Volume IV. (1878) contains _The Dead Towns of Georgia_, by Charles C.

Jones, Jr. (also published separately), and _Itinerant Observations in America_, reprinted from the London Magazine of 1745-6. In the _Dead Towns of Georgia_ the author perpetuates the almost forgotten memories of Old and New Ebenezer, of Frederica, of Abercorn, of Sunbury, of Hardwick, of Petersburg, and of lesser towns and plantations, once vital and influential, but now covered with the mantle of decay. This contribution embraces a large portion of the early history of the province, and recounts the vicissitudes and the mistakes encountered during the epoch of colonization. It is illustrated with engraved plans of New Ebenezer, Frederica, Sunbury, Fort Morris, and Hardwick, and revives traditions and recollections of persons and places which had become quite forgotten.

To the _Itinerant Observations in America_ the student will turn with pleasure for early impressions of the province, and especially of its southern confines.

[878]

1. Plan of Ebenezer and its fort. 2. Plan of Savannah and fortifications. 3. Chart of Savannah Sound. 4. Plan and profile of Fort George on Coxpur Island. 5. Environs of Fort Barrington. 6. Plan and view of Fort Barrington.

[The plan of Ebenezer is also reproduced by Col. Jones in his _Dead Towns_ and in his _Hist. of Georgia_.—ED.]

[879] [This series is thus entered in the Harvard College library catalogue:—

Wormsloe quartos. Edited by G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne. 5 vol. Wormsloe, Ga. 1847-81. 4^o; and sm. f^o, _large paper_. _Namely_:—

i. [WALTON, G., _and others_.] Observations upon the effects of certain late political suggestions. By the delegates of Georgia [G. Walton, W. Few, R. Howly]. 1847. 4^o. First printed at Philadelphia in 1781. 21 copies reprinted: with a reproduction of the original title-page.

ii. DE BRAHM, J. G. W. History of the province of Georgia. 1849. 4^o. 6 _maps_. 49 copies privately printed from a part of a manuscript in Harvard College library, entitled: “History of the three provinces, South Carolina, Georgia, and east Florida.”

iii. PINCKNEY, _Mrs._ E. (L.). Journal and letters [July 1, 1739-Feb. 27, 1762. Edited by Mrs. H. P. Holbrook.] Now first printed. 1850. 4^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 19 copies.”

iv. SARGENT, W. Diary [relating to St. Clair’s expedition. 1791]. Now first printed. 1851. “Privately printed. Limited to 46 copies.”

v. GEORGIA (_Colony of_)—_General Assembly._ Acts passed by the assembly. 1755-74. Now first printed. [Prepared for publication by C. C. Jones, Jr.] 1881. f^o. “Privately printed. Limited to 49 copies.” “The materials for this work were obtained from the public record office in London, by the late G. Wymberley-Jones De Renne, who intended himself to prepare them for the press.”

Cf. Sabin, ii. no. 7325.—ED.]

[880] [The lives of Wesley as touching this early experience of his life, as well as illustrating a moral revolution, which took within its range all the English colonies during the period of the present volume, may properly be characterized here:—

The introduction to Rigg’s _Living Wesley_ is devoted to a criticism of the different accounts of John Wesley, and the student will find further bibliographical help in a paper on “Wesley and his biographers,” by W. C. Hoyt in the _Methodist Quarterly_, vol. viii.; in the article in Allibone’s _Dict. of Authors_; in Decanver’s [Cavender _pseud._] list of books, written in refutation of Methodism; and in the list of authorities given by Southey in his _Life of Wesley_.

Wesley left three literary executors,—Coke, Moore, and Whitehead, his physician; and his journals and papers were put into the hands of the last named. Coke and Moore, however, acting independently, were the first to publish a hasty memoir, and Whitehead followed in 1793-96; but his proved to be the work of a theological partisan. A memoir by Hampton was ready when Wesley died, but it turned out to be very meagre.

Next came the life by Southey in 1820. He had no sources of information beyond the printed material open to all; but he had literary skill to make the most of it, and appreciation enough of his subject to elevate Wesley’s standing in the opinion of such as were outside of his communion. He accordingly made an account of a great moral revolution, which has been by no means superseded in popular usefulness.

Now followed a number of lives intended to correct the representations of previous biographers, and in some cases to offer views more satisfactory to the Methodists themselves. Moore, in 1824, found something to correct in the accounts of both Whitehead and Southey. Watson, in 1831, aimed to displace what Southey had said unsatisfactory to the sect, and to correct Southey’s chronological order; but he made his narrative slight and incomplete. Southey was, however, chiefly relied upon by Mrs. Oliphant in her sketch, first in _Blackwood’s Mag._, Oct., 1868, and later in her _Hist. Sketches of the Reign of George II._; but while Dr. Rigg acknowledges it to be clever, he calls it full of misconceptions. Mrs. Julia Wedgwood, in her _John Wesley and the Evangelical Reaction of the Eighteenth Century_ (London, 1870), relied so much on Southey, as the Methodists say, that she neglected later information; but she so far accorded with the general estimation of Wesley in the denomination as to reject Southey’s theory of his ambition.

In the general histories of English Methodism, Wesley necessarily plays a conspicuous part, and their authors are among the most important of his biographers. The first volume of George Smith’s history was in effect a life of Wesley, though somewhat incomplete as such; but in Abel Stevens’s opening volumes the story is told more completely and with graphic skill. There is an excellent account of these days in chapter 19 of Earl Stanhope’s _History of England_, and a careful summary is given in the fourth volume of the _Pictorial History of England_.

The relations which Wesley sustained throughout to the Established Church have been discussed in the _London Quarterly Review_ by the Rev. W. Arthur, and by Dr. James H. Rigg, the contribution by the latter being subsequently enlarged in a separate book, _The relations of John Wesley and of Wesleyan Methodism to the Church of England, investigated and determined_. 2d edition, revised and enlarged. London, 1871. See also _British Quarterly Review_, Oct., 1871, and the _Contemp. Review_, vol. xxviii. Curteis, in his Bampton lectures, goes over the ground also. Urlin, _John Wesley’s place in Church History_ (1871), prominently claimed that Wesley was a revivalist in the church, and not a dissenter, and aimed to add to our previous knowledge. A Catholic view of him is given by Dr. J. G. Shea in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev._, vii. p. 1.

The most extensive narrative, considering Wesley in all his relations, private as well as public, the result of seventeen years’ labor, with the advantage of much new material, is the _Life and Times of Wesley_, by Tyerman. It is, however, far too voluminous for the general reader. He is not blind to Wesley’s faults, and some Methodists say he is not in sufficient sympathy with the reformer to do him justice.

Those who wish compacter estimates of the man, with only narrative enough to illustrate them, will find such in Taylor’s _Wesley and Methodism_, where the philosophy of the movement is discussed; in Rigg’s _Living Wesley_, which is a condensed generalization of his life, not without some new matter; and in Dr. Hamilton’s article in the _North British Review_, which was kindly in tone, but not wholly satisfactory to the Methodists.

There is a well-proportioned epitome of his life by Lelièvre in French, of which there is an English translation, _John Wesley, his Life and Work_, London, 1871. Janes has made _Wesley his own historian_, by a collocation of his journals, letters, etc., and his journals have been separately printed. There is a separate narrative of Wesley’s early love, _Narrative of a remarkable Transaction_, etc. A paper on his character and opinions in earlier life is in the _London Quart. Rev._, vol. xxxvii. On his mission to Georgia, see David Bogue and James Bennett’s _History of Dissenters from 1688 to 1808,_ London, 1808-12, in 4 volumes, vol. iii.; and the note on his trouble with Oglethorpe in Grahame’s _United States_ (Boston ed., iii. p. 201).

Lesser accounts and miscellaneous material will be found in Clarke’s _Memoirs of the Wesley Family_; in Gorrie’s _Eminent Methodist Ministers_; in Larrabee’s _Wesley and his Coadjutors_; in Sprague’s _Annals of the American Pulpit_, v. 94; in J. B. Hagany’s paper in _Harper’s Magazine_, vol. xix.; in the _Galaxy_, Feb., 1874; in the _Contemporary Review_, 1875 and 1876; in Madame Ossoli’s _Methodism at the Fountain_, in her _Art, Literature, and Drama_; and in W. M. Punshon’s _Lectures_.

See also Nichols’s _Literary Anecdotes_, vol. v.; Malcolm’s _Index_, and numerous references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_, p. 1398.

Tyerman’s _Oxford Methodists_ uses the material he was forced to leave out of his Life of Wesley.

The portraits of Wesley are numerous. Tyerman gives the earliest known; and it was taken (1743) nearer the time of his Georgia visit than any other which we have. J. C. Smith in his _British Mezzotint Portraits_ enumerates a series (vol. i. pp. 64, 442; ii. 600, 692, 773; iii. 1365; iv. 1545, 1748).—ED.]

[881] [Cf. the view of the building given in Stevens’ _Georgia_, p. 352.—ED.]

[882] [Whitefield’s labors in Georgia are summarized in Tyerman’s _Life of Whitefield_, London, 1876, with references; and other references are in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Lit._, p. 1406. Bishop Perry, in his _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, gives the bibliography of Whitefield’s Journals, and a chapter on “The Wesleys and George Whitefield in Georgia.” An account by Bishop Beckwith of the Orphan House is contained in the same work. Foremost among the opponents of Whitefield was Alexander Garden, an Episcopal clergyman in Charleston, who lived in the colony from 1720 to his death in 1756. As the Commissary of the Bishop of London, the constructive ecclesiastical head of the colonies, he brought much power to aid his pronounced opinions, and he prosecuted Whitefield with vigor both in the ecclesiastical court and in the desk. In 1743 Garden reviewed his course in a letter [_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxiv. 117] in which he says: “Bad also is the present state of the poor Orphan House in Georgia,—that land of lies, and from which we have no truth but what they can neither disguise nor conceal. The whole Colony is accounted here one great lie, from the beginning to this day; and the Orphan House, you know, is a part of the whole,—a scandalous bubble.”—ED.]

[883] [Reprinted with editorial annotations and corrections of errors in B. R. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections of South Carolina_, New York, 1836, vol. i.—ED.]

[884] [This name is variously spelled Hewatt, Hewat, Hewitt, and Hewit. Cf. Drayton’s _View of So. Carolina_, p. 175.—ED.]

[885] [Cf. Sabin, x. no. 42973; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 972.—ED.]

[886] [Mr. Geo. R. Gilmer, in an address in 1851 on the _Literary Progress of Georgia_, said of McCall’s history, “A few actors in the scenes described read it on its first appearance; it was then laid upon the shelf, seldom to be taken from it. Ten years afterwards Bevan collected materials for the purpose of improving what McCall had executed indifferently. He received so little sympathy or aid in his undertaking that he never completed it.”—ED.]

[887] [A severe criticism appeared in _Observations on Dr. Stevens’s History of Georgia_, Savannah, 1849. C. K. Adams’ _Manual of Historical Reference_, p. 559, takes a favorable view. Hildreth (ii. 371) speaks of Stevens as a “judicious historian, who has written from very full materials.”—ED.]

[888] [In two volumes. It passed to a second and third edition. Pickett is spoken of as a private gentleman and planter of Alabama, in the enjoyment of wealth and leisure when he wrote his history, bringing to his task a manly industry and generous enthusiasm. He was fortunate in being able to procure much material which had been hitherto inedited; manuscripts of early adventurers in the territory, who were traders among the red men, and in some cases the testimony of the red men themselves. _Southern Quarterly Review_, Jan., 1852.—ED.]

* * * * *

PORTRAITS OF OGLETHORPE. The likeness given on a preceding page follows a print by Burford, after a painting by Ravenet, of which a reduction is given in John C. Smith’s _British Mezzotint Portraits_, p. 128. There is a note on the portrait of Oglethorpe in the _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 138. See the cut in Bishop Perry’s _American Episcopal Church_, i. 336.

The head and shoulders of this Burford print are given in the histories of Georgia by Stevens and Jones; and in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, iii. 143; Cassell’s _United States_, i. 481. The expression of the face seems to be a hard one to catch, for the engravings have little likeness to one another.

The medal-likeness is given in Harris’s _Oglethorpe_, together with the arms of Oglethorpe.

There is beside the very familiar full-length profile view, representing Oglethorpe as a very old man, sitting at the sale of Dr. Johnson’s library, which is given in some editions of Boswell’s _Johnson_; in White’s _Historical Collections of Georgia_, 117; in Harris’s _Oglethorpe_; in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, iii. 165; in the _Magazine of American History_, February, 1883, p. 111; in Dr. Edward Eggleston’s papers on the English Colonies in the _Century Magazine_, and in various other places.—ED.

[889] Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 95.

[890] The articles of capitulation are in Hutchinson’s _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 182-184; and the first volume of the _Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society_ contains an ample collection of documents connected with the capture of Port Royal, obtained from the State-Paper Office in London, and covering forty-six printed pages.

[891] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia_, pp. 5, 6.

[892] [A description of Nova Scotia in 1720 was transmitted to the Lords of Trade by Paul Mascarene, engineer. It is given in the _Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_, p. 39.—ED.]

[893] [There is a portrait of Waldo in Jos. Williamson’s _Hist. of Belfast, Me._, p. 44.—ED.]

[894] _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 371.

[Views of this sort regarding the prudence or apathy of Rhode Island were current at the time, and Gov. Wanton, in a letter to the agent of that colony in London, Dec. 20, 1745 (_R. I. Col. Records_, v. 145), sets forth a justification. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, in a chapter of his naval history of Rhode Island (_Historical Mag._, xviii. 24, 94), claims that the position of the colony has been misrepresented.—ED.]

[895] [For authorities, see _post_, p. 448.—ED.]

[896] Letter to the Duke of Bedford in _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia_, p. 560.

[897] July 17, 1750, a proclamation was ordered to be published “against the retailing of spirituous liquors without a license.” August 28th, a second proclamation was ordered to be published, and “a penalty be added of 20 shillings sterling for each offence, to be paid to the informers, and that all retailers of liquors be forbid on the same penalty to entertain any company after nine at night.” In the following February, it was “Resolved, that over and above the penalties declared by former Acts of council, any person convicted of selling spirituous liquors without the governor’s license, shall for the first offence sit in the pillory or stocks for one hour, and for the second offence shall receive twenty lashes.”—_Selections from the Public Documents_, pp. 570, 579, 603.

[898] _Ibid._, p. 710.

[899] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, p. 266.

[900] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society_, iii. 94, 95.

[901] Winslow’s Journal in _Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society_, iii. 98.

[902] _Selections from the Public Documents of Nova Scotia_, pp. 302, 303.

[903] _Ibid._, pp. 329-334.

[904] _Selections from the Public Documents of the Province of Nova Scotia. Published under a Resolution of the House of Assembly, passed March 15, 1865. Edited by Thomas B. Akins, D. C. L., Commissioner of Public Records. The Translations from the French by Benj. Curren, D. C. L._ Halifax, N. S., 1869. 8vo, pp. 755. [See further in Editorial Notes following the present chapter.—ED.]

[905] [This journal had already been printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1879, p. 383.]

[906] _Report and Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society._ Vols. i.-iv. Halifax: Printed at the Morning Herald Office. 1879-1885. 8vo, pp. 140, 160, 208, 258.

[907] _A History of Nova Scotia, or Acadie._ By Beamish Murdoch, Esq., Q. C. Halifax, N. S. 1865-1867. 3 vols. 8vo, pp. xv. and 543, xiv. and 624, xxiii. and 613.

[908] _The History of Acadia, from its first Discovery to its Surrender to England by the Treaty of Paris._ By James Hannay. St. John, N. B., 1879. 8vo, pp. vii. and 440.

[909] _Nova Scotia, in its Historical, Mercantile, and Industrial Relations._ By Duncan Campbell. Halifax, N. S. Montreal, 1873. 8vo, pp. 548.

[910] _A History of the County of Pictou, Nova Scotia._ By the Rev. George Patterson, D. D. Montreal, 1877. 8vo, pp. 471.

[911] See _post_ for fac-simile of title-page.

[912] We encounter Gyles frequently as commander of posts in the eastern country. He lived latterly at Roxbury, Mass., and published at Boston, in 1736, _Memoirs of the odd adventures, strange deliverances, etc., in the captivity of John Gyles, Esq., Commander of the garrison on St. George’s River_. This book is of great rarity. There is a copy in Harvard College library [5315.14] and a defective one in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library (_Catalogue_, p. 553). One is noted in S. G. Drake’s _Sale Catalogue_, 1845, which seems also to have been imperfect. Drake in reprinting the book in his _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, Boston, 1846 (p. 73), altered the text throughout. It was perhaps Drake’s copy which is noted in the _Brinley Catalogue_, i. no. 476, selling for $37. It was again reprinted in Cincinnati, by William Dodge, in 1869, but he followed Drake’s disordered text. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 547; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 336; Church, _Entertaining Passages_, Dexter’s ed., ii. 163, 203; Johnston, _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, 183; J. A. Vinton’s _Gyles Family_, 122; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1867, p. 49; Oct., 1867, p. 361.)

[913] Shea’s _Charlevoix_, iv. 171.

[914] See Vol. IV. p. 62.

[915] There were two governors of Canada of this name, who must not be confounded. This was the earlier.

[916] L’Abbé J. A. Maurault, _Histoire des Abénakis_, 1866; chapters 9-15 cover “Les Abénakis en Canada et en Acadie, 1701-1755.”

[917] John Marshall’s diary under March, 1707, notes the disinclination of the people to agree with the determination of the General Court to make a descent on Port Royal. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 159.) There are in the _Collection de Manuscrits_, etc. (Quebec, 1884), two papers on this matter: one dated Port Royal, June 26, 1707, “Entreprise des Anglois contre l’Acadie” (vol. ii. p. 464); the other dated July 6, “Entreprise des Bastonnais sur l’Acadie par M. Labat” (p. 477).

[918] Colonels Hutchinson and Townsend, and John Leverett. Letters from the latter respecting the expedition are in C. E. Leverett’s _Memoir of John Leverett_, and in Quincy’s _Hist. of Harvard Univ._ Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 185, 197; Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 159.

[919] Hannay (_Acadia_, 269) judges Charlevoix’s stories of hand-to-hand fighting as largely fabulous. Hutchinson (ii. 134) prints a letter from Wainwright, who had succeeded March in command, in which the sorry condition of the men is set forth.

[920] These tracts are: _A Memorial of the Present Deplorable State of New England, with the many disadvantages it lyes under by the mall-administration of their present Governor, Joseph Dudley, Esq., and his son Paul ... to which is added a faithful but melancholy account of several barbarities by the French and Indians in the east and west parts of New England, Printed in the year 1707, and sold ... in Boston_. Two things seem clear: that Cotton Mather incited, perhaps wrote, this tract, and that the printing was done in London. It is not known that there is a copy in this country, and the reprint was made from one in the British Museum.

Dudley or some friend rejoined in the second tract, not without violent recriminations upon Mather: _A modest enquiry into the grounds and occasions of a late pamphlet intituled a Memorial, etc. By a disinterested hand_. London, 1707. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 99; Murphy, i. 327.)

The third tract touches particularly the present expedition: _The Deplorable State of New England, by reason of a covetous and treacherous Governor and pusillanimous Counsellors, ... to which is added an account of the shameful miscarriage of the late expedition against Port Royal_. London, 1708. (Harv. Coll. library, 10396.80; and Carter-Brown, iii. no. 115.) This tract was reprinted in Boston in 1720. _The North Amer. Rev._ (iii. 305) says that this pamphlet was thought to have been written by the Rev. John Higginson, of Salem, at the age of ninety-two; but the “A. H.” of the preface is probably Alexander Holmes. (Sabin, v. 19,639.) Palfrey (iv. 304, etc.) thinks that its smartness and pedantry indicate rather Cotton Mather or John Wise (Brinley, i., no. 285) as the author.

[921] Stevens, _Bibliotheca Geog._, no. 887; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 428; Brinley, i. no. 83; Sabin, v. 20,128. The Boston Public Library has a Rouen edition of 1708. The Carter-Brown (iii. 109, 137) has both editions, as has Mr. Barlow (_Rough List_, nos. 784, 789, 790). The full title of the Rouen edition is: _Relation du voyage du Port Royal de l’Acadie ou de la Nouvelle France, dans laquelle on voit un détail des divers mouvements de la mer dans une traversée de long cours; la description du Païs, les occupations des François qui y sont établis, les manières des différentes nations sauvages, leurs superstitions et leurs chasses, avec une dissertation exacte sur le Castor. Ensuite de la relation, on y a ajouté le détail d’un combat donné entre les François et les Acadiens contre les Anglois_.

[922] Jeremiah Dummer’s memorial, Sept. 10, 1709, setting forth that the French possessions on the river of Canada do of right belong to the Crown of Great Britain. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 231.)

[923] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823.

[924] Cf. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, v. 72; _N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, 1870, p. 129, etc.

[925] Palfrey, iv. 275, quotes Sunderland’s instructions to Dudley from the British Colonial Papers. The proclamation which the British agents issued on their arrival, with Dudley’s approval, is in the _Mass. Archives_. Vetch had as early as 1701 been engaged in traffic up the St. Lawrence. Cf. _Journal of the voyage of the sloop Mary from Quebec, 1701, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan_, Albany, 1866. Through this and other adventures he had acquired a knowledge of the river; and in pursuance of such traffic he had gained some enmity, and had at one time been fined £200 for trading with the French. It was in 1706 that William Rouse, Samuel Vetch, John Borland, and others were arrested on this charge. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 240.)

[926] Hutchinson, ii. 161; Barry, _Mass._, ii. 98, and references; Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 222.

[927] Bearing an address to the queen, asking for assistance in another attempt the next year. (_Mass. Archives_, xx. 119, 124.)

[928] Some documents relative to the equipment are given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 196. Dudley (July 31, 1710) notified the New Hampshire assembly of the provisions to be made for the expedition. _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iii. p. 435.

[929] The Rev. George Patterson, D. D., of New Glasgow, N. S., contributed in 1885 to the _Eastern Chronicle_, published in that town, a series of papers on “Samuel Vetch, first English governor of Nova Scotia.” Cf. also J. G. Wilson on “Samuel Vetch, governor of Acadia” in _International Review_, xi. 462; and _The Scot in British North America_ (Toronto, 1880), i. p. 288. There is also in the _Nova Scotia Historical Collections_, vol. iv., a memoir of Samuel Vetch by Dr. Patterson, including papers of his administration in Nova Scotia, 1710-13, with Paul Mascarene’s narrative of events at Annapolis, Oct., 1710 to Sept., 1711, dated at Boston, Nov. 6, 1713; as also a “journal of a voyage designed to Quebeck from Boston, July, 1711,” in Sir Hovenden Walker’s expedition. (See the following chapter.)

[930] Sabin, ix. p. 525; Harv. Col. lib., 6374.12. The general authorities on the French side are Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 224, 227, etc., with references, including some strictures on Charlevoix’s account, by De Gannes. An estimate of Subercase by Vaudreuil is in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 853. Cf. Garneau’s _Canada_ (1882), ii. 42; E. Rameau, _Une Colonie féodale en Amerique—L’Acadie_, 1604-1710 (Paris, 1877); Célestin Moreau, _L’Acadie Française_, 1598-1755, ch. 10 (Paris, 1873). The English side is in Penhallow, p. 59; Hutchinson, ii. 165; Haliburton, i. 85; Williamson, ii. 59; Palfrey, iv. 277; Barry, ii. 100, with references; Hannay, 272; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 105. Nicholson’s demand for surrender (Oct. 3), Subercase’s reply (Oct. 12), the latter’s report to the French minister, and a paper, “Moyens de reprendre l’Acadie” (St. Malo, Jan. 10, 1711), are in _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1884), ii. pp. 523, 525, 528, 532. There is in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (_Misc. Papers_, 41.41) a diagram showing the plan of sailing for the armed vessels and the transports on this expedition, with a list of the signals to be used, and instructions to the commanders of the transports.

Major Livingstone, accompanied by the younger Castine, was soon sent by way of the Penobscot to Quebec to acquaint Vaudreuil, the French governor, on behalf of both Nicholson and Subercase, with the capture of Port Royal, and to demand the discontinuance of the Indian ravages. Livingstone’s journal is, or was, in the possession of the Chicago Historical Society, when William Barry (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1861, p. 230) communicated an account of it, showing how the manuscript had probably been entrusted to Governor Gurdon Saltonstall, and had descended in his family. (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 257.) Cf. Palfrey, iv. 278; Williamson, ii. 60; a paper on the Baron de St. Castin, by Noah Brooks, in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1883; Charlevoix (Shea’s), v. 233. Penhallow seems to have had Livingstone’s journal; Hutchinson (ii. 168) certainly had it. Cf. account in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 854. Castine’s instructions are in _Collection de Manuscrits_, ii. p. 534.

[931] Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 1,202-3; Brinley, i. nos. 414, 415; Palfrey, _New England_, iv. 256; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 407; Tyler, _Amer. Literature_, ii. 141; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 7. Mr. Henry C. Murphy (_Catalogue_, no. 1,924) refers to the original MS. of this book as being in the Force collection, and as showing some occasional variations from the printed copy. (Cf. _Catalogue of the Prince Collection_, p. 49; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 384.) Penhallow had been engaged, during the April preceding the August in which he began his history, on a mission to the Penobscots, the reports of which are in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. 90. There is a sketch of him and his family in _Ibid._, 1878, p. 28. There are many letters of Samuel Penhallow among the _Belknap Papers_ in the Mass. Hist. Society (61. A).

[932] Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 143.

[933] Cf. Vol. III. p. 361; also Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 140; Brinley, i. nos. 383-4. Quaritch priced it in 1885 at £50. The best working edition is that edited by Dr. H. M. Dexter.

[934] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 186; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 371; Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. p. 117.

[935] Cf. James Sullivan’s _Hist. of the Penobscots_ in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 207; and a memoir respecting the Abenakis of Acadia (1718) in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 879.

[936] Hutchinson, ii. 246; Palfrey, iv. 423. For the Castin family, see _Bangor Centennial_, 25; Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 274, and references in Vol. IV. p. 147. Williamson (ii. 71, 144) seems to confound the two sons of the first Baron de Castin, judging from the letter of Joseph Dabadis de St. Castin, dated at Pentagouet, July 23, 1725, where he complains of the treachery of the commander of an English vessel. (_N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, Ap., 1860, p. 140, for a letter from _Mass. Archives_, lii. p. 226.) See also _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii., and Wheeler’s _Hist. of Castine_, 24.

[937] Penhallow, 90; Vaudreuil and Begon in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 933. Dr. Shea (_Charlevoix_, v. 278) thinks some rude translations of letters of Rasle (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xviii. 245, 266), alleged to have been found at Norridgewock, are suspicious. Cf. Palfrey, iv. 422, 423; Farmer and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 108. A distinct asseveration of the incitement of the French authorities and their priests is in the _Observations on the late and present conduct of the French_, published by Dr. Clarke in Boston in 1755, quoted by Franklin in his Canada pamphlet (1760), in _Works_, iv. p. 7. Cf. on the French side a “Mémoire sur l’entreprise que les Anglois de Baston font sur les terres des Abenakis sauvages alliés des François” in _Collection de manuscrits_ (Quebec, 1882), ii. p. 68, where are various letters which passed between Vaudreuil and Shute.

[938] On the French side we have Charlevoix (Shea’s ed., v. 280), and the _Lettres Edifiantes_, sub anno 1722-1724 (cf. Vol. IV. p. 316), with the _Nouvelles des Missions; Missions de l’Amérique_, 1702-43, Paris, 1827, both giving Father de la Chasse’s letter, dated Quebec, Oct. 29, 1724, which is also given in English by Kip, p. 69. Cf. _Les Jésuites Martyrs du Canada_, Montreal, 1877, p. 243. There is a letter of Vaudreuil in _N. Y. Col. Doc._, ix. 936. These and on the English side the letters of Rasle, edited by Thaddeus Mason Harris, in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xviii., are the chief authorities; but Harmon’s journal and a statement by Moulton were used by Hutchinson (ii. 281). Upon this material the _Life of Rasle_, by Convers Francis in Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. 17, and that in _Die Katholisches Kirche in dem Vereinigten Staten_ (Regensburg, 1864) are based.

The estimates of Rasle’s character are as diverse as the Romish and Protestant faiths can make them. The times permitted and engendered inhumanity and perfidy. There is no sentimentality to be lost over Rasle or his adversaries. Cf. Shea’s _Charlevoix_, v. 280; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 438; Hannay, _Acadia_, 320. Hutchinson (ii. 238) says the English classed him “among the most infamous villains,” while the French ranked him with “saints and heroes.”

Cf. further Dr. Shea, in Vol. IV. p. 273, with note; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 130; Bancroft, _United States_, final revision, ii. 218, etc.; Drake, _Book of the Indians_, iii. 127; _Atlantic Souvenir, 1829_; Murdoch’s _Nova Scotia_, i. 412; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 109; William Allen, _Hist. of Norridgewock_ (1849); _Hist. Magazine_, vi. 63; Hanson’s _Norridgewock and Canaan_, with a view of the Rasle monument.

[939] An uncut copy was in the Brinley sale, no. 422. Cf. Haven in Thomas, p. 404; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 7.

[940] Brinley, i. no. 423; Harv. Coll. lib., 5325.27; Haven’s Bibliog. in Thomas, p. 404. Field (_Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,527) says the copy sold in the Menzies sale (no. 1,940) is the only perfect copy sold at public auction in many years, and this one had passed under the hammer four times, bringing once $175, and again $132.50 when it was last sold.

[941] Field, no. 1,527. This edition has a map of the scene of action which is repeated in Kidder and reproduced herewith. _N. E. Hist. & Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1861, p. 354. Only extracts of the sermon are given.

[942] A small number of copies was printed separately.

[943] There were copies on large and small paper, and a few on drawing paper. Brinley, nos. 406, 407; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Jan., 1866, p. 93; also see _Ibid._, 1880, p. 382.

[944] Other accounts are in Penhallow, 107, and the edition of Dodge, app.; Niles in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxv. 255, etc.; _N. Hampshire Prov. Papers_, iv. 168; _Worcester Mag._, i. 20; _New Hampshire Book_ (1844); Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 135; Davies’ _Centennial Address_ (1825); _Drake’s Book of the Indians_, book iii. ch. 9; Belknap, _New Hampshire_, 209; Palfrey, iv. 440; _Maine Hist. Coll._, iv. 275, 290; Mason’s _Dunstable_; Fox’s _Dunstable_, p. 111; C. E. Potter, _Manchester, N. H._, p. 145; S. A. Green, _Groton in the Indian Wars; Bay State Monthly_, Feb., 1884, p. 80. Dr. Belknap describes a visit to Lovewell’s Pond in 1784 in _Belknap Papers_, i. 397-98; ii. 159. A list of the men making up Lovewell’s company is in the _N. H. Adj. Genl. Rept._, 1866, p. 46.

Various popular ballads commemorating the fight were printed in Farmer and Moore’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 64, 94, and they are repeated in whole or in part in the Cincinnati (1859) edition of Penhallow, and in Kidder, Palfrey, etc.

Longfellow wrote a poem in the measure of Burns’ _Bruce_, for the centennial celebration of the fight, May 19, 1825, and this was his first printed poem. It has been reprinted in connection with Daniel Webster’s youthful Fourth of July oration, delivered at Fryeburg, July 4, 1802, in the _Fryeburg Webster Memorial_.

[945] A tract of seven pages,—in Harvard College library. A paper of this title, as printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 202, is dated “From my lodgings in Cecil Street, 9 April, 1744.” An early MS. copy is in a volume of Louisbourg Papers in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library.

[946] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 823; Brinley, i. no. 70.

[947] See on the contribution of New York to the expedition, _N. Y. Col. Docs._, vi. 284.

[948] Cf. William Goold on “Col. William Vaughan of Matinicus and Damariscotta,” in the _Collections_ (viii. p. 291) of the Maine Historical Society. S. G. Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian War_ (Albany, 1870). Palfrey (_Compendious History of New England_, iv. 257) gives Vaughan the credit. Cf. Johnston’s _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, p. 290.

[949] Cf. Chauncy’s _Sermon_ on the victory, p. 9; _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 69. The Rev. Amos Adams, or Roxbury, in his _Concise History of New England_, etc. (Boston, reprinted in London, 1770), written at a time when “many of us remember the readiness with which thousands engaged themselves in that hazardous enterprise,” credits Shirley with the planning of it.

[950] A memorandum of Dr. Belknap, printed in the _Proceedings_ of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (x. p. 313) shows as being in the cabinet of that society in 1792 the following sets of papers: Correspondence between Shirley and Wentworth, 1742-1753; between Shirley and Pepperrell, 1745-1746; between Pepperrell and Warren, 1745; between these last and the British ministry, 1745-1747; and between Pepperrell and persons of distinction throughout America, 1745-1747. These papers as now arranged cover the preparations for the siege, as well as its progress, and the events immediately succeeding. Pepperrell’s letters are mostly drafts, in his own hand. The instructions from Shirley are dated Mar. 19 (p. 13). We find here “A register of all the Commissions” (p. 26); the notification of the capitulation, June 20 (p. 63). There are letters of Benning Wentworth, Com. Warren, Gen. Waldo, John Gorham, John Bradstreet, Arthur Noble, William Vaughan, John Rous, Robert Auchmuty, Ammi R. Cutter, N. Sparhawk, etc. There are also various letters of Benj. Colman, who from his relations to Pepperrell took great interest in the movement. (Cf. the Colman papers, 1697-1747, presented to the same society in 1793.) The editor of _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v., prints various papers as from the “Belknap Papers” in the N. H. Hist. Society library. Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), i. 120.

[951] It contains manuscript books, bound together, which were in part the gift of the Hon. Daniel Sargent, and in part came from the heirs of Dr. Belknap. These books contain copies of the leading official papers of the expedition and capitulation, the records of the councils of war from Apr. 5, 1745, at Canso, to May 16, 1746, at Louisbourg, the letters of Pepperrell, Shirley, Warren, and others between Mar. 27, 1745, and May 30, 1746; records of consultation on board the “Superbe,” Warren’s flag-ship; with various other letters of Warren; several narratives and journals of the siege and later transactions at Louisbourg, some of them bearing interlineations and erasures as if original drafts; and papers respecting pilots and deserters. The writer of the diaries and narrative is given in one case only, that of an artillerist who records events between May 17 and June 16, 1745, and signs the name of Sergeant Joseph Sherburn. There are also some notes made at the battery near the Light-house beginning June 11.

[952] Boston and London, 1855-56, three editions. Sabin, xiv. no. 58,921.

[953] Other special accounts of Pepperrell are by Ward in the appendix of _Curwen’s Journal_ and in _Hunt’s Merchants’ Mag._, July, 1858; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1878; Potter’s _Amer. Monthly_, Sept., 1881.

[954] Seth Pomeroy’s letter to his wife from Louisbourg, May 8, 1745, was first printed by Edward Everett in connection with his oration on “The Seven Years’ War a School of the Revolution.” Cf. his _Orations_, i. p. 402.

[955] Harv. Coll. library, 4375.46; Boston Pub. Library, 4417.27; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 824.

[956] Harv. Coll. lib., 4375.41, 5316.38; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 489; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 585; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. nos. 815, 816. It again appeared as _An accurate and authentic account of the taking of Cape Breton in the year 1745_, London, 1758 (cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,175; Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, £3 13s. 6d.), and in the _American Magazine_, 1746.

[957] Carter-Brown, iii. 801, 805. Gibson accompanied the prisoners as cartel-agent when they sailed for France, July 4, 1745.

[958] Of the vessels shown in this view the “Massachusetts” frigate (no. 20) was under the command of Edward Tyng, the senior of the provincial naval officers, who, acting under Shirley’s commission, had found a merchantman on the stocks, which under Tyng’s direction was converted into this cruiser of 24 guns. (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, x. 181; Williamson’s _Maine_, ii. 223; Preble’s “Notes on Early Ship-Building,” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1871, p. 363; Alden’s _Epitaphs_, ii. 328; Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, 246.) Tyng had been a successful officer. The previous year he had captured a French privateer which, sailing from Louisbourg, had infested the bay, and on May 24, 1744, the town of Boston had thanked him.

The next ranking provincial naval officer was Capt. John Rous, or Rouse, who commanded the “Shirley Galley,” a snow, or two-masted vessel, of 24 guns. Rouse had the previous year, in a Boston privateer, spread some consternation among the French fishing-fleet on the Grand Banks. It was this provincial craft and the royal ship the “Mermaid,” of 40 guns, Capt. James Douglas, which captured the French man-of-war the “Vigilant,” 64 guns (no. 15), as she was approaching the coast. (Drake’s _Five Years’ War_, App. C.) Douglas was transferred to the captured ship, and a requisition was made upon the colonies to furnish a crew to man her. (Corresp., etc., in _R. I. Col. Rec._, v.) Capt. William Montague was put in command of the “Mermaid,” and after the surrender she sailed, June 22, for England with despatches, arriving July 20. Duplicate despatches were sent by Rouse in the “Shirley Galley,” which sailed July 4. The British government took the “Shirley Galley” into their service and commissioned Rouse as a royal post-captain. This vessel disappears from sight after 1749, when Rouse is found in command of a vessel in the fleet which brought Cornwallis to Chebucto (Halifax). At the time of Rouse’s death at Portsmouth, Apr. 3, 1760, he was in command of the “Sutherland,” 50 guns. (Charnock, _Biographia Navalis_; Isaac J. Greenwood’s “First American built vessels in the British navy,” in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1866, p. 323. There are notes on Rouse, with references, in _Hist. Mag._, i. 156, and _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 59; cf. also Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian War_, p. 240, and _Nova Scotia Docs._, ed. by Akins, p. 225.) Preble (_N. E. H. and Gen. Reg._, 1868, p. 396) collates contemporary authorities for a precise description of a “galley.” Such a ship was usually a “snow,” as the largest two-masted vessels were often called, and would seem to have carried all her guns on a continuous deck, without the higher tiers at the ends, which was customary with frigates built low only at the waist.

The “Cæsar,” of 20 guns, was commanded by Capt. Snelling, the third ranking provincial officer.

[959] Gov. Wolcott, of Connecticut, wrote to Gov. Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, that the secret of the success of the Louisbourg expedition lay in the fact that the besiegers were freeholders and the besieged mercenaries. (_Pa. Archives_, ii. p. 127.)

[960] Petitions of one Capt. John Lane, who calls himself the first man wounded in the siege, are in the Mass. Archives, and are printed in the _Hist. Mag._, xxi. 118.

[961] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 796, 805. Cf. Samuel Niles, _A brief and plain essay on God’s wonder-working Providence for New England in the reduction of Louisbourg_. N. London (T. Green), 1747. This is in verse. (Sabin, xiii. 55,330.)

[962] Burrows (_Life of Lord Hawke_, p. 341) says of this tract: “Few papers convey a more accurate description of contemporary opinion on the colonial questions disputed between Great Britain and France in the last century.”

[963] “A train of favorable, unforeseen, and even astonishing events facilitated the conquest,” says Amos Adams in his _Concise Hist. of New England_, etc. Palfrey in his review of Mahon speaks of it as “one of the wildest undertakings ever projected by sane people.” Whatever the fortuitous character of the conquest, there was an attempt made in England to give the chief credit of it to Warren, who never landed a marine during its progress.

This assumption was violently maintained in the debates in Parliament at the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. The question is examined by Stone in his _Life of Johnson_, i. 152, who also, p. 58, gives an account of Warren and his residence in New York. English statesmen were not so instructed later, but that Lord John Russell, in his introduction to the _Bedford Correspondence_, i. p. xliv., could say: “Commodore Warren, having been despatched by the Duke of Bedford for that purpose, took Louisbourg.”

[964] The French record of some of the principal official documents is in the _Collection de Manuscrits_ (Quebec), vol. iii., such as the summons of May 7, the declination of May 18 (pp. 220, 221), the papers of the final surrender and exchange of prisoners (pp. 221-236, 265, 314, 377), and Du Chambon’s account of the siege, written from Rochefort, Sept. 2, 1745 (p. 237).

[965] Inquiry has not disclosed that any portrait of Gridley exists.

[966] Both of these works contain another map, _Plan of the City and Harbour of Louisbourg, showing the landing place of the British in 1745 and 1758, and their encampment in 1758_.

[967] The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 1,469) gives the date of publication 1765, and assigns its publication to “Mary Ann Rocque, topographer to his Royal Highness, the Duke of Gloucester.”

[968] _Amer. Magazine_ (Boston), Dec., 1745. Some of Shirley’s admirers caused his portrait to be painted, and some years later they gave it to the town of Boston, and it was hung in Faneuil Hall. _Town Records_, 1742-57, p. 26.

[969] Mascarene in a letter to Shirley, April 6, 1748, undertakes to show the difficulties of composing the jealousies of the English towards the Acadians. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. 120.

[970] In Harv. Coll. library “Collection of Nova Scotia maps.”

[971] Cf. Lawrence to Monckton, 28 March, 1755, in _Aspinwall Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxix. 214).

[972] The annexed plan is from the _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760, as published by the Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec (re-impression), 1873, p. 45. The same _Mémoires_ has a plan (p. 40) of Fort Lawrence. Various plans and views of Chignectou are noted in the _Catalogue of the King’s Maps_ (British Museum), i. 239. A “Large and particular plan of Shegnekto Bay and the circumjacent country, with forts and settlements of the French till dispossessed by the English, June, 1755, drawn on the spot by an officer,” was published Aug. 16, 1755, by Jefferys, and is given in his _General Topography of North America and West Indies_, London, 1766. Cf. J. G. Bourinot’s “Some old forts by the sea,” in _Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada_, i. sect. 2, p. 71.

[973] A contemporary account of these Indians, by a French missionary among them, was printed in London in 1758, as _An account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and Maricheets savage nations now dependent on the government of Cape Breton_. (Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1,062; Quaritch, 1885, no. 29,984, £4 4_s._)

[974] _The Life and Sufferings of Henry Grace_, Reading, 1764 [Harv. Coll. lib. 5315.5], gives the experience of one of Lawrence’s men, captured by the Indians at this time.

[975] The French ministry were advising Vaudreuil, “Nothing better can be done than to foment this war of the Indians on the English, which at least delays their settlements.” (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 949.)

[976] Cf. references in Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 199. The journal of Winslow during the siege in the summer and autumn of 1755 is printed from the original MS. in the Mass. Hist. Soc. library, in the _Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. iv. Tracts of the time indicate the disparagement which the provincial men received during these events from the regular officers. Cf. _Account of the present state of Nova Scotia in two letters to a noble lord,—one from a gentleman in the navy lately arrived from thence; the other from a gentleman who long resided there_, London, 1756. Cf. also _French policy defeated, being an account of all the hostile proceedings of the French against the British colonies in North America for the last seven years, ... with an account of the naval engagement of Newfoundland and the taking of the forts in the Bay of Fundy_, London, 1755. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,060.)

[977] On the 10th of Aug., 1754, Lawrence had sent a message to the Acadians, who had gone over to the French, that he should still hold them to their oaths, and this, as well as a letter of Le Loutre to Lawrence, Aug. 26, 1754, will be found in the Parkman MSS. in the Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, i. pp. 271, 281.

[978] Minot, without knowledge of these documents, says: “They [the Acadians] maintained, with some exceptions, the character of neutrals.”

[979] Cf. Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, vol. ii. ch. 7.

[980] “They call themselves neutrals, but are rebels and traitors, assisting the French and Indians at all opportunities to murder and cut our throats.” Ames’s _Almanac_, 1756,—a household authority.

[981] This condition was thoroughly understood by the French authorities. Cf. Vaudreuil’s despatch when he heard of the deportation, Oct. 18, 1755. _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. 358. On Nov. 2, 1756, Lotbinière, addressing the French ministry on a contemplated movement against Nova Scotia, says: “The English have deprived us of a great advantage by removing the French families.”

[982] Winslow’s instructions, dated Halifax, Aug. 11, 1755, are printed in Akins’s _Selections_, etc., 271. It has sometimes been alleged that a greed to have the Acadian lands to assign to English settlers was a chief motive in this decision. Letters between Lawrence and the Board of Trade (Oct. 18, 1755, etc.) indicate that the hope of such succession to lands was entertained after the event; but it was several years before the hope had fruition.

[983] Guillaume Thomas Raynal’s _Histoire philosophique et politique des Etablissemens et du Commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes_, Paris, 1770; Geneva, 1780 (in 5 vols. 4to, and 10 vols. 8vo.); revised, Paris, 1820. (Rich, after 1700, p. 290; H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 648.)

[984] M. Pascal Poirier in the _Revue Canadienne_ (xi. pp. 850, 927; xii. pp. 71, 216, 310, 462, 524) discusses the question of mixed blood, and gives reasons for the mutual attachments of the Acadians and Abenakis, confronting the views of Rameau. He follows the Acadian story down, and traces the migrations of families.

[985] A writer in the _Amer. Cath. Q. Rev._ (1884), ix. 592, defends the “Acadian confessors of the faith,” and charges Hannay with “monstrous and barefaced perversions of history.” Cf. among the Parkman MSS. (Mass. Hist. Society, _New France_, i. p. 165) a paper called “Etat présent des missions de l’Acadie. Efforts impuissants des gouverneurs anglois pour détruir la religion catholique dans l’Acadie.”

[986] _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 5.

[987] _United States_, final revision, ii. 426.

[988] These are set forth in Hannay’s _Acadia_, ch. xx.; _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, x. p. 11, etc.; Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 114, 266, etc.; Akins’s _Selections from the Pub. Docs. of Nova Scotia_ (with authorities there cited); _Mémoires sur le Canada_, 1749-1760 (Quebec, 1838). Le Loutre was a creature of whom it is difficult to say how much of his conduct was due to fanaticism, and how much to a heartless villainy. The French were quite as much inclined as any one to consider him a villain. The Acadians themselves had often found that he could use his Micmacs against them like bloodhounds.

[989] Minot, i. 220.

[990] Rameau (_La France aux Colonies_, p. 97) allows Raynal’s description to be a forced fantasy to point a moral; but he contends for a basis of fact in it. Cf. Antoine Marie Cerisier’s _Remarques sur les erreurs de l’histoire philosphique et politique de Mr. Guillaume Thomas Raynal, par rapport aux affaires de l’Amérique septentrionale_, Amsterdam, 1783.

[991] _The General History of the Late War_, London, 1763, etc.

[992] _A Brief State of the Services and Expenses of the Massachusetts Bay_, London, 1765, p. 17.

[993] _Hist. of Mass. Bay_, iii. 39.

[994] _Massachusetts_, ch. i. x.

[995] Vol. IV. p. 156. Cf. Morgan, _Bibliotheca Canadensis_, p. 168.

[996] Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 123. This journal is in three volumes, the first opening with a letter of proposals by Winslow, addressed to Shirley, followed by a copy of Winslow’s commission as lieutenant-colonel, Feb. 10, 1755. Transcripts then follow of instructions, letters, accounts, orders, rosters, log-books, reports, down to Jan., 1756. This volume is mostly, if not wholly, in Winslow’s own hand. It has been printed in vol. iii. of the _Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Collections_, beginning with a letter from Grand Pré, Aug. 22, 1755. The second volume (Feb.-Aug., 1756) has a certificate that it is, “to the best of my skill and judgment, a true record of original papers committed to my care for that purpose.” This is signed “Henry Leddel, Secretary to General Winslow.” The third volume (Aug.-Dec., 1756) is similarly certified. There is in the Mass. Hist. Soc. another collection of Winslow’s papers (cf. _Proc._, iii. 92) covering 1737-1766, being mostly of a routine military character.

[997] Compare the enumeration of MSS. on Acadia, as indexed in the _Catalogue of the Library of Parliament_, Toronto, 1858, p. 1451. There are preserved in the office of the registrar of the Province of Quebec ten volumes of MS. copies of documents relating to the history of Canada, covering many pertaining to Acadia. A list of their contents was printed in 1883, entitled _Réponse à un ordre de la chambre, demandant copie de la liste des documents se rapportant à l’histoire du Canada, copiés et conservés au département du régistraire de la Province de Québec_. _J. Blanchet, Secrétaire._ Cf. “Evangeline and the Archives of Nova Scotia,” in _Trans. Lit. and Hist. Soc. of Quebec_, 1869-70.

[998] Orig. ed. (1852), iv. 206. In writing his first draft of the transaction in 1852, Bancroft, referring seemingly to Haliburton’s statement, says: “It has been supposed that these records of the council are no longer in existence; but I have authentic copies of them.” (Orig. ed., iv. 200).

[999] Ed. 1882, vol. ii. 225.

[1000] “The publications of C. R. Williams, with notes concerning them,” in _R. I. Hist. Tracts._ no. xi. For other accounts concerning the condition of the “Evangeline Country,” see E. B. Chase’s _Over the Border, Acadia, the home of Evangeline_ (Boston, 1884), with various views; J. De Mille in _Putnam’s Magazine_, ii. 140; G. Mackenzie in _Canadian Monthly_, xvi. 337; C. D. Warner’s _Baddeck_ (Boston, 1882); and the view of Grandpré in _Picturesque Canada_, ii. 789.

[1001] There is a sample of this purely sympathetic comment in Whittier’s _Prose Works_, ii. 64.

[1002] New series, vol. vii. (1870).

[1003] Palfrey (_Compend. Hist. New England_, iv. 209) says: “There appears to be no doubt that they were a virtuous, simple-minded, industrious, unambitious, religious people. They were rich enough for all their wants. They lived in equality, contentment, and brotherhood; the priest or some trusted neighbor settled whatever differences arose among them.”

[1004] Halifax, 1865-67, vol. ii. ch. 20. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 156.

[1005] Page 369.

[1006] Ch. iv. and viii.

[1007] _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 90.

[1008] He does intimate, in some later published letters, that a taking of hostages might perhaps have sufficed. The controversy of which these letters are a part began with the anticipatory publication by Mr. Parkman of his chapter on the Acadians in _Harper’s Monthly_, Nov., 1884. This drew out from Mr. Philip H. Smith a paper in the _Nation_, Oct. 30, 1884, in which incautiously, and depending on Haliburton, he charged the English with rifling their archives to rid them of the proofs of the atrocity of the deportation. Parkman exposed his error, in the same journal, Nov. 6, 1884, and also in the _N. Y. Evening Post_, Jan. 20, 1885, and _Boston Evening Transcript_, Jan. 22. Smith transferred his challenge to the _Boston Evening Transcript_ of Feb. 11, 1885, making a good point in quoting the Philadelphia Memorial of the Acadians, which affirmed that papers which could show their innocence had been taken from them; but he unwisely claimed for the exiles the literary skill of that memorial, which seems to have been prepared by some of their Huguenot friends in Philadelphia. A few more letters appeared in the same journal from Parkman, Akins, and Smith, but added nothing but iteration to the question. (Cf. _Transcript_, Feb. 25, by Parkman; March 19 by Akins; March 23, April 3, by Smith.)

[1009] Akins’ _Select. from Pub. Doc._, 277; Smith’s _Acadia_, 219.

[1010] _A letter from a gentleman in Nova Scotia to a person of distinction in the continent, describing the present state of government in that colony_, 1736, p. 7.

[1011] _Boston Transcript_, Feb. 11, 1885. In his _Acadia_, p. 256, he says 15,000 were “forcibly extirpated” [sic], but he probably includes later deportations, mainly from the northern side of the Bay of Fundy.

[1012] _Une Colonie féodale en Amérique_ (Paris, 1877). To this 6,000 Rameau adds 4,000 as the number previously removed to the islands of the gulf, 4,000 as having crossed the neck to come under French protection, and 2,000 as having escaped the English,—thus making a total of 16,000, which he believes to have been the original population of the peninsula. Cf. on Rameau, Daniel’s _Nos Gloires_, ii. 345

[1013] See Lawrence’s letter to Monckton in the “Aspinwall Papers,” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxix. 214

[1014] Lawrence’s letter to Hancock, Sept. 10, 1755, in _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1876, p. 17.

[1015] There are large extracts from these Archives in the _Winslow Papers_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.). _North Amer. Rev._, 1848, p. 231. There is usually scant, if any, mention of them in the published town histories of Massachusetts. In Bailey’s _Andover_ (p. 297) there is some account of those sent to that town, and a copy of a petition (_Mass. Archives_,