IV. pp. 200, 224. Cf. the map from Colden given herewith.

[1118] The ruins of this fort are still to be seen (1855) within the town of Erie. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 41. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_.

[1119] Now Waterford, Erie Co., Penna.

[1120] The road over the mountains followed by Washington is identified in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 51.

[1121] Sargent says the ruins of the fort which the French completed in 1755 at Venango were still (1855) to be seen at Franklin, Penna.; it was 400 feet square, with embankments then eight feet high. Sargent’s _Braddock’s Exped._, p. 41; Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, 312, 642. There is a notice of the original engineer’s draft of the fort in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248-249. Cf. S. J. M. Eaton’s _Centennial Discourse in Venango County_, 1876; and Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, pp. 694, 1122, where there is (p. 1123) a plan of the fort.

[1122] This summons is in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 141. Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 840.

[1123] The terms of the capitulation, as rendered by Villiers, had a reference to the “assassinat” of Jumonville, which a Dutchman, Van Braam, who acted as interpreter, concealed from Washington by translating the words “death of Jumonville.” This unintended acknowledgment of crime was subsequently used by the French in aspersing the character of Washington. See Critical Essay, _post_.

[1124] In December, 1754, Croghan reported to Gov. Morris that the Ohio Indians were all ready to aid the English if they would only make a movement. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 209.

[1125] See chapter ii.

[1126] See _post_.

[1127] Cf. Le Château de Vaudreuil, by A. C. de Lery Macdonald in _Rev. Canadienne_, new ser., iv. pp. 1, 69, 165; Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, 73.

[1128] A view of the house in Alexandria used as headquarters by Braddock is in _Appleton’s Journal_, x. p. 785.

[1129] See chapter vii.

[1130] This was now Fort Cumberland. There is a drawn plan of it noted in the _Catal. of the King’s Maps_ (Brit. Mus.), i. 282. Parkman (i. 200) describes it. The _Sparks Catal._, p. 207, notes a sketch of the “Situation of Fort Cumberland,” drawn by Washington, July, 1755.

[1131] Sargent summarizes the points that are known relative to the unfortunate management of the Indians which deprived Braddock of their services. Sargent, pp. 168, 310; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 259, 308, 316, 318, 321; vi. 130, 134, 140, 146, 189, 218, 257, 353, 398, 443; _Penna. Col. Rec._, vi. 375, 397, 460; _Olden Time_, ii. 238; Sparks’ _Franklin_, i. 189; _Penna. Mag. of History_, Oct., 1885, p. 334. Braddock had promised to receive the Indians kindly. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 290.

[1132] Two other officers, as well as Washington, were destined to later fame,—Daniel Morgan, who was a wagoner, and Horatio Gates, who led an independent company from New York.

[1133] There is an engraving of Beaujeu in Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 63; and in Shea’s ed. of the _Relation diverses sur la bataille du Malangueulé_, N. Y., 1860, in which that editor aims to establish for Beaujeu the important share in the French attack which is not always recognized, as he thinks. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, vii. 265; and the account of Beaujeu by Shea, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1884, p. 121. Cf. also “La famille de Beaujeu,” in Daniel’s _Nos gloires nationales_, i. 131.

[1134] The annexed plan of the field is from a contemporary MS. in Harvard College library. See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. p. 118 (1879).

Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 214) reproduces two plans of the fight: one representing the disposition of the line of march at the moment of attack; the other, the situation when the British were thrown into confusion and abandoned their guns. The originals of these plans accompany a letter of Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, and are preserved in the Public Record Office, in the volume_ America and West Indies_, lxxxii. They were drawn at Shirley’s request by Patrick Mackellar, chief engineer, who was with Gage in the advance column. Parkman says: “They were examined and fully approved by the chief surviving officers, and they closely correspond with another plan made by the aide-de-camp Orme,—which, however, shows only the beginning of the affair.” This plan of Orme is the last in a series of six plans, engraved in 1758 by Jefferys (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 107; Sabin, ii. no. 7,212), and used by him in his _General Topography of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. There is a set of them, also, in the Sparks MSS., in Harvard Coll. library, vol. xxviii.

These six plans are all reproduced in connection with Orme’s Journal, in Sargent’s _Braddock’s Expedition_. They are:—

I. Map of the country between Will’s Creek and Monongahela River, showing the route and encampments of the English army.

II. Distribution of the advanced party (400 men).

III. Line of march of the detachment from Little Meadows.

IV. Encampment of the detachment from Little Meadows.

V. Line of march with the whole baggage.

VI. Plan of the field of battle, 9 July, 1755.

See also the plans of the battle given in Bancroft’s _United States_ (orig. ed.), iv. 189; Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 90, the same plate being used by Sargent, p. 354, and in Guizot’s _Washington_. In the Faden Collection, in the Library of Congress, there are several MS. plans. (Cf. E. E. Hale’s _Catalogue of the Faden Maps_.)

Beside the map of Braddock’s advance across the country, given in the series, already mentioned, there is another in Neville B. Craig’s _Olden Time_ (ii. 539), with explanations by T. C. Atkinson, who surveyed it in 1847, which is copied by Sargent (p. 198), who also describes the route. Cf. Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 84; and the _American Hist. Record_, Nov., 1874. A map made by Middleton and corrected by Lowdermilk is given in the latter’s _History of Cumberland_, p. 141. A letter of Sparks on the subject is in De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, p. 125. The condition of Braddock’s route in 1787 is described by Samuel Vaughan, of London, in a MS. journal owned by Mr. Charles Deane.

The _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, no. 65, shows a view of Braddock’s Field, and an engraving is in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 254, and another in Sargent, as a frontispiece. Judge Yeates describes a visit to the field in 1776, in Hazard’s _Register_, vi. 104, and in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. 740; and Sargent (p. 275) tells the story of the discovery of the skeletons of the Halkets in 1758. Cf. Parkman, ii. 160; Galt’s _Life of Benj. West_ (1820), i. 64. Some views illustrating the campaign are in _Harper’s Magazine_, xiv. 592, etc.

[1135] “Poor Shirley was shot through the head,” wrote Major Orme. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, pp. 415, 417, where is a list of officers. Various of young Shirley’s letters are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii.

[1136] Braddock’s remains are said to have been discovered about 1823 by workmen engaged in constructing the National Road, at a spot pointed out by an old man named Fossit, Fausett, or Faucit, who had been in the provincial ranks in 1755. He claimed to have seen Braddock buried, and to have fired the bullet which killed him. The story is not credited by Sargent, who gives (p. 244) a long examination of the testimony. (Cf. also _Hist. Mag._, xi. p. 141.) Lowdermilk (p. 187) says that it was locally believed; so does De Hass in his _West. Virginia_, p. 128. Remains of a body with bits of military trappings were found, however, on digging. A story of Braddock’s sash is told by De Hass, in his _W. Virginia_, p. 129. In July, 1841, a large quantity of shot and shell, buried by the retreating army, was unearthed near by. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 231, etc. A picture of his grave was painted in 1854 by Weber, and is now in the gallery of the Penna. Hist. Soc. (Cf. its _Catal. of Paintings_, no. 66.) It is engraved in Sargent, p. 280. Cf. Day, _Hist. Coll. Penna._, p. 334. Lowdermilk (pp. 188, 200) gives views of the grave in 1850 and 1877, with some account of its mutations. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, ii. p. 1002. A story obtained some currency that Braddock’s remains were finally removed to England. De Hass, p. 112.

[1137] See a subsequent page.

[1138] _Inquiry into the Conduct of Maj.-Gen. Shirley._

[1139] Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, i. 538.

[1140] _Penna. Archives_, vi. 333, 335.

[1141] There are views of it in 1840 and 1844 in J. R. Simms’s _Trappers of New York_ (1871), and _Frontiersmen of New York_ (Albany, 1882), pp. 209, 249; in W. L. Stone’s _Life of Johnson_, ii. 497; and in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 286.

[1142] See views of it in Gay, iii. p. 286; in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Rev._, i. p. 107, and _Scribner’s Monthly_, March, 1879, p. 622.

[1143] “The loss of the enemy,” says Smith (_New York_, ii. 220), “though much magnified at the time, was afterwards found to be less than two hundred men.”

[1144] See the English declaration in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 735.

[1145] On his family see Daniel, _Nos Gloires_, p. 177.

[1146] For the rejoicing of Shirley’s enemies, cf. Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 212. Shirley had got an intimation of the purpose to supersede him as early as Apr. 16, 1756. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 630.) He had some strong friends all the while.

Gov. Livingston undertook to show that the ill-success of the campaign of 1755 was due more to jealousies and intrigues than to Shirley’s incapacity. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 159.) “Except New York,” he adds, “or rather a prevailing faction here, all the colonies hold Shirley in very high esteem.” Franklin says: “Shirley, if continued in place, would have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1756, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond comparison; for though Shirley was not bred a soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution.... Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved.” _Franklin’s Writings_ (Sparks’ ed.), i. p. 220-21.

[1147] _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 165, June 5, 1756.

[1148] Marshall’s _Washington_, i. 327.

[1149] There seems to be some question if any massacre really took place. (Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. p. 23.)

[1150] Referring to the fall of Oswego, Smith (_New York_, ii. 236) says: “The panic was universal, and from this moment it was manifest that nothing could be expected from all the mighty preparations for the campaign.”

[1151] Parkman (i. p. 440) notes the sources of this commotion.

[1152] Loudon had to this end held meetings with the northern governors at Boston in January, and with the southern governors at Philadelphia in March, 1757. Loudon’s correspondence at this time is in the Public Record Office (_America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxv.), and is copied in the Parkman MSS. When Loudon left with his 91 transports and five men-of-war, he sent off a despatch-boat to England; and Jenkinson, on the receipt of the message, wrote to Grenville, reflecting probably Loudon’s reports, that “the public seem to be extremely pleased with the secrecy and spirit of this enterprise.” _Grenville Corresp._, i. 201.

[1153] Bancroft and those who follow him, taking their cue from Smith (_Hist. of New York_), say that Loudon “proposed to encamp on Long Island for the defence of the continent.” Parkman (ii. p. 2) points out that this is Smith’s perversion of a statement of Loudon that he should disembark on that island if head winds prevented his entering New York bay, when he returned from Halifax. There seems to have been a current apprehension of a certain ridiculousness in all of Loudon’s movements. It induced John Adams to believe even then that the colonies could get on better without England than with her. Cf. the _John Adams and Mercy Warren Letters (Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections)_, p. 339.

[1154] Plans of the fort and settlement at Schenectady during the war are in Jonathan Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_ (1883), pp. 311, 316, 328: namely, one of the fort, by the Rev. John Miller (1695), from an original in the British Museum; another of the town (about 1750-60); and still another (1768).

[1155] Chapter vii.

[1156] Hutchinson (iii. 71) represents that Howe, in the confusion, may have been killed by his own men. On Howe’s burial at Albany, and the identification of his remains many years after, see Lossing’s _Schuyler_, i. p. 155; Watson’s _County of Essex_, 88. He was buried under St. Peter’s Church. Cf. Lossing, in _Harper’s Mag._, xiv. 453.

[1157] Abercrombie’s engineer surveyed the French works from an opposite hill, and pronounced it practicable to carry them by assault. Stark, with a better knowledge of such works, demurred; but his opinions had no weight. A view of the field of Abercrombie’s defeat is given in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 299. M. D’Hagues sent to the Marshal de Belle Isle on account of the situation of Fort Carillon [Ticonderoga] and its approaches, dated at the fort, May 1, 1758, which is printed (in translation) in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 707; and in the same, p. 720, is another description by M. de Pont le Roy, French engineer-in-chief.

The condition of the fort at the time of Abercrombie’s attack in 1758 is well represented by maps and plans. Cf. the plan of this date in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 721; and the French plan noted in the _Catal. of the Library of Parliament_ (Toronto, 1858), p. 1621, no. 86. Bonnechose (_Montcalm et le Canada_, p. 91) gives a French plan, “Bataille de Carillon, d’après un Plan inédit de l’époque.” Jefferys engraved a _Plan of town and fort of Carillon at Tyconderoga, with the attack made by the British army commanded by General Abercrombie, 8 July, 1758_, which Jefferys later included in his _General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768, no. 38. Martin, _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 128, follows Jefferys’ draft. Hough in his edition of _Pouchot_, p. 108, gives the plan of the attack as it appeared in Mante’s _Hist. of the Late War_, London, 1772, p. 144; and from this it is reproduced in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 726.

[1158] When Pitt heard of Abercrombie’s defeat he wrote to Grenville: “I own this news has sunk my spirits, and left very painful impressions on my mind, without, however, depriving me of great hopes for the remaining campaign.” _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 262.

[1159] Most of the writers, following Bancroft, call him _Joseph Forbes_; and Bancroft lets that name stand in his final revision.

[1160] This paper in fac-simile is in a volume called _Monuments of Washington’s Patriotism_ (1841). A portion of it is reproduced, but not in fac-simile, in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 314.

[1161] Loyalhannon, _Parkman_; Loyal Hanna, _Bancroft_; Loyal Hannan, _Irving_; Loyal Hanning, _Warburton_.

[1162] The original MS. report of this conference appears in a sale catalogue of Bangs & Co., N. Y., 1854, no. 1309.

[1163] Speaking of Canada, John Fiske (_Amer. Polit. Ideas_, p. 55) says of the effect of the bureaucracy which governed it that it “was absolute paralysis, political and social,” and that in the war-struggle of the eighteenth century “the result for the French power in America was instant and irretrievable annihilation. The town meeting pitted against bureaucracy was like a Titan overthrowing a cripple;” but he forgets the history of that overthrow, its long-drawn-out warfare, the part that the vastly superior population and the interior lines and seaboard bases of supplies for the English played in the contest to intensify their power, and the jealousies and independence of the colonies themselves, which so long enabled the French to survive. Even as regards the results of the campaign of 1759, the suddenness had little of the inevitable in it, when we consider the leisurely campaign of Amherst, and the mere chance of Wolfe surmounting the path at the cove. It took the successes of these last campaigns to produce the fruits of conquest, even at the end of a long conflict.

[1164] A plan of Montresor’s for the campaign, dated N. Y., 29 Dec., 1758, is in _Penna. Archives_, vi. 433.

[1165] Fort Schlosser had been erected in 1750. Cf. O. H. Marshall on the “Niagara Frontier,” in _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ._, ii. 409.

[1166] In August, Amherst was reporting sickness in his army from the water at Ticonderoga, and demanding spruce-beer of his commissary. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 101.)

[1167] See chapter vii.

[1168] In a massive old building, the manor-house of the first Seigneur of Beaufort (1634), which was destroyed in 1879. Cf. Lossing’s sketch in _Harper’s Magazine_ (Jan., 1859), xviii. p. 180.

[1169] Turcotte’s _Hist. de l’île d’Orléans_ (Quebec. 1867), ch. iii.

[1170] Among the officers of the army and navy here acting together were some who were later very famous,—Jervis (Earl St. Vincent), Cook, the navigator, Isaac Barré, the parliamentary friend of America, Guy Carleton, and William Howe, afterwards Sir William.

[1171] This point is prominent in most views of Quebec from below the town. Cf. Lossing, _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. 185, etc. Montcalm was overruled by Vaudreuil, and was not allowed to entrench a force at Point Levi, as he wished. Beatson’s _Naval and Mil. Memoirs_.

[1172] The _Life of Cook_ gives some particulars of an exploit of Cook in taking soundings in the river, preparatory to the attack from Montmorenci.

[1173] On the 2d, in a despatch to Pitt, he used a phrase, since present to the mind of many a baffled projector, for when referring to the plans yet to be tried, he spoke of his option as a “choice of difficulties.”

[1174] Wolfe’s Cove, as it has since been called. Views of it are numerous. Cf. _Picturesque Canada_; Lossing’s _Field-Book_; and the drawing by Princess Louise in Dent’s _Last forty years_, ii. 345.

[1175] _Memoirs of Robert Stobo._ Cf. _Boston Post Boy_, no. 97; _Boston Evening Post_, no. 1,258. Stobo had made his escape from Quebec early in May, 1759. Cf. Montcalm’s letter in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.970.

[1176] Montgomery, nearly twenty years later, with a similar task before him, said, “Wolfe’s success was a lucky hit, or rather a series of such hits; all sober and scientific calculations of war were against him until Montcalm gave up the advantage of his fortress.” (Force’s _Am. Archives_, iii. 1,638.)

[1177] Sabine collates the various accounts of Wolfe’s death, believing that Knox’s is the most trustworthy. The _Memoirs of Donald Macleod_ (London), an old sergeant of the Highlanders, says that Wolfe was carried from the field in Macleod’s plaid. There is an account of his pistols and sash in the _Canadian Antiquarian_, iv. 31.

Capt. Robert Wier, who commanded a transport, timed the firing from the first to the last gun, and made the conflict last ten minutes. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 307.)

[1178] Doyle’s _Official Baronage_, iii. 543.

[1179] A view or plan of this post is given in _Mémoires sur les affaires du Canada_, 1749-60, p. 40.

[1180] Dr. O’Callaghan (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 400) threw some doubt on this statement, but it seems to be well established by contemporary record (Parkman, ii. 441). The remains of Montcalm were disturbed in digging another grave in 1833, but little was found except the skull, which is still shown in the convent. (Miles’s _Canada_, p. 415.) See the view in _Harper’s Magazine_, xviii. 192.

Dalhousie, when governor, caused a monument, inscribed with the names of both Wolfe and Montcalm, to be erected in the town. (Harper’s Mag., xviii. 188; _Canadian Antiquarian_, vi. 176.) A monument near the spot where Wolfe was struck down, and inscribed, “Here Wolfe died victorious,” fell into a decay, which relic-seekers had helped to increase (see a view of it in its dilapidated condition in Lossing’s _Field-Book of the Revolution_, i. p. 189), and was in 1849 replaced by a monument surmounted with a helmet and sword, which is now seen by visitors, and, beside repeating the inscription on the old one, bears this legend: “This pillar was erected by the British army in Canada, A. D. 1849, ... to replace that erected ... in 1832, which was broken and defaced, and is deposited beneath.” (See views in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. p. 183.) A view of it from a sketch made in 1851 is annexed. An account of these memorials, with their inscriptions, is given in Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 211, with the correspondence which passed between Pitt and the secretary of the French Academy respecting an inscription which the army of Montcalm desired to place over his grave in Quebec. (Cf. Martin, p. 216; Bonnechose, _Montcalm et Canada_, App.; Warburton’s Conquest of Canada, ii., App.; and Watson’s _County of Essex_, p. 490.)

Cf. also Lossing in _Harper’s Mag._, xviii. 176, 192, etc.

[1181] The news which reached England from Murray did not encourage the government to hope that Quebec could be saved. _Grenville Correspondence_, i. 343.

[1182] There is doubt where Rogers encamped,—the river “Chogage.” Parkman in the original edition of his _Pontiac_ (1851, p. 147) called it the site of Cleveland; but he avoids the question in his revised edition (i. p. 165). Bancroft (orig. ed., iv. 361) and Stone, _Johnson_ (ii. 132), have notes on the subject. Cf. also Chas. Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 90; and C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 17.

[1183] Parkman has a plan of Detroit, made about 1750 by the engineer Léry.

[1184] The _London Mag._ for Feb., 1761, had a map of the “Straits of St. Mary, and Michilimakinac.”

[1185] Here we find Bellomont’s correspondence (1698) with the French governor as to the relations of the Five Nations to the English, pp. 682, 690. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 367, 420; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 82; a tract, _Propositions made by the Five Nations of Indians ... to Bellomont in Albany, 20th of July, 1698_ (N. Y., 1698), containing the doings of Bellomont and his council on Indian affairs up to Aug. 20, 1698. (Brinley, ii. 3,400.) The same vol. of _N. Y. Col. Docs._ (ix.) gives beside a memoir (p. 701; also in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 45) on the encroachments of the English; conferences with the Indians at Detroit (p. 704) and elsewhere in 1700; the ratification of the treaty of peace at Montreal, Aug. 4, 1701 (p. 722); conferences of Vaudreuil with the Five Nations in 1703 and 1705 (pp. 746, 767); the scheme of seizing Niagara, 1706 (p. 773); Sieur d’Aigrement’s instructions and report on the Western posts (p. 805); a survey (p. 917) of English invasion of French territory (1680-1723); a memoir (p. 840) on the condition of Canada (1709),—not to name others.

For the period covered by the survey of this present chapter, these _N. Y. Col. Docs._ give from the London archives papers 1693-1706 (vol. iv.), 1707-1733 (vol. v.), 1734-1755 (vol. vi.), 1756-1767 (vol. vii.); and from the Paris archives, 1631-1744 (vol. ix.), 1745-1778 (vol. x.). The index to the whole is in vol. xi. See Vol. IV. pp. 409, 410.

There has been a recent treatment of the relations of the English with the Indians in Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, in which Philip Schuyler is a central figure, during the latter end of the seventeenth and for the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The book touches the conferences in Bellomont’s and Nanfan’s time. Colden, who was inimical to Schuyler, took exception to some statements in Smith’s _New York_ respecting him, and Colden’s letters were printed by the N. Y. Hist. Society in 1868.

[1186] The biography of Cadillac has been best traced in Silas Farmer’s _Detroit_, p. 326. He extended his inquiries among the records of France, and (p. 17) enumerates the grants to him about the straits. Cf. T. P. Bédard on Cadillac in _Revue Canadienne_, new ser., ii. 683; and a paper on his marriage in _Ibid._, iii. 104; and others by Rameau, in _Ibid._, xiii. 403. The municipality of Castelsarrasin in France presented to the city of Detroit a view of the old Carmelite church—now a prison—where Cadillac is buried. An engraving of it is given by Farmer. Julius Melchers, a Detroit sculptor, has made a statue of the founder, of which there is an engraving in Robert E. Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, Detroit, 1884, p. 14.

Farmer (p. 221) gives a description of Fort Pontchartrain as built by Cadillac, and (p. 33) a map of 1796, defining its position in respect to the modern city. Cf. also Roberts’ _City of the Straits_, p. 40. The oldest plan of Detroit is dated 1749, and is reproduced by Farmer (p. 32). Of the oldest house in Detroit, the Moran house, there are views in Farmer (p. 372) and Roberts (p. 50), who respectively assign its building to 1734 and 1750.

Among the later histories, not already mentioned, reference may be made to Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., vol. v. 154); E. Rameau’s _Notes historiques sur la colonie canadienne de Détroit. Lecture prononcée à Windsor sur le Détroit, comté d’Essex, C. W., 1^{er} avril, 1861_, Montréal, 1861; Rufus Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the Northwest_, Chicago, 1880; and Marie Caroline Watson Hamlin’s _Legends of le Détroit, Illus. by Isabella Stewart_, Detroit, 1884. These legends, covering the years 1679-1815, relate to Detroit and its vicinity. On p. 263, etc., are given genealogical notes about the early French families resident there. A brief sketch of the early history of Detroit by C. I. Walker, as deposited beneath the corner-stone of the new City Hall in 1868, is printed in the _Hist. Mag._, xv. 132. Cf. Henry A. Griffin on “The City of the Straits” in _Mag. of Western History_, Oct., 1885, p. 571.

[1187] See Vol. IV. p. 316. Shea’s volume is entitled: _Relation des affaires du Canada, en 1696. Avec des lettres des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus depuis 1696 jusqu’en 1702_. (N. Y., 1865.) Contents: La guerre contre les Iroquois; De la mission Iroquoise du Sault Saint François Xavier en 1696, ex literis Jac. de Lamberville; De la mission Illinoise en 1696, par le P. Gravier; Lettre du P. J. Gravier à Monseigneur Laval, 17 sept., 1697; Lettre de M. de Montigni au Rev. P. Bruyas [Chicago, 23 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. Gabriel Marest, 1700; Lettre du P. L. Chaigneau sur le rétablissement des missions Iroquoises en 1702; Relation du Destroit; Lettre du P. G. Marest [du pays des Illinois, 29 avril, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Binneteau [du pays des Illinois, 1699]; Lettre du P. J. Bigot [du pays des Abnaquis, 1699].

These papers illustrate affairs in the extreme west just at the opening of the period we are now considering. Cf. also the “Mémoire sur le Canada” (1682-1712) in _Collection de Manuscrits ... relatifs à la Nouvelle France_, Quebec, 1883, p. 551, etc.

[1188] Letters (1703) from Cadillac to Count Pontchartrain (p. 101), and to La Touche (p. 133); the developments of Cadillac’s defence in 1703 and later years (p. 142); Père Marest’s letter from Michilimackinac in 1706 (p. 206); a letter of Cadillac in the same year (p. 218), reports of Indian councils held at Montreal, Detroit, and Quebec in 1707 (pp. 232, 251, 263); a letter of Cadillac to Pontchartrain (p. 277) and D’Aigrement’s report on an inspection of the posts (p. 280), both in 1708. Speeches of Vaudreuil and an Ottawa chief, from a MS. brought from Paris by Gen. Cass, are printed in the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Papers_, no. 8. These papers, as translated by Whittlesey, pertaining to affairs about Detroit in 1706, are revised by that gentleman and reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. 270.

[1189] Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 257; Sheldon’s _Michigan_, 297.

[1190] A memoir on the peace made by De Lignery, the commandant at Mackinac, with the Indians in 1726 (p. 148); letters of Longueil, July 25, 1726 (p. 156), and Beauharnois, Oct. 1, 1726 (p. 156); a petition of the inhabitants of Detroit to the Intendant in 1726, with Tonti’s remonstrance (pp. 169, 175); a memoir of the king on the Indian war, and another by Longueil on the peace (pp. 160, 165).

[1191] Cf. ch. ii. Dudley’s speech in aid of the expedition is given in the _Boston Newsletter_, no. 377, and his call of June 9, 1711, upon New Hampshire to furnish its contingent appears in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. 479.

[1192] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 295; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.11; Cooke, no. 2,544; Menzies, no. 2,026; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 63.

[1193] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 166, 825; Harv. Coll. Lib., 4375.16; 6374.36.

[1194] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167; Bost. Pub. Lib., H. 98.18. Cf. also _Letter from an old whig in town ... upon the late expedition to Canada_ [signed X. Z.], published at London in 1711. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 146; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.14.)

[1195] _New England_, iv. 281, 282.

[1196] Notwithstanding the failure of the expedition, Dudley issued a Thanksgiving proclamation for other mercies, etc. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, ii. 629. In general, see _Boston Newsletter_, nos. 379-81; Penhallow, pp. 62-67; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 328; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 175, 180; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, iv. 277; v. 284; ix., _passim_; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, etc., i. 349; Lediard’s _Naval History_, 851; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 63; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 278, etc., with references; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 106. The tax for the expedition was the occasion of Thomas Maule’s _Tribute to Cæsar, with some remarks on the late vigorous expedition against Canada_, Philadelphia [1712]. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, no. 120.

[1197] Vol. v. 238, 245, 247, 252.

[1198] Cf. also Garneau, _Histoire de Canada_ (1882), ii. 48; Juchereau, _Hist. de l’hôtel Dieu_; Grange de Chessieux, _La conduite des Français justifiée_, and an edition of the same edited by Butel-Dumont.

[1199] The two volumes are edited, with an introduction, by R. A. Brock. Bancroft had used these papers when owned by Mr. J. R. Spotswood, of Orange County, Va. The MS. was carried to England by Mr. G. W. Featherstonehaugh, and of his widow it was bought by the Virginia Hist. Society in 1873.

[1200] Mr. Brock refers to accounts of it in Hugh Jones’s _Present State of Virginia_; the preface to Beverly’s _Virginia_; Campbell’s _Virginia_; Slaughter’s _Hist. of Bristol Parish_; and in Slaughter’s _St. Mark’s Parish_ is a paper on “The Knights of the Golden Horseshoe,” crediting the diary of John Fontaine, which he reprints (it is also in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, N. Y., 1872, p. 281), with giving the most we know of the expedition. Cf. also J. Esten Cooke’s _Stories of the Old Dominion_, N. Y., 1879; and W. A. Caruthers’ _Knights of the Horseshoe_. Slaughter also gives a map of Spotswood’s route from Germanna to the Shenandoah.

Palmer, the editor of the _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_ (p. lix.), could find nothing official throwing light on this expedition.

[1201] Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 296, 329.

[1202] It is printed in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 19. The treaty between Keith and the Five Nations at Albany, Sept., 1722, was printed that year in Philadelphia, as were treaties at a later date at Conestogoe (May, 1728) and Philadelphia (June, 1728), made with the Western Indians. Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 189, 356. There were reports in 1732 of the French being then at work building near the Ohio “a fort with loggs” (_Penna. Archives_, i. 310), and delivering speeches to the Shawanese (_Ibid._, p. 325).

[1203] Cf. C. C. Royce on the identity and history of the Shawnees in _Mag. of West. History_, May, 1885, p. 38.

[1204] Walker’s _Athens Co., Ohio_, p. 5.

[1205] Printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 49, and in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 885.

[1206] The Ohio was the division between Canada and Louisiana. Cf. Du Pratz, Paris, 1758, vol. i. 329.

[1207] _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, vols. i. and iii. (p. 141).

[1208] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, octavo ed., i. p. 15.

[1209] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, i. 163, 319; ii. 407. It was printed in English by Franklin in 1757. (_Franklin’s Works in the Boston Public Library_, p. 40.) A journal of his mission to the Ohio Indians in 1748 is given in the _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. (1853) p. 23. Cf. T. J. Chapman in _Mag. of West. Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 631.

[1210] There is an abstract of Trent’s Journal in Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 23.

[1211] _Penna. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 85. Cf. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 296, and Mr. Russel Errett on the Indian geographical names along the Ohio and the Great Lakes in the _Mag. of West. Hist._, 1885.

[1212] C. C. Baldwin’s _Indian Migrations in Ohio_, reprinted from the _Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1879; _Mag. of West. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 41; Hiram W. Beckwith’s paper on the _Illinois and Indiana Indians_, which makes no. 27 of the _Fergus Historical Series_. It includes the Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, Foxes and Sacks, and Pottawatomies. Cf. Davidson and Struvé’s _Hist. Illinois_, 1874, ch. iv., and the reference in Vol. IV. p. 298.

[1213] _Pontiac_, i. 32.

[1214] W. R. Smith’s _Wisconsin_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Breese’s _Early Hist. of Illinois_. The more restricted application of this term is seen in a “plan of the several villages in the Illinois country, with a part of the River Mississippi, by Thomas Hutchins;” showing the position of the old and new Fort Chartres, which is in Hutchins’ _Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. (London, 1778, and Boston, 1787), and is reëngraved in the French translation published by Le Rouge in Paris, 1781. This same translation gives a section of Hutchins’ large map, showing the country from the Great Kenawha to Winchester and Lord Fairfax’s, and marking the sites of Forts Shirley, Loudon, Littleton, Cumberland, Bedford, Ligonier, Byrd, and Pitt. Logstown is on the north side of the Ohio. The portages connecting the affluents of the Potomac with those of the Ohio are marked. The map is entitled: _Carte des environs du Fort Pitt et la nouvelle Province Indiana, dediée à M. Franklin_. The province of Indiana is bounded by the Laurel Mountain range, the Little Kenawha, the Ohio, and a westerly extension of the Northern Maryland line, being the grant in 1768 to Samuel Wharton, William Trent, and George Morgan.

[1215] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 325. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 266) says “there was only an entry in the books of the secretary for Indian affairs,” and the surrender “through negligence was not made by the execution of a formal deed under seal.” Cf. _French encroachments exposed, or Britain’s original right to all that part of the American continent claimed by France fully asserted.... In two letters from a merchant retired from business to his friend in London._ London, 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,115.)

[1216] James Maury in 1756, referring to Evans’ map, says, “It is but small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson’s, consequently crowded. It gives an attentive peruser a clear idea of the value of the now contested lands and waters to either of the two competitor princes, together with a proof, amounting to more than a probability, that he of the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes must in the course of a few years become sole and absolute lord of North America.” Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 387. T. Pownall’s _Topographical description of such parts of North America as are contained in the (annexed) map of the British middle colonies, etc., in North America_ (London, 1776) contains Evans’ map, pieced out by Pownall, and it reprints Evans’ preface (1755), with an additional preface by Pownall, dated Albemarle Street (London), Nov. 22, 1775, in which it is said that the map of 1755 was used by the officers during the French war, and served every practicable purpose. He says Evans followed for Virginia Fry and Jefferson’s map (1751), and that John Henry’s map of Virginia, published by Jefferys in 1770, enabled him (Pownall) to add little. For Pennsylvania Evans had been assisted by Mr. Nicholas Scull, who in 1759 published his map of Pennsylvania, and for the later edition of 1770 Pownall says he added something. As to New Jersey, Pownall claims he used the drafts of Alexander, surveyor-general, and that he has followed Holland for the boundary line between New Jersey and New York. Pownall affirms that Holland disowned a map of New York and New Jersey which Jefferys published with Holland’s name attached, though some portions of it followed surveys made by Holland. What Pownall added of New England he took from the map in Douglass, correcting it from drafts in the Board of Trade office, and following for the coasts the surveys of Holland or his deputies. Pownall denounces the “late Thomas Jefferys” for his inaccurate and untrustworthy pirated edition of the Evans map, the plate of which fell into the hands of Sayer, the map publisher, and was used by him in more than one atlas.

[1217] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 330.

[1218] This deed is in Pownall’s _Administration of the Colonies_, London, 1768, p. 269.

[1219] Evans’ map of 1755 is held to embody the best geographical knowledge of this region, picked up mainly between 1740 and 1750. The region about Lake Erie with the positions of the Indian tribes, is given from this map, in Whittlesey’s _Early Hist. of Cleveland_, p. 83. This author mentions some instances of axe-cuts being discovered in the heart of old trees, which would carry the presence of Europeans in the valley back of all other records.

There are stories of early stragglers, willing and unwilling, into Kentucky from Virginia, after 1730. Collins, _Kentucky_, i. 15; Shaler, _Kentucky_, 59. A journey of one John Howard in 1742 is insisted on. Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, 67; Butler’s _Kentucky_, i., introd.; _Memoir and Writings of J. H. Perkins_, ii. 185.

[1220] _Five Nations._

[1221] _Administration of the Colonies._

[1222] Sparks, _Franklin_, iv. 326.

[1223] This has been reprinted as no. 26 of the _Fergus Hist. Series_, “with notes by Edward Everett;” certain extracts from a notice of the address, contributed by Mr. Everett to the _No. Amer. Review_ in 1840, being appended. A recent writer, Alfred Mathews, in the _Mag. of Western History_ (i. 41), thinks the Iroquois conquests may have reached the Miami River. Cf. also C. C. Baldwin in _Western Reserve Hist. Tracts_, no. 40; and Isaac Smucker in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, June, 1882, p. 408.

J. H. Perkins (_Mem. and Writings_, ii. 186) cites what he considers proofs that the Iroquois had pushed to the Mississippi, but doubts their claim to possess lands later occupied by others.

Franklin’s recapitulation of the argument in favor of the English claim is in Sparks’ _Franklin_, iv. 324; but Sparks (_Ibid._, iv. 335) allows it is not substantiated by proofs, and enlarges upon the same view in his _Washington_, ii. 13.

[1224] Colden’s official account of this conference and treaty was printed in Philadelphia the same year by Benjamin Franklin: _A Treaty held at the Town of Lancaster in Pennsylvania by the Honourable the lieutenant governor of the Province, and the Commissioners for the provinces of Virginia and Maryland, with the Indians of the Six Nations in June, 1744_. There is a copy in Harvard College library [5325.38]. Quaritch priced a copy in 1885 at £6. 10_s._ Cf. Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 879; Brinley, iii. no. 5,488; Carter-Brown, iii. 785, with also (no. 784) an edition printed at Williamsburg the same year. There was a reprint at London in 1745. It was included in later editions of Colden’s _Five Nations_. Cf. J. I. Mombert’s _Authentic Hist. of Lancaster County_, 1869, app. p.51. The journal of William Marshe, in attendance on the commissioners, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Collections_, vii. 171. Cf. Wm. Black’s journal in _Penna. Mag of Hist._, vols. i. and ii. Black was the secretary of the commission, and his editor is R. A. Brock, of Richmond. Stone, in his _Life of Sir Wm. Johnson_, i. 91, gives a long account of the meeting. See the letter of Conrad Weiser in Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 316, wherein he gives his experience (1714-1746) in observing the characteristics of the Indians. Weiser was an interpreter and agent of Pennsylvania, and a large number of his letters to the authorities during his career are in the _Penna. Archives_, vols. i., ii., and iii. The _Brinley Catal._, iii. p. 105, shows various printed treaties with the Ohio Indians of about this time. Those that were printed in Pennsylvania are enumerated in Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_, nos. 852, 870, 907, etc.; and those printed by Franklin, as most of them were, are noted in the _Catal. of Works relating to Benjamin Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. 39.

[1225] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 134.

[1226] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,099; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,092. The French posts north of the Ohio in 1755, according to the _Present State of North America_, published that year in London, were Le Bœuf and Venango (on French Creek), Duquesne, Sandusky, Miamis, St. Joseph’s (near Lake Michigan), Pontchartrain (Detroit), Michilmackinac, Fox River (Green Bay), Crèvecœur and Fort St. Louis (on the Illinois), Vincennes, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and at the mouths of the Wabash, Ohio, and Missouri. A portion of Gov. Pownall’s map, showing the location of the Indian villages and portages of the Ohio region, is given in fac-simile in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. Cf. map in _London Mag._, June, 1754; Kitchin’s map of Virginia in _Ibid._, Nov., 1761; and his map of the French settlements in _Ibid._, Dec., 1747.

James Maury (1756) contrasts the enterprise of the French in acquiring knowledge of the Ohio Valley with the backwardness of the English. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 394.

Smith (_New York_, ii. 172), referring to the period of the alarm of French encroachments on the Ohio, speaks of its valley as a region “of which, to our shame, we had no knowledge except by the books and maps of the French missionaries and geographers.”

A tract called _The wisdom and policy of the French, ... with observations on disputes between the English and French colonists in America_ (London, 1755) examines the designs of the French in their alliance with the Indians.

[1227] Beauharnois’ despatches about Oswego begin in 1728 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 1,010). That same year Walpole addressed a paper on the two posts to the French government, and with it is found in the French archives a plan of Oswego, “fait à Montreal 17 Juillet, 1727, signé De Lery.” The correspondence of Gov. Burnet and Beauharnois is in _Ibid._, ix. p. 999. The plan just named is also in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, vol. i., in connection with papers respecting the founding of the post. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 273) holds that the French purpose to demolish the works at Oswego in 1729 caused a reinforcement of the garrison, which deterred them from the attempt. Smith says of the original fort there that its situation had little regard to anything beside the pleasantness of the prospect. Burnet, the New York governor, exerted himself to destroy the trade between Albany and Montreal, and the report of a committee which he transmitted to the home government is printed in Smith’s _New York_ (Albany, 1814 ed., p. 246); but in 1729 the machinations of those interested in the trade procured the repeal of the restraining act. (_Ibid._, 274; cf. Smith, vol. ii. (1830) p. 97.) At a late day (1741) there is an abstract of despatches to the French minister respecting Oswego in the _Penna. Archives_ (2d ser., vi. 51), and a paper on the state of the French and English on Ontario in 1743 is in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 227.

[1228] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 386.

[1229] O. H. Marshall on the Niagara frontier, in the _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publications_, vol. ii. Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 268) says that “Charlevoix himself acknowledges that Niagara was a part of the territory of the Five Nations; yet the pious Jesuit applauds the French settlement there, which was so manifest an infraction of the treaty of Utrecht.”

A view of the neighboring cataract at this period is given by Moll on one of his maps (1715), and is reproduced in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 541.

[1230] Of the occupation of Crown Point by the French, Smith (_New York_, 1814, p. 279) says: “Of all the French infractions of the treaty of Utrecht, none was more palpable than this. The country belonged to the Six Nations, and the very spot upon which the fort stands is included within the patent to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany, granted in 1696.” Again he says (p. 280): “The Massachusetts government foresaw the dangerous consequences of the French fort at Crown Point, and Gov. Belcher gave us the first intimation of it.” It was not till 1749 that there were reports that the French were beginning to plant settlers about Crown Point. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 20.) Jefferys published a map showing the grants made by the French about Lake Champlain.

The English fort at Crown Point was built farther from the lake than the earlier French inconsiderable work. Chas. Carroll (_Journal to Canada_ in 1776, ed. of 1876, p. 78) describes its ruins at that time,—-the result of an accidental fire.

[1231] W. C. Watson’s _Hist. of the County of Essex_, Albany, 1869, ch. iii.

[1232] _N. Y. Col. Docs._ ix. 1,041, etc.

[1233] _Hist. Documents_ of the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, in 1840.

[1234] A translation of Weiser’s journal on this mission is in the _Penna. Hist. Col._, i. 6.

[1235] Pierre Margry has two articles in the _Moniteur Universel_, and a chapter, “Les Varennes de Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, ix. 362. The Canadian historian, Benjamin Sulte, has a monograph, _La Vérendrye_, a paper, “Champlain et la Vérendrye,” in the _Revue Canadienne_, 2d ser., i. 342, and one on “Le nom de la Vérendrie” in _Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, ii. p. 5. The Rev. Edw. D. Neill has a pamphlet, _Le Sieur de la Vérendrye and his sons, discoverers of the Rocky Mountains by way of Lakes Superior and Winnipeg_, Minneapolis, 1875. Cf. also Garneau, _Hist. du Canada_, 4th ed., ii. 96.

In the Kohl Collection (no. 128) of the Department of State there are copies of three maps in illustration. The first is a MS. map by La Vérendrye, preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine, “donnée par Monsieur de la Galissonière, 1750,” which Kohl places about 1730, showing the country, with portages, forts, and trading posts, between Lake Superior and Hudson’s Bay. The second (no. 129) is an Indian map made by Ochagach, likewise in the Marine. Kohl supposes it to have been carried to Europe by La Vérendrye, who used it in making the map first named. The third map (no. 130), also in the same archives, is inscribed: _Carte des nouvelles découvertes dans l’ouest du Canada et des nations qui y habitent; Dressée, dit-on, sur les Mémoires de Monsieur de la Véranderie, mais fort imparfaite à ce gu’il m’a dit. Donnée au Dépôt de la Marine par Monsieur de la Galissonière en 1750_.

[1236] Cf. _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii. 197; _Hist. Mag._, i. 295; Joseph Tassé on “Charles de Langlade” in _Revue Canadienne_, v. 881, and in his _Les Canadiens de l’ouest_, Montreal, 1878 (p. 1, etc.); also M. M. Strong, in his _Territory of Wisconsin_ (Madison, 1885), p. 41.

[1237] It will be found in Beatson’s _Naval and Military Memoirs_, p. 144, and in the _Amer. Magazine_, i. pp. 381-84.

[1238] Conrad Weiser’s letter, Sept. 29, 1744, in _Penna. Archives_, i. 661.

[1239] Smith’s _New York_, ii. p. 71.

[1240] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 22, etc.

[1241] Hildeburn, _Cent. of Printing_, no. 959; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 289, etc.; Brinley, iii. no. 5,490. Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. ch. iv., gives a long account. There was about the same time (1745-47) a plot laid by Nicholas, a Huron, to exterminate the French in the West. Knapp’s _Maumee Valley_, p. 14. Smith (_New York_, ii. 35) gives an account of the conference of Aug., 1746.

[1242] Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the _Bedford Correspondence_, i. p. xlviii., says: “Had the Duke of Bedford been allowed to order the sailing of the expedition, it is most probable the conquest of Canada would not have been reserved for the Seven Years’ War; but the indecision or timidity of the Duke of Newcastle delayed and finally broke up the expedition.” A representation of the Duke of Bedford and others upon the reduction of Canada, made March 30, 1746, is in _Bedford Corresp._, i. 65.

[1243] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,161; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 1,835.

[1244] Brinley, i. 61. Cf. Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 190.

[1245] _Bedford Correspondence_, i. 285. There was a treaty with the Ohio Indians at Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1747 (Hildeburn, no. 1,110); and another at Lancaster in July, 1748, for admitting the Twightwees into alliance. (_Ibid._, no. 1,111.)

[1246] In addition to the references there given, note may be taken of a paper on the expedition, by O. H. Marshall, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 129 (Mar., 1878), with reference to the original documents in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 189, and in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 63. Cf. Bancroft, orig. ed., iv. 43. On his plates, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 248; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1878, p. 52; and _Mag. of Western History_, June, 1885, p. 207. A representation of a broken plate found at the mouth of the Muskingum River, in 1798, is given in S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_, Cincinnati, 1848, p. 20, with the inscription on the one found at the mouth of the Kenawha in 1846 (p. 23). An account of the Muskingum plate was given by De Witt Clinton in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans._, ii. 430. Its defective inscription is given in the _Mémoires sur les Affaires du Canada_, p. 209. Cf. Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 430. Other fac-similes of these plates can be seen in _Olden Time_, p. 288; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 611; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 318; also cf. p. 1121); De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 50.

The places where the plates were buried are marked on a map preserved in the Marine at Paris, made by Père Bonnecamps, who accompanied Céloron. It shows eight points where observations for latitude were taken, and extends the Alleghany River up to Lake Chautauqua. It is called _Carte d’un voyage, fait dans la belle rivière en la Nouvelle France, 1749, par le reverend Père Bonnecamps, Jesuite mathématicien_. There is a copy in the Kohl Collection, in the Department of State at Washington.

Kohl identifies the places of burial as follows: Kananouangon (Warren, Pa.); Rivière aux bœufs (Franklin, Pa.); R. Ranonouara (near Wheeling); R. Yenariguékonnan (Marietta); R. Chinodaichta (Pt. Pleasant, W. Va.); R. à la Roche (mouth of Great Miami River).

There are two portages marked on the map: one from Lake Chautauqua to Lake Erie, and the other from La Demoiselle on the R. à la Roche to Fort des Miamis on the R. des Miamis, flowing into Lake Erie.

In the annexed sketch of the map, the rude marks of the fleur-de-lis show “les endroits ou l’on enterré des lames de plomb;” the double daggers “les latitudes observées;” and the houses “les villages.”

The map has been engraved in J. H. Newton’s _Hist. of the Pan Handle, West Virginia_ (Wheeling, 1879), p. 37, with a large representation of a plate found at the mouth of Wheeling Creek (p. 40).

Spotswood in 1716 had taken similar measures to mark the Valley of Virginia for the English king. John Fontaine, who accompanied him, says in his journal: “The governor had graving irons, but could not grave anything, the stones were so hard. The governor buried a bottle with a paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place, and in the name of and for King George the First of England.” Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 288.

[1247] The home government ordered Virginia to make this grant to the Ohio Company. In 1749, 800,000 acres were granted to the Loyal Company. In 1751 the Green Briar Company received 100,000 acres. Up to 1757, Virginia had granted 3,000,000 acres west of the mountains.

[1248] _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. 272. The American Revolution ended the company’s existence. See _ante_, p. 10; also Rupp’s _Early Hist. Western Penna._, p. 3; Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 26; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii., app.; Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 336.

[1249] This treaty was made June 13, 1752. The position of Logstown is in doubt. Cf. _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 6. It appears on the map in Bouquet’s _Expedition_, London, 1766. Cf. De Hass’s _West. Virginia_, 70.

[1250] _Ante_, p. 10.

[1251] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 516, and in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii. 267, etc.

[1252] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 31. William Smith, in 1756, spoke of the French “seizing all the advantages which we have neglected.” (_Hist. of N. York_, Albany, 1814, Preface, p. x.)

[1253] This plan is also reproduced in Hough’s ed. of Pouchot, ii. 9; in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, 70; in the papers on the early settlement of Ogdensburg, in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 430.

[1254] Translated in Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, p. 85, where will be found an account of the mission (p. 49), and a view of it (p. 17) after the English took possession. De la Lande’s “Mémoires” of Piquet are in the _Lettres Édifiantes_, vol. xv., and there is an abridged version in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ The Canadian historian, Joseph Tassé, gives an account of Piquet in the _Revue Canadienne_, vii. 5, 102.

[1255] _Travels_, London, 1771, ii. 310.

[1256] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 205, May 15, 1750.

[1257] _Penna Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 108.

[1258] A paper in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 225, dwells on the impolicy of the French government in superseding Galissonière.

[1259] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 220.

[1260] Stone’s _Johnson; Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi.

[1261] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 734; x. 239, etc.

[1262] _Ibid._, vi. 738.

[1263] _Ibid._, vi. 614-39.

[1264] _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 123, 125.

[1265] Sedgwick’s _William Livingston_, p.99; Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. p. 54.

[1266] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 1,149; Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 85. Cf. Sparks’s _Franklin_, iv. 71, 330; _Contest in North America_, p. 36, etc.

[1267] Thomson, nos. 449, 940. Thomas Cresap writes in 1751, “Mr. Muntour tells me the Indians on the Ohio would be very glad if the French traders were taken, for they have as great a dislike to them as we have, and think we are afraid of them, because we patiently suffer our men to be taken by them.” Palmer’s _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, p. 247.

[1268] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. ch. v.

[1269] His foot-notes indicate the particular papers on which he depends among the Parkman MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, as well as papers in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 806, 835, etc., x. 255, and in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_, v. 659. Cf. papers on the French movements in the Ohio Valley in 1753, in the _Mag. of Western Hist._, Aug., 1885, p. 369; and T. J. Chapman on “Washington’s first public service,” in Mag. of Amer. Hist., 1885, p. 248, and on “Washington’s first campaign,” in _Ibid._, Jan., 1886.

[1270] Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 259, note.

[1271] Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 450.

[1272] _Sparks’s Catal._, p. 224; also Sparks’s _Washington_, i. 48, ii. p. x. Sparks considered that these papers “filled up the chasm occasioned by the loss of Washington’s papers” in the Braddock campaign. Referring to Washington’s letters during the French war, Sparks (ii., introd.) says that Washington, twenty or thirty years after they were written, caused them to be copied, after he had revised them, and it is in this amended condition they are preserved, though several originals still exist. In his reply to Mahon (Cambridge, 1852, p. 30) Sparks says that this revision by Washington showed “numerous erasures, interlineations, and corrections in almost every letter,” probably meaning in those whose originals are preserved. With the canons governing Sparks as an editor, this revision was followed in his edition of _Washington’s Writings_; but the historian regrets, as he reads the record in Sparks’s volumes, that the Washington of the French war has partly disappeared in the riper character which he became after he had known the experiences of the American Revolution.

[1273] _The Official Records of Robert Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of the Colony of Virginia_, 1751-58, Richmond, 1883-84, 2 vols.

[1274] Brinley, ii. no. 4,189, a copy which brought $560. Though described as in “the original marble wrapper,” it did not have a map, as the copy noted in the _Carter-Brown Catal._ (iii. 1,033) does, though this may have been added from the London reprint of the same year, which had “a new map of the country as far as the Mississippi.” This map is largely derived from Charlevoix. Trumbull, in noting this reprint (Brinley, ii. 4,190), implies that the original edition did not have a map, which may be inferred from what Washington says of its being put hurriedly to press, after he had had only a single day to write it up from his rough notes. This London reprint is also in the Carter-Brown library (iii. no. 1,034), and Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_ (no. 1,187) records sales of it as follows: (1866) Morrell, $46; (1867) Roche, $49; (1869) Morrell, $40; (1870) Rice, $52; (1871) Bangs & Co., $28; (1875) Field, $30; (1876) Menzies, $48. The Brinley copy brought $80. Cf. Rich., _Bib. Amer. Nova_ (after 1700), p. 105; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,623; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. no. 1,618; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 310, £7 10_s._ Sabin reprinted the London edition in 1865 (200 copies, small paper), and other reprints of the text are in Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 432-447; in I. Daniel Rupp’s _Early History of Western Pennsylvania, and of the West, and of Western Expeditions and Campaigns, from 1754 to 1833. By a gentleman of the bar. With an appendix containing the most important Indian Treaties, Journals, Topographical Descriptions_, etc. Pittsburgh, 1846, p. 392; in the appendix to the _Diary of Geo. Washington_, 1789-91, ed. by B. J. Lossing, pp. 203-248, with notes by J. G. Shea, N. Y., 1860, and Richmond, 1861; and in Blanchard’s _Discovery and Conquests of the North West_, app., 1-30, Chicago, 1880.

Stevens (_Hist. Coll._, i. p. 131) says the “original autograph of Washington’s Journal” is in the Public Record Office in London.

St. Pierre’s letter to Dinwiddie was also printed in the _London Magazine_, June, 1754. This and the allied correspondence are in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 164, etc.; and in Lossing’s ed. of _Washington’s Diaries_.

The letter of Holdernesse to the governors of the English colonies, authorizing force against the French, is in Sparks’s _Franklin_, iii. 251. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter (July 5, 1754) urging resistance to French encroachments, with the comments of the Lords of Trade, is in the _New Jersey Archives_, viii. pp. 292, 294; where will also be found Robinson’s letter (Oct. 26, 1754) urging enlistments (_Ibid._, Part ii. p. 17.)

[1275] _Washington_, ii. 7.

[1276] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 233.

[1277] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 23; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,051, with an erroneous note; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 809; Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 761.

[1278] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,122-24.

[1279] Leclerc, _Bib. Amer._, no. 762.

[1280] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,151; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 264.

[1281] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 24; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,162; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 811, 812. It was reprinted in 1757 in Philadelphia. Thomson, no. 810; Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. 1,537.

[1282] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._ (1870), no. 1,383; Carter-Brown, iii. 1,229; Sabin, xii. 51,661.

[1283] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,167; Cooke, no. 2,904; Sabin, x. p. 412; Murphy, no. 1,510; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 944. It is also reprinted in _Olden Time_, vol. ii. 140-277 (Field, no. 1,052), and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 55, etc.

[1284] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 155.

[1285] Parkman also characterizes as “short and very incorrect” the abstract of it which is printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vol. x.

[1286] Cf. letter of Contrecœur in the _Précis des Faits_; in Pouchot’s _Mémoire sur la dernière Guerre_, i. p. 14 (also Hough’s translation); in _Le Politique Danois, ou l’ambition des Anglais demasquée par leurs Pirateries_, Copenhagen, 1756 (Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geographica_, no. 2,212; Sabin, xv. no. 63,831); in _Histoire de la Guerre contre les Anglois_ (Geneva, 1759, two vols.), attributed to Puellin de Lumina, who speaks of “le cruel Washington;” in Thomas Balch’s _Les Français en Amérique_ (p. 45); in Dussieux’s _Le Canada sous la domination Française_, 118; in Gaspe’s _Anciens Canadiens_, 396. There are other particular references given by Parkman. Garneau’s account and inferences in his _Histoire du Canada_ are held to be strictly impartial. Jumonville’s loss is noted in the _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, 1884), vol. iii. p. 521.

[1287] Poole’s _Index_ refers to the following: “Washington and the death of Jumonville,” by W. T. Anderson, in _Canadian Monthly_, i. p. 55; “Washington and the Jumonville of M. Thomas,” in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 201. The “Jumonville” of Thomas was a poem published in 1759, reflecting severely on Washington, and may be found in _Œuvres de Thomas, par M. Saint-Surin_, v. p. 47. Peter Fontaine represents the current opinion among the English, as to Jumonville’s action, when he says that the French “were in ambush in the woods waiting for” Washington. (Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 361.) It is not necessary to particularize the references to Smollett, and Mahon, Marshall’s _Washington_, Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, and other obvious books; though something of local help will be found in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland, Maryland, from 1728 up to the present day, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, with a history of Braddock’s expedition_, etc., Washington, 1878. Sargent also goes over the events in the introduction to his _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 43, etc., and epitomizes the account by Adam Stephen in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, no. 1,343.

[1288] _Col. Rec. of Penna._, vi. 195.

[1289] A view of the fort is noted in the _Catal. of Paintings, Pa. Hist. Soc._, 1872, no. 64. A diagram of Fort Necessity and its surroundings, from a survey made in 1816, is given in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 76. A plan of the attack is in Sparks’s _Washington_, i. 56. De Hass (_Western Virginia_, 63, 65) says that in 1851 the embankments of the fort could be traced; and that at one time a proposition had been made to erect a monument on the site.

[1290] _Washington_, ii. 456-68.

[1291] Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_. Cf. also _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 260; Walpole’s _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., i. p. 399.

[1292] “It is a constant maxim among the Indians that if even they can speak and understand English, yet when they treat of anything that concerns their nation, they will not treat but in their own language.” Journal of John Fontaine in Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 273.

[1293] Henry Reed added to Mahon’s account in the Amer. ed. of that historian (1849), ii. 307. There is a detailed account in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 77.

[1294] _Braddock’s Expedition_, p. 55; Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, ii. 331. The _Enquiry_ has a map of the country, and the second journal of Christian Frederic Post. The book was reprinted in Philad. in 1867. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 1145, 1146; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 951, 952; H. C. lib., 5325.44.) Parkman (_Pontiac_, i. 85) refers to Thomson’s tract “as designed to explain the causes of the rupture, which took place at the outbreak of the French war, and the text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents.” Referring to a copy with MS. notes by Gov. Hamilton, Parkman says that the proprietary governor cavils at several unimportant points, but suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged. Cf. _Several Conferences between ... the Quakers and the Six Indian Nations in order to reclaim their brethren the Delaware Indians from their defection_, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756. (Brinley, iii. 5,497.)

[1295] J. M. Lemoine epitomizes Stobo’s career in his _Maple Leaves_, new series, 1873, p. 55.

[1296] These articles are also in Livingston’s _Review of Mil. Operations_, etc.; _Penna. Archives_, ii. 146; De Hass’s _Western Virginia_, p. 67; S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer Hist. of the Ohio Valley_, p. 36; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 459.

[1297] _History of an expedition against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755, under Edward Braddock. Ed. from the original MSS._, Phila., 1855. _Contents_:—Preface. Introductory memoir, pp. 15-280; Capt. [Robert] Orme’s journal, pp. 281-358; Journal of the expedition, by an unknown writer, in the possession of F. O. Morris, pp. 359-389; Braddock’s instructions, etc., pp. 393-397; Letter by Col. Napier to Braddock, pp. 398-400; Fanny Braddock [by O. Goldsmith], pp. 401-406; G. Croghan’s statement, pp. 407, 408; French reports of the action of the 9th July, 1755, pp. 409-413; Ballads, etc., pp. 414-416; Braddock’s last night in London, pp. 417, 418; Index, pp. 419-423. Sargent was born in 1828, and died in 1870. _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1872, p. 88.

[1298] Cf. _Catal. of Sparks MSS._, under vol. xliii., no. 4, for the same.

[1299] Cf. letter dated Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755, given in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xviii. 153, with list of officers killed; also in _Hist. Mag._, viii. 353 (Nov., 1864); and in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 180. It describes the flight of the army.

[1300] Keppel’s letter to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia, is in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1886, p. 489.

[1301] Also in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 203 (cf. 2d series, vi. 211), and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 920. In _Olden Time_, ii. 217, will be found a re-Englished form of these instructions, taken from a French version of them, which the French government published from the original, captured among Braddock’s baggage.

[1302] Second ed., 1870, i. 101.

[1303] Orig. ed., iv. 184-192; final revision, ii. 420.

[1304] _Life and Writings of Washington_, vol. i., Memoir, and vol. ii. 16-26, 68-93, 468. Sparks also encountered the subject in dealing with Franklin, for the Autobiography of Franklin (_Franklin’s Works_, ed. Sparks, i. 183,—some errors pointed out, p. 192; Bigelow’s ed., p. 303) gives some striking pictures of the confidence of Braddock and the assurance of the public, the indignation of Braddock towards what he conceived to be the apathy if not disloyalty of the Pennsylvanians, and the assistance of Franklin himself in procuring wagons for the army (in which he advanced money never wholly repaid,—_Franklin’s Works_, vii. 95). On this latter point, see Sargent, p. 164; and _Penna. Archives_, vol. ii. 294.

Neville B. Craig’s _Washington’s First Campaign, Death of Jumonville, and taking of Fort Necessity; also Braddock’s Defeat and the March of the unfortunate General explained by a Civil Engineer_, Pittsburgh, 1848, is made up of papers from Mr. Craig’s monthly publication, _The Olden Time_, published in Pittsburgh in 1846-1848, and reprinted in Cincinnati in 1876. It had a folded map of Braddock’s route, repeated in the work first named. Many of these _Olden Time_ papers are reprinted in the _Virginia Historical Register_, v. 121.

The full title of Craig’s periodical was _The Olden Time; a monthly publication devoted to the preservation of documents and other authentic information in relation to the early explorations and the settlement of the country around the head of the Ohio_. (Cf. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 280, 892, 893; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 381.) Thomson refers to a similar publication of a little earlier date: _The American Pioneer. A Monthly Periodical, devoted to the objects of the Logan Historical Society; or to Collecting and Publishing Sketches relative to the Early Settlement and Successive Improvement of the Country. Edited and Published by John S. Williams_. Vol. i., Chillicothe, 1842; vol. ii., Cincinnati, 1843. After the removal of the place of publication to Cincinnati, vol. i. was reprinted, which accounts for the fact that in many copies vol. i. is dated Cincinnati, 1844, and vol. ii. 1843. The publication was discontinued at the end of no. 10, vol. ii. It contains journals of campaigns against the Indians, narratives of captivity, incidents of border warfare, biographical sketches, etc. The Logan Historical Society was first organized on July 28, 1841, at Westfall, Pickaway County, near the spot where Logan, the Mingo chief, is said to have delivered his celebrated speech. The society flourished for two or three years. Mr. Williams was the secretary of the society. An attempt was again made in 1849 to revive the society, without success.

[1305] _Life of Washington_, i. ch. xiv.

[1306] For 1755, pp. 378, 426. The first intelligence which Gov. Morris sent to England was from Carlisle, July 16. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 379.

[1307] The latest local rendering is in W. H. Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland (Maryland) from 1728, embracing an account of Washington’s first campaign, with a history of Braddock’s expedition, etc. With maps and illustrations_. Washington, D. C., 1878. It is only necessary to refer to such other later accounts as Hutchinson’s _Mass._, iii. 32; Chalmers’ _Revolt_, ii. 275; Marshall’s _Washington_; Grahame’s _United States_; Mahon’s _England_, vol. iv.; Hildreth’s _United States_, ii. 459-61; Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. ch. 15; J. E. Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. 344; A. Matthews in the _Mag. of Western History_, i. 509; Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_ (ii. p. 237), who quotes largely from a despatch which he found in the Archives de la Guerre (Carton marked “1755, Marine”).

[1308] _Letters_ (1755), and _Mem. Geo. II._, i. 190.

[1309] _Apology for her Life._

[1310] Capt. Bilkum in the _Covent Garden Tragedy_, 1732.

[1311] See a single letter in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 502, dated June 11, 1755.

[1312] Braddock, at a later stage, was supplied with Evans’ map, for acquiring a knowledge of the Ohio Valley. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 309, 317. There is in the Faden collection (Library of Congress), no. 4, “Capt. Snow’s sketch of the country [to be traversed by Braddock] by himself and the best accounts he could receive from the Indian tribes,”—a MS. dated 1754, with also Snow’s original draft (no. 5).

[1313] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 349. Gov. Sharpe’s letter on this council is printed in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 454.

[1314] A plan of Fort Cumberland, 1755, from a drawing in the King’s Maps (Brit. Museum), is given in Lowdermilk’s _History of Cumberland_, p. 92. (Cf. Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. p. 448.) A lithographic view (1755), in Lowdermilk’s _Hist. of Cumberland_, is given in a reduced wood-cut in Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. p. 458.

[1315] Cf. a memoir and portrait of St. Clair by C. R. Hildeburn, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, 1885, p. 1.

[1316] _America and West Indies_, vol. lxxxii.

[1317] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 91-94. Cf. _Letter to the people of England on the present situation and conduct of national affairs_ (London, 1755). Sabin, x. no. 40,651.

[1318] See letter from Camp on Laurel Hill, July 12, 1755, on the defeat, in _Hist. Mag._, vi. 160. In the _Penna. Mag. of History_, iii. p. 11, is a MS. Newsletter by Daniel Dulany, dated Annapolis, Dec. 9, 1755, giving the current accounts.

[1319] Parkman notes (p. 221) as among his copies a letter of Gov. Shirley to Robinson, Nov. 5, 1755, from the Public Record Office (_Amer. and W. Indies_, lxxxii.); a report of the court of inquiry into the behavior of the troops at the Monongahela; Burd to Morris, July 25; Sinclair to Robinson, Sept. 3, etc.

[1320] The sermon was printed in Philad., and reprinted in London in 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,763; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,409; Brinley, i. 218.) There are other symptoms of the time in another sermon of the same preacher, Oct. 28, 1756. (Sabin, v. 18,757.) Cf. Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. p. 242; and W. H. Foote’s _Sketches of Virginia_ (Phil., 1850), pp. 157, 284. See further on Davies (who was later president of Princeton College) and his relations to current events in Sprague’s _Annals_, iii.; John H. Rice’s memoir of him in the _Lit. and Evangelical Mag._; Albert Barnes’ “Life and Times of Davies,” prefixed to _Davies’ Works_ (N. Y., 1851); and David Bostwick’s memoir of him accompanying Davies’ fulsome _Sermon on the Death of George II._ (Boston, 1761).

[1321] _America and West Indies_, lxxxii. Cf. the statement of loss in _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. 544, and in Sargent, p. 238. The list of Braddock’s killed and wounded, as reported in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, Aug., 1755, is reprinted in Lowdermilk’s _Cumberland_, p. 164. There is among the _Sparks MSS._ (no. xlviii.) a paper, apparently contemporary, giving the British loss, in which Washington is marked as “wounded.”

[1322] It is signed T. W., and is dated Boston, Aug. 25, 1755. There were other editions the same year at Bristol and London. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,039, 1,120; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 182; Sabin, iii. no. 12,320, x. no. 40,382; Brinley, i. no. 213; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.46. The _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,749, says the T. W. was “probably Timothy Walker, afterwards chief justice of the Common Pleas in Boston.”

[1323] Hildeburn, i. no. 1,479.

[1324] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,038; Thomson, no. 106; Sabin, ii. 7,210.

[1325] _Mem. of the Reign of George II._, 2d ed., ii. 29.

[1326] The book, which is very rare, was published at Lexington, Ky., in 1799. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,438; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,055.) It was reprinted in Cincinnati, in 1870 “with an appendix of illustrative notes by W. M. Darlington,” as no. 5 of the _Ohio Valley Historical Series_. (Field, no. 1,440.) It was reprinted at Philad. in 1831, since dated 1834. (Brinley, iii. 5,570.) The author published an abstract of it in his _Treatise on the mode and manner of Indian war_, Paris, Ky., 1812. (Field, no. 1,439.) Parkman calls the earlier book “perhaps the best of all the numerous narratives of captives among the Indians.”

There is a sketch of Col. James Smith in J. A. M’Clung’s _Sketches of Western Adventure_ (Dayton, Ohio, 1852). There have been other reprints of the _Remarkable Occurrences_ in Drake’s _Tragedies of the Wilderness_ (Boston, 1841); in J. Pritt’s _Mirror of Olden Time Border Life_ (Abingdon, Va., 1849); in James Wimer’s _Events in Indian History_ (Lancaster, 1841); and in the _Western Review_, 1821, vol. iv. (Lexington, Ky.). These titles are noted at length in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_.

[1327] They are: 1. “Relation du combat du 9 juillet, 1755.”

2. “Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec, jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755.”

3. Lettre “de Monsieur Lotbinière à Monsieur le Comte d’Argenson, au Camp de Carillon, le 24 oct., 1755.”

[1328] One hundred copies printed.

[1329] _Contents._—Notice sur D. H. M. L. de Beaujeu [par J. G. Shea]; Relation de l’action par Mr. de Godefroy; Relation depuis le départ des trouppes de Québec jusqu’au 30 du mois de septembre, 1755; Relation de l’action par M. Pouchot; Relation du combat tirée des archives du Dépôt général de la guerre; Relation officielle, imprimée au Louvre; Relation des diuers mouvements qui se sont passés entre les François et les Anglois, 9 juillet, 1755; État de l’artillerie, munitions de guerre et autres effets appartenant aux Anglais qui se sont trouvés sur le champ de bataille; Lettre de M. Lotbinière, 24 octobre 1755; Extraits du registre du Fort Du Quesne. (Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,394.) Shea also edited in the Cramoisy series (100 copies), as throwing some light on the battle and its hero Beaujeu, _Registres des baptesmes et sepultures qui se sont faits au Fort Du Quesne pendant les années 1753, 1754, 1755, & 1756_. _Nouvelle York_, 1859. (iv. 3-51 pp.) An English translation of this by Rev. A. A. Lambing has been published at Pittsburgh.

Cf. the French account printed in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 256, and the statement of the captured munitions (p. 262). Cf. _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 303, 311. Parkman (app. to vol. ii. 424) brings forward the official report of Contrecœur to Vaudreuil, July 14, 1755, and (p. 425) a letter of Dumas, July 24, 1756, written to explain his own services, both of which Parkman found in the Archives of the Marine at Paris. It has sometimes been held that Beaujeu, not Contrecœur, commanded the post. (_Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1859, iii. p. 274.) Parkman (i. p. 221) also notes other papers among his own MSS. (copies) now in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. There is something to be gleaned from the _Mass. Archives, Doc. collected in France_ (cf. vol. ix. 211), as well as from the documents copied in Paris for the State of New York (vol. xi., etc.).

Maurault, in his _Histoire des Abénakis_ (1866), gives a chapter to “les Abénakis à la bataille de la Mononagahéla.” The part which Charles Langlade, the partisan chief, took is set forth in Tassé’s _Notice sur Charles Langlade_ (in _Revue Canadienne_ originally), in Anburey’s _Travels_, and in Draper’s “Recollections of Grignon” in the _Wisconsin Hist. Coll._, iii.

[1330] Vol. i. p. 38.

[1331] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11.

[1332] _N. Jersey Archives_, 1st ser., viii. 294. The colony was finally alarmed through fear the enemy would reach her borders. _Ibid._, viii., Part 2d, pp. 158, 174, 179, 182, 201.

[1333] _Hist. of Maryland_, i. 459.

[1334] Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 218.

[1335] Sargent, in picturing the condition of society which thus existed, finds much help in Joseph Doddridge’s _Notes of the Settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1763-1783, with a view of the state of society and manners of the first settlers of the western country_, Wellsburgh, Va., 1824. (Sargent, _Braddock’s Exped._, p. 80; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 331.) Doddridge was reprinted, with some transpositions, in Kercheval’s _Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_ (Winchester, 1833, and Woodstock, 1850,—Thomson, nos. 668-9); and verbatim at Albany in 1876, edited by Alfred Williams, and accompanied by a memoir of Doddridge by his daughter (Thomson, no. 332).

Another monograph of interest in this study is John A. M’Clung’s _Sketches of Western Adventure ... connected with the Settlement of the West from 1755 to 1794_, Maysville, Ky., 1832. Some copies have a Philadelphia imprint. There were editions at Cincinnati in 1832, 1836, 1839, 1851, and at Dayton in 1844, 1847, 1852, 1854. An amended edition, with additions by Henry Waller, was printed at Covington, Ky., 1872. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 745-749.)

Of some value, also, is Wills De Hass’s _History of the Early Settlement and Indian Wars of Western Virginia, previous to 1795_, Wheeling, 1851. (Thomson, no. 318.)

[1336] James Maury gives a contemporary comment on this harassing of the frontiers. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 403. Samuel Davies pictures them in his _Virginia’s Danger and Remedy_ (Williamsburg, 1756).

[1337] _Penna. Archives,_, ii. 600; _Le Foyer Canadien_, iii. 26; Sparks’s _Washington_, ii. 137.

These murderous forays can be followed in the correspondence of Washington (1756); in the _Col. Recs. of Penna._, vii.; _Penna. Archives_, ii.; Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._; and in the French documents quoted by Parkman, i. pp. 422-26. There is a letter of John Armstrong to Richard Peters in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1882, p. 500; and local testimony in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, 616, 714, 764, 874, 1,008; Rupp’s _Northumberland County_, etc., ch. v. and vi.; Newton’s _Hist. of the Panhandle, West. Va._ (Wheeling, 1879); Kercheval’s _Valley of Virginia_, ch. vii., etc.; U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ (Phil., 1876); J. F. Meginness’ _Otzinachson, or the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna_ (Phil., 1857, p. 62); Scharf’s _Maryland_, vol. i. 470-492; Hand Browne’s _Maryland_, 226.

There is record of the provincial troops of Pennsylvania employed in these years in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. ii. In February, 1756, Governor Morris wrote to Shirley, describing the defences he had been erecting along the borders. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 569.) There is in _Ibid._, xii. p. 323, a list of forts erected in Pennsylvania during this period. The enumeration shows one built in 1747, one in 1749, two in 1753, seven in 1754, eleven in 1755, twenty-one in 1756, three in 1757, three in 1758, and one in 1759. Plans are given of Forts Augusta at Shamokin, Bedford at Raystown, Ligonier at Loyalhannon, and Pitt at Pittsburgh.

In 1756, William Smith (_Hist. New York_, 1814, p. 243) says that William Johnson, within nine months after the arrival of Braddock, received £10,000 to use in securing the alliance and pacification of the Indians.

There was published in London in 1756 an _Account of conferences and treaties between Sir William Johnson and the chief Sachems, etc., on different occasions at Fort Johnson, in 1755 and 1756_ (Brinley, iii. no. 5,495), and in New York and Boston in 1757 a _Treaty with the Shawanese on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, by Sir Wm. Johnson_ (Sabin, xv. 65,759).

[1338] Irving’s _Washington_, i. p. 192, etc. A map of the region under Washington’s supervision, with the position of the forts, is given in Sparks’ _Washington_, ii. 110. The journal of John Fontaine describes some of the forts in the Virginia backwoods. Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, 245, etc.

[1339] Parkman, i. 351.

[1340] The book was first published in London in 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,217.) Sparks, in reprinting it in his edition of _Franklin’s Works_, ii. p. 107, examines the question of Franklin’s relations to its composition and publication. The book had an appendix of original papers respecting the controversy. The copy which belonged to Thomas Penn is in the Franklin Collection, now in Washington. (_U. S. Doc._, no. 60.) Cf. _Catal. of Franklin Books in Boston Public Library_, p. 8.

[1341] Dr. Franklin and the Rev. William Smith are said to have had a hand in _A Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania, in which the conduct of their assemblies for several years past is impartially examined_, London, 1755. (Rich, _Bibl. Americana Nova_ (after 1700), p. 111; Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, 1,070; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,082, 1,133; Brinley, ii. no. 3,034; Cooke, no. 2,007; a third edition bears date 1756. It was reprinted by Sabin in N. Y. in 1865.) The purpose of this tract was (in the opinion of the Quakers) to make them obnoxious to the British government by showing their factious spirit of opposition to measures calculated to advance the interests of the province; and on the other side, _An Answer to an invidious pamphlet entitled A Brief State_, etc., said to be by one Cross, was published the same year in London. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,083; Cooke, no. 2,008; Brinley, ii. 3,035; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nov._ (after 1700), p. 111.) A sequel to the _Brief State_, etc., appeared in London in 1756 as _A Brief View of the Conduct of Pennsylvania for the year 1755, so far as it affected the service of the British Colonies, particularly the Expedition under the late General Braddock_ (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,132; Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 1,072; Cooke, no. 2,006; Brinley, ii. 3,036; Menzies, 1,580-82; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, 1,446; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 937), which included an account of the contemporary incursions of the Indians along the Pennsylvania frontiers. A French version was printed in Paris the same year, under the title of _Etat présent de la Pensilvanie_ (Brinley, i. 225; Murphy, 329; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,677, £2 10_s._). The Barlow _Rough List_, no. 930, assigns it to the Abbé Delaville. It had “une carte particulière de cette colonie.”

The Quakers found a defender in _An humble apology for the Quakers, occasioned by certain gross abuses and imperfect vindications of that people, ... to which are added Observations on A Brief View, and a much fairer method pointed out than that contained in The Brief State, to prevent the encroachments of the French_, London, 1756. (Brinley, ii. 3,041.) The latest contribution to this controversy was _A True and Impartial State of the Province of Pennsylvania_, Philadelphia, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,232; Brinley, ii. 3,040; Cooke, no. 2,009.) Hildeburn (_Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,649) says it was thought to be by Franklin. Parkman (i. p. 351) calls this “an able presentation of the case of the assembly, omitting, however, essential facts.” This historian adds: “Articles on the quarrel will also be found in the provincial newspapers, especially the _New York Mercury_, and in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1755 and 1756. But it is impossible to get any clear and just view of it without wading through the interminable documents concerning it in the _Colonial Records of Pennsylvania_ and the _Pennsylvania Archives_.”

Parkman also traces the rise of the disturbance in his _Pontiac_, i. p. 83; and refers further to Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, app., and Hazard’s _Penna. Reg._, viii. 273, 293, 323.

[1342] _Works_, vii. pp. 78, 84, 94, etc.

[1343] Georg Henry Loskiel, _Geschichte der mission der Evangelischen Brüder unter den Indianern in Nordamerica_, Leipzig, 1789 (Thomson, _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 732), and the English version by Christian Ignatius La Trobe, _History of the Missions of the United Brethren_, London, 1794. The massacre is described in Part iii. p. 180. (Thomson, no. 733.)

John Heckewelder, _Narrative of the Mission of the United Brethren among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians_, 1740-1808, Philadelphia, 1820. (Thomson, no. 537; cf. _Hist. Mag._, 1875, p. 287.) There is also a chapter on “the brethren with the commissioner of Pennsylvania during the Indian war of 1755-57,” in the _Memorials of the Moravian Church_, ed. by William C. Reichel (Philad., 1870), vol. i. (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,270.)

[1344] _Penna. Archives_, ii. 485.

[1345] Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_, i. 357; and Franklin’s _Autobiography_, Bigelow’s ed., p. 319. Franklin drafted the militia act of Pennsylvania, which was passed Nov. 25, 1755. (_Gentleman’s Mag._, 1756, vol. xxvi.) In Nov., 1755, Gov. Belcher informs Sir Thomas Robinson of expected forays along the western borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania. (_New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 149.) Even New Jersey was threatened (_Ibid._, pp. 156, 157, 158, 160, where the Moravians are called “snakes in the grass”), and Belcher addressed the assembly (_Ibid._, p. 162), and, Nov. 26, ordered the province’s troops to march to the Delaware (_Ibid._, p. 174). On Dec. 16 he again addressed the assembly on the danger (p. 193).

[1346] Cf. Thomson’s _Alienation of the Delawares_, etc.; Heckewelder’s _Acc. of the Hist. of the Indian Nations_, Phil., 1819; in German, Göttingen, 1821; in French, Paris, 1822; revised in English, with notes, by W. C. Reichel, and published by _Penna. Hist. Soc._, 1876. (Details in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 533-36.)

[1347] _Administration of the Colonies_, ii. 205.

[1348] The statement is copied in Mills’ _Boundaries of Ontario_, p. 3.

[1349] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, xiii., introduction; Dr. C. H. Hall’s _The Dutch and the Iroquois_, N. Y., 1882,—a lecture before the Long Island Hist. Society. In Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ there is a map of their country, with the distributions of 1720, based on modern cartography. The Tuscaroras, defeated by the English in Carolina, had come north, and had joined the Iroquois in 1713, or thereabouts, converting their usual designation with the English from Five to Six Nations.

[1350] Cf. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 386, etc. Various letters of Shirley are in the _Penna. Archives_, vol. ii., particularly one to De Lancey, June 1, 1755 (p. 338), on the campaign in general, and one from Oswego, July 20 (p. 381), to Gov. Morris. William Alexander wrote letters to Shirley detailing the progress of the troops from May onward (p. 348, etc.).

[1351] Especially one of Sept. 8, “in a wet tent” (p. 402). A letter from Shirley himself, the next day, Sept. 9, is in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 432. Cf. also _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 956. The records of the two councils of war, first determining to continue, and later to abandon, the campaign, with Shirley’s announcement of the decision to Gov. Hardy, are in _Penna. Archives_, ii. 413, 423, 427, 435.

[1352] Cf. also _Gent. Mag._, 1757, p. 73; _London Mag._, 1759, p. 594. Cf. Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, ii. 370, etc.

[1353] See particularly for this fight vol. i. 501. Stone treats the subject apologetically on controverted points. Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,511. Johnson’s letter to Hardy is given in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. p. 1013.

[1354] Various books may be cited for minor characterizations of Johnson: Mrs. Grant’s _Memoirs of an American Lady_; J. R. Simms’ _Trappers of New York, or a biography of Nicholas Stoner and Nathaniel Foster, and some account of Sir William Johnson and his style of living_ (Albany, 1871, with the same author’s _Schoharie County_, ch. iv.), called _Frontiersmen of New York_ in the second edition,—works of little literary skill; Ketchum’s _Buffalo_ (1864). Parkman’s first sketch was in his _Pontiac_ (i. p. 90). Mr. Stone has also a paper in _Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, Jan., 1875. Cf. _Lippincott’s Mag._, June, 1879, and Poole’s _Index_, p. 694. His character in fiction is referred to in Stone’s _Johnson_, i. p. 57.

Peter Fontaine, in 1757, wrote: “General Johnson’s success was owing to his fidelity to the Indians and his generous conduct to his Indian wife, by whom he has several hopeful sons.” Ann Maury’s _Huguenot Family_, p. 351.

William Smith (_New York_, ii. 83), who knew Johnson, speaks of his ambition “being fanned by the party feuds between Clinton and De Lancey,” Johnson attaching himself to Clinton.

[1355] Many of these which cover Johnson’s public career have been printed in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. ii. p. 543, etc.), and_ Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vol. vi., not to name places of less extent.

[1356] Cf. _An account of conferences held and treaties made between Maj.-Gen. Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart., and the Chief Sachems and Warriours of the Indian nations_, Lond., 1756. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,119; Stevens’ _Hist. Coll._, i. 1,455; Harvard Coll. lib., 5325.48.) Johnson’s views on measures necessary to be taken with the Six Nations to defeat the designs of the French (July, 1754) are in _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 203.

As early as 1750-51, Johnson was telling Clinton that the French incitement of the Iroquois was worse than open war, and that the only justification for the French was that the English were doing the same thing.

[1357] _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 422.

[1358] _Ibid._, p. 421.

[1359] _Ibid._, p. 429.

[1360] Haven (Thomas, _Hist. Printing_, ii. p. 526) notes it as printed at the time separately in a three-page folio as a _Letter dated at Lake George, Sept. 9, 1755, to the governours of the several colonies who raised the troops on the present expedition, giving an account of the action of the preceding day_. There is a copy of a two-page folio edition in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Dr. O’Callaghan, in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (ii. 691), copies it from the _Gent. Mag._, vol. xxiv., and gives a map (p. 696) from that periodical, which is annexed herewith.

[1361] Wraxall’s letter, Sept. 10, p. 1003; a gunner’s letter, p. 1005; and a list of killed and wounded, p. 1006.

[1362] Shirley’s commission to Johnson, and his instructions are given in the app. of Hough’s ed. of _Rogers’ Journal_, Albany, 1883.

[1363] There is an account of Blanchard’s New Hampshire regiment by C. E. Potter, in his contribution, “Military Hist. of New Hampshire, 1623-1861” (p. 129), which makes Part i. of the 2d vol. of the _Report of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._ for 1866. Cf. also _N. H. Revolutionary Rolls_, Concord, 1885, vol. i. A second N. H. regiment, under Col. Peter Gilman, was later sent. (_Ibid._, p. 144.) Col. Bagley, who commanded the garrison left in Fort William Henry the following winter, had among his troops the N. H. company of Capt. Robert Rogers. (_Ibid._, p. 156.)

[1364] _Mass. Bay_, iii. 36.

[1365] _The Mass. Archives_ attest this; cf. also _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, ii. 667, 677. Out of a reimbursement of £115,000 made by Parliament to be shared proportionately, Massachusetts was given £54,000 and New York £15,000, while Connecticut got £26,000,—Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and New Jersey the rest. (Parkman, i. 382.) The rolls which show the numbers of troops which Massachusetts sent on the successive “Crown Point expeditions,” 1755-60, are in the _Mass. Archives_, vols. xciii.-xcviii.

[1366] The friends of Gen. Lyman were angry at Johnson for his neglect in his report to give him any share of the credit of the victory. Cf. Fowler’s _Hist. of Durham, Conn._, 108; Coleman’s _Lyman Family_ (Albany, 1872), p. 204. A letter from Gen. Lyman to his wife is given by Fowler, p. 133.

[1367] Parkman (vol. i. p. 327) touches on this unpleasantness, referring to _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vols. vi. and vii., Smith’s _Hist. of New York_, and Livingston’s _Review of Military Operations_; and adds that both Smith and Livingston were personally cognizant of the course of the dispute.

[1368] Cf. vol. i. pp. 174, 182, 184, etc. They include Pomeroy’s account of the fight of Sept. 8, 1755, addressed to his wife; a letter of Perez Marsh, dated at Lake George, Sept. 26, 1755; and a list of the killed, wounded, and missing in Col. Williams’ regiment in the same action, with a summary of the killed in the whole army, 191 in all.

[1369] They are from Albany, June 6, 1755, July 12; from the carrying place, Aug. 14, 17, 23; from Lake George, Sept. 11, 26, Oct. 8, 19, Nov. 2; from Albany, June 19, 1756; from Stillwater, July 16; from Albany, July 31, August 25, 28; Sept. 2.

[1370] Printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1863, p. 346, etc.

[1371] Stone’s _Johnson_, i. 523.

[1372] Samuel Blodget’s _Prospective plan of the battle near Lake George, on the eighth day of September, 1755, with an explanation thereof; containing a full, tho’ short History of that important affair_, was engraved by Thomas Johnston, and published in Boston by Richard Draper, 1755. (Brinley, i. 209.) The size of the plate is 14×18 inches, and the text is called _Account of the engagement near Lake George, with a whole sheet plan of the encampment and view of the battle between the English and the French and Indians_ (4to, pp. 5). It is dedicated to Gov. Shirley. A copy belonging to W. H. Whitmore is at present in the gallery of the Bostonian Society, Old State House, Boston. It was reëngraved (“not very accurately,” says Trumbull) by Jefferys in London, and was published Feb. 2, 1756, accompanied by _An Explanation ... by Samuel Blodget, occasionally at the Camp, when the battle was fought_. (Sabin, ii. 5,955; Harv. Coll. library, 5325.45.) Jefferys inserted the plate also in his _General Topog. of North America and the West Indies_, London, 1768. It was from Jefferys’ reproduction that it was repeated in Bancroft’s _United States_ (orig. ed., iv. 210); in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. p. 288; in _Doc. Hist. New York_, iv. 169; and in Dr. Hough’s ed. of _Pouchot_. The plate shows two engagements, with a side chart of the Hudson from New York upwards: _first_, the ambuscade in which Williams and Hendrick were killed; and _second_, the attack of Dieskau on the hastily formed breastwork at the lake. The plate, as engraved by Jefferys, is entitled _A prospective View of the Battle fought near Lake George on the 8th of Sep^r, 1755, between 2,000 English and 250 Mohawks under the Command of Gen^l Johnson, and 2,500 French and Indians under the Command of Genl Dieskau, in which the English were victorious, captivating the French General, with a number of his men, killing 700 and putting the rest to flight_.

[1373] The annexed fac-simile is after a copy of this print in the library of the American Antiquarian Society.

[1374] Carter-Brown, iii. 1,068; Harvard Coll. lib., 4376.37.

[1375] Haven (in Thomas), ii. 525, who assigns it to Samuel Cooper. It was reprinted in London, 1755. Brinley, i. no. 214.

[1376] Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 725. Other editions: Dublin, 1757; New England, 1758; New York, 1770. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,166, 1,762; Cooke, no. 2,146; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 944. It is reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 67. Cf. estimate of the book in Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 222.

Stone, _Life of Johnson_, i. 202, says that the coincidences between passages in this letter and others in William Smith’s _Hist. of New York_ are so striking as to warrant the conclusion that Smith must have had a share in the _Review_.

Sedgwick (_Wm. Livingston_, p. 114) says: “Allowance is to be made for its bitter attacks upon the character of De Lancey, Pownall, and Johnson.” William Smith, alleged to have been a party to its production, says: “No reply was ever made to it; it was universally read and talked of in London, and worked consequences of private and public utility. General Shirley emerged from a load of obloquy.” De Lancey (Jones’ _N. Y. during the Rev._, i. 436) holds that, while Livingston was doubtless cognizant of its publication, its real author was probably William Smith.

[1377] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,196; Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.25. It is sometimes ascribed to William Alexander, Earl of Stirling.

[1378] The histories have usually stated that Dieskau was mortally wounded, and Bancroft (_United States_, iv. 207), in his original edition speaking of him as “incurably wounded,” has changed it in his final revision (vol. ii. 435) to “mortally wounded,”—hardly true in the usual acceptation of the word, since Dieskau lived for a dozen years, though his wounds were indeed the ultimate cause of his death.

[1379] _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, iii. p. 11.

[1380] Vol. i. 115.

[1381] Cf. further Entick, i. 153; Hutchinson, iii. 35; Smith’s _New York_, ii. 214; Minot, i. 251; Trumbull’s _Conn._, ii. 368; Palfrey, Compend. ed., iv. 217; Gay, iii. 283; Barry, ii. 191, etc.; and among local authorities, Holland’s _Western Mass._; Holden’s _Queensbury_, p. 285; Palmer’s _Lake Champlain_; Watson’s _Essex County_ (1869), ch. iv.; De Costa’s _Hist. of Fort George_ (New York, 1871; also Sabin’s _Bibliopolist_, iii. _passim_, and ix. 39.)

As to Hendrick, see Schoolcraft’s _Notes of the Iroquois_; Campbell’s _Annals of Tryon County_; N. S. Benton’s _Hist. of Herkimer County_, ch. i.

Rev. Cortlandt Van Rensselaer delivered a centennial address at Caldwell in 1855, which is in his _Sermons, Essays, and Addresses_ (Philad., 1861), and Stone (i. 547) makes extracts regarding the grave and monument of Williams. Joseph White delivered a discourse on Williams before the alumni of Williams College in 1855. Cf. the histories of that college.

_A Ballad concerning the fight between the English and French at Lake George_, a broadside in double column, was published at Boston in 1755. (Haven, in Thomas, ii. 523.) Parkman (i. 317) cites another, “The Christian Hero,” in _Tilden’s Poems_, 1756.

[1382] What he hoped of the campaign is expressed in his letter to Doreil, Aug. 16 (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 311). Dieskau’s commission and instructions (Aug. 15, 1755) from the home government, as well as Vaudreuil’s instructions to him, are in _Ibid._, x. 285, 286, 327, and in the original French in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iii. p. 548.

[1383] Here also (pp. 381, 397), as well as in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 341, will be found the usual annual reports of “occurrences” transmitted to Paris.

[1384] Printed in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. p. 1, as is also a letter of Dieskau from the English Camp (p. 5), and a letter of Montreuil of Sept. 18 (p. 6).

[1385] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 318.

[1386] It is translated in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 340, and is accompanied (p. 342) by a diagram of the _cul-de-sac_ which received the English.

[1387] This seems to be the document which Parkman quotes as _Livre d’Ordres_, now in the possession of Abbé Verreau. Parkman does not think it materially modifies the despatches as filed in Paris.

[1388] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Part 2d, 133; also see pp. 137, 149, 188.

[1389] _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Pt. 2d, p. 168.

[1390] Smith’s _New York_, ii. 224; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 460, 463; _The Conduct of Gen^l Shirley_, pp. 53-56; Livingston’s _Rev. of Mil. Operations_.

[1391] One of his projects, which he had to abandon, was a winter attack on Ticonderoga. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 461, 467.) He explained in Feb. to Gov. Morris, of Penna., his views of the campaign. (_Penna. Archives_, ii. 579.) Cf. also _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 480.

[1392] _Johnson_, i. 536.

[1393] Vol. ii. ch. i. Cf. also Parkman, i. 392-3.

[1394] Johnson had held a conference with them at Lake George shortly after the fight (Sept. 11). _Penna. Archives_, ii. 407.

[1395] Cf. L. C. Draper’s “Expedition against the Shawanoes,” in the _Virginia Historical Register_ (vol. v. 61). Later in the season the Pennsylvanians (July and Nov., 1756) sought to quiet the tribes by conferences at Easton. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, ii. 722, etc., and Sparks’ note in _Franklin’s Works_, vii. 125, and the histories of Pennsylvania, and _Several Conferences of the Quakers and the deputies from the Six Indian Nations, in order to reclaim the Delaware Indians_, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1756, noted in Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,118. Hildeburn, i. nos. 1,538, 1,539, 1,540, and the _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_, p. 35, give these various publications. The opposition of the Quakers to the war was still an occasion of attacks upon them. Cf. _A true relation of a bloody battle fought between George and Lewis_ (Philad., 1756), noted in Hildeburn, i. no. 1,476. In Jan., the New Jersey government had made a treaty at Croswicks, and the proceedings of the conference were printed at Philad. (Cf. Hildeburn, i. no. 1,504; Haven, in Thomas, ii. p. 530.) Governor Sharp erected Fort Frederick for the defence of the Maryland frontier. Its ruins are shown in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 491.

Among the accounts of “captivities” which grew out of the frontier warfare of Pennsylvania, the _Narrative of the sufferings and surprising deliverance of William and Elizabeth Fleming_ was one of the most popular. It was printed in Philadelphia, Lancaster (Pa.), and Boston, in 1756, in English, and at Lancaster in German. (Hildeburn, nos. 1,465-1,468.) The _Captivity of Hugh Gibson_ among the Delawares, 1756-59, is printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxv. 141. A _Journal of the Captivity of Jean Lowry and her children, giving an account of her being taken by the Indians, April 1, 1756, in the Rocky Spring settlement in Pennsylvania_, was printed in Philadelphia in 1760. (Hildeburn, _Century of Printing_, i. no. 1,683.) On the Indian depredations at Juniata in 1756, see Egle’s _Hist. Register_, iii. 54.

[1396] In the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vii., these conferences of 1756 can be followed equally well, beginning with a long paper by the secretary of Indian affairs, Peter Wraxall, in which he examines the causes of the declension of British interests with the Six Nations (p. 15), with records of conferences from March through the season (pp. 44, 91, 130, 171, 229, 244).

[1397] Cf. the instructions given to Vaudreuil, Apr. 1, 1755, touching his conduct towards the English, in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 295, and _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 239.

[1398] _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p. 76; Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. 76; Parkman, i. 375.

[1399] Vol. i. p. 357. Cf. Barry’s _Mass._, i. 211.

[1400] The roll of the regiment which New Hampshire sent into the field is given in the _Rept. of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, 1866, vol. ii. p. 159, etc.

[1401] On Winslow’s appointment, compare _Conduct of Shirley_, etc., p. 65; _Journal of Ho. of Rep. Mass._, 1755-56; Winslow’s letter in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 34; Minot’s _Mass._, i. 265; Parsons’s _Pepperrell_, 289.

[1402] Vol. i. p. 405.

[1403] _Ibid._, i. pp. 401-2.

[1404] Since printed in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (March, 1882), viii. 206. It covers June 11-Aug. 18, 1756.

[1405] Vol. i. p. 72.

[1406] Parkman (vol. i. p. 394) tells the story of that success, and refers to a letter of J. Choate in the _Mass. Archives_, vol. lv.; letters from Albany, in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 482, 505; Livingston’s _Review_; Niles, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 417; Mante, p. 60; Lossing’s _Life of Philip Schuyler_ (1872, vol. i. p. 130), who was Bradstreet’s commissary.

[1407] Montcalm’s commission is given in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 394, and in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv. 19. It is dated at Versailles, Mar. 1, 1756.

[1408] Vol. i. p. 398.

[1409] Loudon was now directing affairs. The circular from Fox, secretary of state, to the governors of the colonies, directing them to afford assistance to Lord Loudon, is in _New Jersey Archives_, viii., Pt. ii., p. 209; with additional instructions, p. 218.

[1410] _Life of Johnson_, ii. 22.

[1411] Cf. _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 59. Robert Eastburn, who was captured by the Indians near Oswego and carried to Canada, published at Philadelphia and Boston, in 1758, a _Faithful narrative of many dangers and sufferings during his late captivity_. (Sabin, vi. no. 21,664; Hildeburn, i. no. 1,581.)

[1412] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,163; Field, Indian_ Bibliog._, no. 1,064.

[1413] Second ed., York, 1758; fourth ed., London, 1759. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1,200, 1,241.) Also, Dublin, 1766; and Stockbridge, Mass., 1796.

[1414] Page 64.

[1415] _New York_ (to 1762), ii. 239.

[1416] _Mass._, vol. iii. The latest account and best to consult is Parkman’s (vol. i. p. 413). Bancroft’s is much the same in his final revision (vol. ii. 453) as in his original ed. (iv. 238). Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (ch. ii.) is tolerably full. For local aspects, cf. Clark’s _Onondaga_, and a paper by M. M. Jones in _Potter’s American Monthly_, vii. 178.

[1417] Vol. i. p. 356-360.

[1418] The governors of Canada were in the habit of reporting to the Marine; but Montcalm sent his despatches to the department of War. Various ones are given in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., and in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. v.

[1419] Such are an officer’s letter (p. 453), a journal (p. 457), Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 461), an engineer’s letter (p. 465), an account (p. 467), Vaudreuil to D’Argenson (p. 471), other narratives with enumeration of booty (pp. 484-85, 520, 537), Lotbinière’s account (p. 494), etc. Cf. the French account, Aug. 28, 1756, in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., vi. 376, beside the letter of Claude Godfroy (p. 391). Pouchot’s _Mémoires_, i. pp. 70, 81, gives the current French account.

[1420] Boston Pub. Library; Murphy, no. 2,114. It is given in _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), iv. 48.

[1421] They will be found in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv. pp. 169, 170 (Sept., 1755), 171, 175 (Oct.), 176 (Nov.), 184 (Jan., 1756), 185 (June), 286 (July), etc.

[1422] It was reprinted at Dublin in 1769. (Thomson, _Bibliog. of Ohio_, nos. 996, 997; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,315; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,474, 1,702; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 983-84; Brinley, i. no. 256; Menzies, no. 1,716; H. C. lib., 4376.21.) In a condensed form it makes part of a book edited by Caleb Stark, and published at Concord, N. H., in 1831, called _Reminiscences of the French War_, and it also appears in an abridged form in Caleb Stark’s _Memoir of John Stark_, Concord, 1860, p. 390. The best edition is that edited by Dr. F. B. Hough, with an Appendix, Albany, 1883. The _Journals_ cover the interval from Sept. 24, 1755, to February 14, 1761. Haven (Thomas, ii. p. 560) cites from the _Boston News-Letter_, Apr. 15, 1762, proposals for printing at Charleston, S. C., in 4 vols., a “Memoir of Robert Rogers, containing his journals, 1755-1762,” but the publication was not apparently undertaken.

[1423] Hough’s ed., p. 9; Parkman, i. p. 437.

[1424] The best later accounts are in Parkman (vol. i. 431), Stone’s _Johnson_ (ii. 20), and the papers by J. B. Walker in the _Granite Monthly_, viii. 19, and _Bay State Monthly_, Jan., 1885, p. 211. Sabine has a sketch of Rogers in his _Amer. Loyalists_, and more or less of local interest can be gathered from H. H. Saunderson’s _Charlestown, N. H._, ch. 5 and 6; N. Bouton’s _Concord_, N. H., ch. 6; Caleb Stark’s _Dunbarton, N. H._, p. 178; and Worcester’s _Hollis, N. H._, p. 98. Caleb Stark prints a sketch of Rogers in his _Memoir of Gen. Stark_. Cf. references in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Apr., 1885, p. 196.

The officers of Rogers’ Rangers are given in the _Report of the Adj.-Gen. of N. H._, vol. ii. p. 158, etc., but it is there stated that but few fragments remain of their rolls.

There is an account by Asa Fitch of the affair of Jan., 1757, in the _N. Y. State Agric. Soc. Trans._, 1848, p. 917. The legend of “Rogers’ slide,” near the lower end of Lake George, has no stable foundation. Hough’s ed. of _Journals_, p. 101.

[1425] _Brinley Catal._, i. no. 469.

[1426] Vol. xv. no. 63,223.

[1427] Vol. i. p. 451.

[1428] Some of these are printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x., like Vaudreuil’s letter (p. 542), enclosing an extended narrative (p. 544), Montcalm to D’Argenson (p. 548), to M. de Paulmy (p. 554), beside other statements (p. 570, etc.).

[1429] The general accounts which had been earlier printed, and which were based on contemporary reports, were, on the English side, in John Knox’s _Historical Journal of the Campaigns, 1757-60_ (London, 1769), Mante’s _History of the Late War_ (London, 1772, pp. 82-85), and Smith’s _New York_, ii. 246. To these may be added the reports which were printed in the newspapers and magazines of the time, like the _Boston Gazette_ and the _London Magazine_. An important letter of John Burk from the camp at Fort Edward, July 28, 1757, is in the _Israel Williams MSS._ (Mass. Hist. Soc.).

[1430] Col. Frye’s “Journal of an attack on Fort William Henry, Aug. 3-9” is printed in Oliver Oldschool’s (Dennie’s) _Portfolio_, xxi. 355 (May, 1819).

[1431] Printed in the _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x.: Montcalm’s letter (p. 596); Journal, July 12 to Aug. 16 (p. 598); Bougainville’s letter to the ministry (p. 605); articles of capitulation (p. 617); other accounts (p. 640); number of the French forces (pp. 620, 625), of the English garrison (p. 621); account of the booty (p. 626), etc. The same volume contains (p. 645) a reprint of a current French pamphlet, dated Oct. 18, 1757. These and other documents are in the _Coll. de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iv.: Montcalm’s letters from Montreal; his instructions, July 9 (p. 100); his letters from Carillon (p. 110); his letter to Webb, Aug. 14 (p. 114); an account of the capture, dated at Albany, Aug., 1757 (p. 117); Munro’s capitulation (p. 122).

[1432] Vol. iv. Cf. Felix Martin’s _De Montcalm en Canada_, p. 65. The letter is translated in Kip’s _Jesuit Missions_, and is reprinted by J. M. Lemoine in his _La Mémoire de Montcalm vengée, ou le massacre au Fort George_, Quebec, 1864, 91 pp. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 906; Sabin, x. p. 205.) Cf., on Roubaud, “The deplorable case of Mr. Roubaud,” in _Hist. Mag._, 2d ser., viii. 282; and Verreau, _Report on Canadian Archives_ (1874). A late writer, Maurault, in his _Histoire des Abénakis_ (1866), has a chapter on these Indians in the wars. They are charged with beginning the massacre. The modern French view is in Garneau’s _Canada_, 4th ed., vol. ii. 251.

[1433] There is a letter on the capture, by N. Whiting, among the _Israel Williams MSS._ (ii. 42) in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library. Cf. a paper by M. A. Stickney in the _Essex Inst. Historical Collections_, iii. 79.

[1434] Cf. Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, p. 260.

[1435] The Journals give a sketch of the intrenchment near Fort William Henry, laid out by James Montresor (p. 23), and describe how the firing was heard at Fort Edward (p. 26), and how the survivors of the massacre came in (p. 28). Webb’s reports to the governor during this period are noted in Goldsbrow Banyar’s diary (Aug. 5-20), in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, January, 1877. The _Journal of General Rufus Putnam, kept in Northern New York during four campaigns, 1757-1760, with notes and biog. sketch by E. C. Dawes_ (Albany, 1886), shows (pp. 38-41) how the news came in from the lake,—the diarist, whose father was a cousin of Israel Putnam, being stationed at Fort Edward.

[1436] Niles’ _French and Indian Wars_; Minot’s _Massachusetts_ (ii. 21); Belknap’s _New Hampshire_ (ii. 298); Hoyt’s _Antiq. Researches, Indian Wars_, (p. 288); Williams’ _Vermont_, (i. 376). Chas. Carroll (_Journal to Canada_, 1876, p. 62) tells what he found to be the condition of Forts George and William Henry twenty years later.

[1437] Orig. ed., iv. 258; final revision, ii. 463.

[1438] Vol. iii. 376.

[1439] Stone’s _Johnson_, ii. 47. The admirer of Cooper will remember the interest with which he read the story of Fort William Henry as engrafted upon _The Last of the Mohicans_, but the novelist’s rendering of the massacre is sharply criticised by Martin in his _De Montcalm en Canada_, chaps. 4 and 5. Cf. also Rameau, _La France aux Colonies_, ii. p. 306. Cooper, in fact, embodied the views which at once became current, that the French did nothing to prevent the massacre. The news of the fall of the fort reached the eastern colonies by way of Albany, where the fright was excessive, and it was coupled with the assurance that the massacre had been connived at by the French. (_N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 604, 605.) Montcalm had apprehensions that he would be reproached, and that the massacre might afford ground to the English for breaking the terms of the surrender. He wrote at once to Webb and to Loudon, and charged the furor of the Indians upon the English rum (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 618, 619), and Vaudreuil wrote a letter (p. 631) of palliation. Some later writers, like Grahame (_United States_,