xxxii. A statement of the condition of the church in New York in 1704-5

is in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 74.

[545] Sec Crit. Essay of chap. vi.

[546] Brinley, ii. 3,073; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 336.

[547] Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,211; 1877, no. 2,903: Brinley, _Catal._, ii. no. 3,093. His book is called _Getrouw Verhaal van den waren toestant der meest Herderloze Gemeentens in Pensylvanien, etc._ (Amsterdam, 1751.)

[548] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 268; Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 274; Sabin, i. no. 3,868. This traveller must not be confounded with William Bartram, the son, whose travels belong to a period forty years later.

[549] Chap. viii.

[550] _Ante_, p. 83. There is a chapter on the modes of travel of this time in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (vol. iii.).

[551] A German version, _Reise nach dem nördlichen America_, was published at Göttingen in 1754-64,—some copies having the imprint Leipzig and Stockholm. (Sabin, ix. 36,987.) A Dutch translation, _Reis door Noord Amerika_, has for imprint Utrecht, 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,988.) An English version by J. R. Forster, _Travels into North America_, appeared in three volumes at Warrington and at London, in 1770-71, with a second edition at London in 1772. (Sabin, ix. 36,989; Rich, _Bib. Am. Nova_, p. 178.) Cf. the present _History_, IV. p. 494, and Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 295.

[552] Two editions, 1775; Dublin, 1775; third edition, London, 1798, revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged by the author. It is reprinted in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. xiii. A French version was published at Lausanne and at the Hague in 1778, and a German one, made by C. D. Ebeling, at Hamburg, in 1776. (Sabin, iii. pp. 142-3.)

[553] Chapter viii. Particularly may reference be made to Charles Thomson’s _Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interests_.

[554] Chap. viii.—critical part.

[555] Cf. Brinley, iii. 5,486.

[556] Gov. Bernard’s letter in this conference is in _N. Jersey Archives_, ix. p. 139.

[557] There are in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ (vol. iii. p. 613, etc.) various papers indicative of the opposition the Moravians encountered within the province of New York.

[558] Cf. the Critical Essay of chap. viii. One of the earlier historical treatments is John C. Ogden’s _Excursion to Bethlehem and Nazareth, in 1799, with a succinct history of the Society of United Brethren_. (Philad., 1800.)

[559] Crit. Essay of chap. viii.

[560] See Vol. III. p. 515.

[561] _Life of Zeisberger_, pp. 37, 98, 120.

[562] The Moravian Historical Society (Nazareth, Penna.) has taken active measures to preserve the records of their missionary work. In 1860 it published at Philadelphia _A memorial of the dedication of monuments erected by the Moravian Historical Society, to mark the sites of ancient missionary stations in New York and Connecticut_ [by W. C. Reichel], which contains an account of the Moravians in New York and Connecticut; [Mission of] Shekomeko [N. Y.], by S. Davis; Visit of the committee [to Shekomeko and Wechquadnach], and the proceedings of the society and dedication of the monuments.

The society also began a series of transactions in 1876, whose first volume included _Extracts from Zinzendorf’s Diary of his second, and in part of his third journey among the Indians, the former to Shekomeko, and the other among the Shawanese, on the Susquehanna. Transl. from a German MS. in the Bethlehem archives. By Eugene Schaeffer_ (1742), and _Names which the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians gave to rivers, streams, and localities, within the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia, with their significations_. _Prepared from a MS. by J. Heckewelder, by William C. Reichel._

For the Moravians in Philadelphia, see Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of Philad._ (vol. ii. p. 1320, etc.), and Abraham Ritter’s _Hist. of the Moravian Church in Philad. from its foundation in 1742_ (Phil., 1857). Poole’s _Index_, p. 870, will enable the reader to trace the literature of which the Moravians have been the subject. The sect publish at Bethlehem a _Manual_, which is convenient for authoritative information.

[563] Jonathan Edwards wrote Brainerd’s life, using his diaries in part. In 1822 a new edition, by Sereno Edwards Dwight, included journals (June, 1745, to June, 1746) that had been published separately, which had been overlooked by Edwards. (Sabin, ii. nos. 7,339-7,346.) The _Journal of a two months’ tour with a view of promoting religion among the frontier inhabitants of Pennsylvania, and introducing Christianity among the Indians west of the Alegh-geny Mountains, by Charles Beatty_ (London, 1768), is the result of a mission planned in England, and is addressed to the Earl of Dartmouth and other trustees of the Indian Charity School. In Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_, chapter 19, is given an account of missionary labors among the Mohawks and other Indian tribes. Gideon Hawley’s account of his journey among the Mohawks in 1753 is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, iv., and _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii.

[564] Lodge (p. 227) has epitomized this immigration. See references in Vol. III. p. 515.

[565] Cf. Redmond Conyngham, _An account of the settlement of the Dunkers at Ephrata, in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania_. _Added a short history of that religious society, by the late Rev. Christian Endress, of Lancaster_, which makes part of the _Historical Society of Penn. Memoirs_. (1828, vol. ii. 133-153.) Cf. further _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, v. 276; _Century_, Dec., 1881; Schele de Vere on a “Protestant Convent” in _Hours at Home_, iv. 458. For their press see Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_, i. 287; _Catal. of Paintings in the Penna. Hist. Soc._, 1872, p. 6; and Muller’s _Books on America_, 1877, no. 3,623.

[566] The Dutch of J. G. De Hoop Scheffer’s historical account of the friendly relations between the Dutch and Pennsylvania Baptists was printed at Amsterdam in 1869 (Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,296), and, translated with notes by S. W. Pennypacker, it appeared as the “Mennonite Emigration to Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, ii. 117; also see S. W. Pennypacker’s _Historical and Biog. Sketches_ (Philad., 1883); cf. further in R. Baird’s _Religions in America_ (1856), E. K. Martin’s _Mennonites_ (Philad., 1883), and M’Clintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, vi. 98.

On the Baptists in general in Pennsylvania, see Sprague’s _Amer. Pulpit_, vol. vi.; _Hist. Mag._ (xiv. 76), for an account by H. G. Jones of the lower Dublin Baptist Church (1687), the mother church of the sect in Pennsylvania, and Morgan Edwards’s _Materials towards a history of the Baptists in Pennsylvania, both British and German, distinguished into First-day Baptists, Keithian Baptists, Seventh-day Baptists, Tunker Baptists, Mennonist Baptists_ (Philad., 1770-1792), in two volumes; but the second volume applies to New Jersey. (Sabin, vi. 21,981.)

[567] Cf. James W. Dale’s _Earliest settlement by Presbyterians on the Delaware River in Delaware County_. (Philad., 1871; 28 pp.)

[568] Annotated ed. of 1876 (Albany), by Jas. Grant Wilson.

[569] _Memoirs_, vols. ix. and x. They cover the years 1700-1711. “Much of the correspondence is taken up with business and politics; but it is also a great storehouse of information respecting men and manners.” Tyler, _Amer. Lit._, ii. 233.

[570] Cf. E. G. Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty in the English Colonies_ (New York, 1882), ch. vi.; Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. chapters 18, 29, 30, etc.). Scott says, “Pennsylvania had a greater diversity of nationalities than any other colony, and offered consequently a greater variety of character” (p. 162).

[571] The history of the paper-money movement in Pennsylvania is traced in Henry Phillips, Jr.’s _Hist. sketch of the paper money issued by Pennsylvania, with a complete list of the dates, issues, amounts, denominations, and signers_ (Philad., 1862), and his _Hist. sketches of the paper currency of the American colonies_ (Roxbury, 1865). A list of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey currency, printed by Franklin, is given in the _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in the Boston Pub. Library_ (p. 42).

For New York paper money see J. H. Hickcox’s _Hist. of the bills of credit or paper money issued by New York from 1709 to 1780_ (Albany, 1866—250 copies).

For the New Jersey currency Phillips will suffice. These monographs must be supplemented by the general histories and comprehensive treatises on financial history.

[572] Cf. _An account of the College of New Jersey, with a prospect of the College neatly engraved. Published by order of the Trustees_, Woodbridge, N. J., 1764 (_Brinley Catal._, ii. 3,599); _Princeton Book_, a history of the College of New Jersey; “Princeton College,” an illustrated paper in the _Manhattan Mag._, ii. p. 1; S. D. Alexander in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xiii. 625; H. R. Timlow in _Old and New_, iv. 507; B. J. Lossing in _Potter’s Amer. Monthly_, v. 482.

[573] For these last two colleges, see chapter 23 of Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_, vol. i.

[574] Cf. Job R. Tyson’s _Social and intellectual state of Pennsylvania prior to 1743_; and Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. ch. 35). An enumeration of American books advertised in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, 1728-1765, is given in _Hist. Mag._, iv. 73, 235, 328.

[575] Vol. i. was issued in 1885, bringing the record down to 1763. Trial specimens of the list were earlier issued in the _Bulletin_ of the Philadelphia Library, and separately. The first book printed was by Bradford, in 1685, being Atkins’s _America’s Messenger_ (an almanac). An interesting list of books, printed in Philadelphia and New York previous to 1750, is given in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. nos. 3,367, etc.

[576] See list of his publications in _Hist. Mag._, iii. 174; his genealogy in _N. Y. General and Biog. Record_, Oct., 1873; a recent account of him in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (iii. 1965). Cf. G. D. Boardman on “Early printing in the middle colonies” in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Apr., 1886, p. 15; Lodge’s _English Colonies_, 255. See further references in Vol. III. p. 513.

[577] His career is commemorated by Horatio Gates Jones in an address, _Andrew Bradford, the founder of the newspaper press in the Middle States_ (Philad., 1869). Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (vol. iii. ch. 48), on the press of Philadelphia; Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ (Worcester, 1874), ii. p. 132; and Frederic Hudson’s _Journalism in the United States_ (N. Y., 1873), p. 60. The best known of the early Philadelphia papers was, however, _The Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences and Pennsylvania Gazette_, which, begun Dec. 24, 1728, passed with the fortieth number into the control of Benj. Franklin, who retained only the secondary title for the paper. Cf. “History of a newspaper—the Pennsylvania Gazette,” in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1886, by Paul L. Ford; a long note by Hildeburn in _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 37.

Of the _American Magazine_, published at Philadelphia in 1741, and the earliest magazine printed in the British colonies, probably only three numbers were issued (Hildeburn, no. 688). It must not be confounded with a later _American Magazine_, printed by W. Bradford, which lived through thirteen monthly numbers, Oct., 1757, to Oct., 1758. It purported to be edited “by a society of gentlemen,” and Tyler (_Amer. Literature_, ii. 306) calls it “the most admirable example of our literary periodicals in the colonial time.” Cf. Wallace’s _Col. Wm. Bradford_, pp. 64, 73.

[578] Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing_; the _Catal. of books relating to Franklin in the Boston Public Library_; _Brinley Catal._, nos. 3,197, etc., 4,312, etc. Cf. Parton’s _Franklin_; Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_. The series of _Poor Richard’s Almanacks_ was begun in 1733 (fac-simile of title in Smith’s _Hist. and lit. curios._, pl. ix., and Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_, i. 237). Cf. _Catal. of works relating to Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, p. 14. In 1850-52 a publication at New York, called _Poor Richard’s Almanac_, reprinted the Franklin portion of the original issues for 1733-1741.

[579] He gives in an appendix the publications of the younger Bradford’s press, 1742-1766. Cf. J. B. MacMasters on “A free Press in the Middle Colonies,” in the _Princeton Review_, 1885.

[580] New York, in Vol. III. p. 412, IV. p. 430, and particularly on Smith’s _History_, see Tyler’s _Amer. Lit._, ii. 224; Pennsylvania, in Vol. III. p. 507; New Jersey, in Vol. III. pp. 453, 455. The general histories of the English colonies are characterized in the notes at the end of chapter viii. of the present volume.

[581] Vol. IV. p. 410, etc. Cf. E. A. Werner’s _Civil list and constitutional history of the Colony and State of New York_. (Albany, 1884.)

[582] See Vol. III. pp. 411, 414; IV. 440. Some special aspects are treated in _Our Police Protectors; Hist. of the N. Y. Police_ (New York, 1885, ch. 2, “British occupancy, 1664-1783”); J. A. Stevens on old coffee houses, in _Harper’s Mag._ (Mar., 1882), also illustrated in Wallace’s _Col. Wm. Bradford_; T. F. De Voe’s _Hist. of the Public Markets of N. Y. from the first settlement_ (N. Y., 1862); H. E. Pierrepont’s _Historical Sketch of the Fulton Ferry and its Associated Ferries_ (Brooklyn, 1879); the Catholic Church on N. Y. Island, in _Hist. Mag._, xvi. 229, 271.

[583] Frank Munsell’s_ Bibliog. of Albany_ (1883). See Vol. IV. p. 435. Its own story has been freshly told in A. J. Weise’s _Hist. of the City of Albany_ (1884).

[584] See Vol. IV. p. 441.

[585] A method, prevailing widely at present, of forcing local pride and business enterprise into partnership has produced in New York, as it has in other States, a series of county histories which may find in future antiquaries more respect than historical students at present feel for them. The work of some of the local historical societies, like those of Ulster, Oneida, Cayuga, and Buffalo, is conducted in general in a better spirit, and its genuine antiquarian zeal is exemplified in such books as J. R. Simms’s _Frontiersmen of New York_ (1882-83), and in the conglomerate _History of the Schenectady patent in the Dutch and English times; being contributions toward a history of the lower Mohawk Valley, by Jonathan Pearson and others; edited by J. W. MacMurray_. (Albany, 1883.)

[586] Vol. III. p. 510. For record of the governors from 1682 to 1863, see _Hist. Mag_., viii. 266; and the summarized _Governors of Pennsylvania_, 1609-1873, by Wm. C. Armor. (Norwich, Conn., 1874.) Another official enumeration is Charles P. Keith’s _Provincial Councillors of Pennsylvania who held office between 1733 and 1776, and those earlier Councillors who were some time chief magistrates of the province, and their descendants_. (Philadelphia, 1883.)

[587] In addition to those named in Vol. III. p. 510, and as coming more particularly within the period under consideration, a few may be named:—

From 1844 to 1846 Mr. I. Daniel Rupp issued various books of local interest: _Hist. of Lancaster Co._ (Lancaster, 1844); _History of Northampton, Lehigh, Monroe, Carbon, and Schuylkill Counties_ (Harrisburg, 1845); _History of Dauphin, Cumberland, Franklin, Bedford, Adams, and Perry Counties_ (Lancaster, 1846); and _Early Hist. of Western Pennsylvania_ (Pittsburgh, 1846).

The others may be arranged in order of publication: C. W. Carter and A. J. Glossbrener’s _York County_ (1834); Neville B. Craig’s _Pittsburg_ (1851); George Chambers’s _Tribute to Irish and Scotch early settlers of Pennsylvania_ (Chambersburg, 1856); U. J. Jones’s _Juniata Valley_ (1856); H. Hollister’s _Lackawanna Valley_ (1857); J. F. Meginness’s _West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna_ (1857); Geo. H. Morgan’s _Annals of Harrisburg_ (Harrisburg, 1858); Stewart Pearce’s _Annals of Luzerne County, from the first settlement of Wyoming to 1860_ (Philad., 1860); J. I. Mombert’s _Lancaster County_ (1869); Alfred Creigh’s _Washington County_ (1870); Alexander Harris’s _Biog. Hist. of Lancaster County_ (1872); S. W. Pennypacker’s _Annals of Phœnixville to 1871_ (Philad., 1872); Emily C. Blackman’s _Susquehanna County_ (Philad., 1873); John Hill Martin’s _Bethlehem, with an account of the Moravian Church_ (Philad., 1873); A. W. Taylor’s _Indiana County_ (1876); S. J. M. Eaton’s _Venango County_ (1876); John Blair Linn’s _Annals of Buffalo Valley, Pa._, 1755-1855 (Harrisburg, 1877); H. G. Ashmead’s _Hist. sketch of Chester_ (1883).

The histories of Wyoming, deriving most of their interest from later events, will be mentioned in Vol. VI. The local references can be picked out of F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of Amer. Local History_. The _Pennsylvania Mag. of History_ and _Egle’s Notes and Queries_ (1881, etc.), with its continuation, the _Historical Register_, make current records of local research.

[588] Vol. III. p. 509.

[589] Cf. the long list of titles under Philadelphia, prepared by C. R. Hildeburn, in Sabin’s _Dict. of books relating to America_ (vol. xiv. p. 524), and lesser monographs, like James Mease’s _Picture of Philadelphia_ (1811); Daniel Bowen’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_ (1839); _Harper’s Monthly_ (Apr., 1876); J. T. Headley in _Scribner’s Monthly_ (vol. ii.); _A Sylvan City, or quaint corners in Philadelphia_ (Philad., 1883); Hamersley’s _Philad. Illustrated_ (1871).

The evidence of an organized government in Philadelphia prior to the charter of incorporation given by Penn in 1701 is presented in the _Penna. Mag. of History_ (Apr., 1886, p. 61). There is a graphic description of Philadelphia about 1750 in the _Life of Bampfylde Moore Carew_.

[590] Vol. III. pp. 454-55. Some of the earlier collections of New Jersey laws are noted in the _Brinley Catal._, ii. no. 3,583, etc. Cf. titles in Sabin, vol. xiii.

[591] Vol. III. p. 455.

[592] Chief among the architectural landmarks of old New York was the City Hall, on Wall Street, built in 1700, and taken down in 1812. (Cf. views in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1847 and 1866; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ix. 322; and Watson’s _Annals of New York_, p. 176.) Valentine’s _Manual_ and his _Hist. of N. York_ contain various views of buildings and localities belonging to the early part of the eighteenth century. Particularly in the _Manual_, see the views of early New York in the volume for 1858, with a view of Fort George and the city from the southwest (1740). (Cf. _Appleton’s Journal_, viii. p. 353.) The _Manual_ for 1862 contains a view of the battery (p. 503); others of the foot of Wall Street (p. 506), of the great dock (p. 512), and of the East River shore (p. 531),—all of 1746; and of the North River shore in 1740 (p. 549). The volume for 1865 contains a history of Broadway, with historical views; that for 1866 a history of Wall Street, to be compared with the treatment of the same subject by Mrs. Lamb in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._

An engraving from Wm. Burgiss’s view of the Dutch church in New York, built 1727-37, is given in Valentine’s _Hist. of N. Y. City_, p. 279.

A paper on the old tombs of Trinity is in _Harper’s Mag._, Nov., 1876.

The _Manual_ also preserves samples of the domestic architecture of the period. Old houses, especially Dutch ones, are shown in the volumes for 1847, 1850, 1853, 1855. In that for 1858 we have in contrast the Dutch Cortelyou house (1699) and the Rutgers mansion. Of famous colonial houses in New York city and province, cuts may be noted of the following among others:—

Van Cortland House, in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_ (1879), p. 696; Harper’s Mag., lii. 645; _Appleton’s Journal_, ix. 801; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, xv. (Mar., 1883). Philipse Manor House at Yonkers, in Lamb; Appleton’s, xi. 385; _Harper’s Mag._, lii. 642. Roger Morris House, in Lamb. See further on this house when Washington’s headquarters, in Vol. VI. Beekman House, in Lamb; Valentine’s _Manual_, 1854, p. 554; Appleton’s, viii. 310. Livingston House, in Lamb; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 239. Verplanck House, in Lamb; Potter’s _Amer. Monthly_, iv. 242. Van Rensselaer House at Albany, in Lamb. Schuyler Mansion in Albany, in Lamb.

Many of these houses are also conveniently depicted in _Harper’s Cyclopædia of U.S. Hist._ (ed. by Lossing).

Cf. “Old New York and its Houses,” by R. G. White, in _The Century_, Oct., 1883. Geo. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_ epitomizes the histories of several of the old families,—Van Cortlandt, Van Rensselaer, Livingston, Verplanck, etc. (vol. i. 187, 206, 243, 292).

[593] Cf. Valentine’s _Hist. of New York City_, p. 263; his _N. Y. City Manual_, 1841-42, 1844-45, 1850, and 1851; Dunlap’s _New York_, i. 290; Mrs. Lamb’s _New York_, i. 524; Lossing’s New York, i. 14; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, p. 358. It was also republished in fac-simile by W. W. Cox, of Washington; and in lithograph by G. Hayward. Cf. _Map Catal. Brit. Mus._ (1885), _sub_ “New York City.”

[594] Cf. the “Ville de Manathe ou Nouvelle York,” in Bellin’s _Petit Atlas Maritime_, vol. i. (1764). The same atlas has a plan of Philadelphia of that date.

[595] Cf. Vol. III. p. 551.

[596] There is a print of the old capitol at Annapolis. Cf. Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 51.

[597] Vol. III. p. 551.

[598] See the arguments on the question of the king’s subjects carrying with them, when they emigrate, the common and statute law, in Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 194. Cf. also note in E. G. Scott’s _Constitutional Liberty_, p. 40.

[599] “A few neglected grave-stones, several heaps of brick and rubbish, and a solitary mansion, belonging to one of the oldest families in the State, are about all that remain of the once famous seaport town [Joppa] of provincial Maryland.” Lewis W. Wilhelm’s _Local Institutions of Maryland_ (1885), p. 128. This paper is parts v., vi., and vii. of the third series of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, and covers a history of the land system, the hundreds, the county and towns of the province. The institutional life of the town began in 1683-85.

[600] See a portrait of Sharpe after an old print in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 443.

[601] Vol. III. p. 153.

[602] There is a cut of Culpepper, after an old print, in Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 54.

[603] Grahame, _United States_, i. p. 126, has a note on the authorities concerning the penal proceedings following the rebellion.

[604] See Brock’s _Hist. of Tobacco_, cited in Vol. III. p. 166.

[605] Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872, p. 30.

[606] Cf. James Drew Sweet on Williamsburg, as the “ancient vice-regal capital of Virginia,” in _Mag. of Western Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 117.

[607] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 86.

[608] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 152.

[609] _Official Letters_, i. 116, 134; _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii. 192.

[610] Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 162.

[611] See _post_, ch. viii. Iron was first forged in 1714.

[612] Spotswood’s speeches to the assembly in 1714 and 1718 are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. iv.

[613] February, 1718-19. _Official Letters_, ii. 273. “Capt. Teach, alias Blackbeard, the famous Pyrate, came within the Capes of this Colony in a Sloop of six Guns and twenty Men; whereof our Governor having Notice, ordered two Sloops to be fitted out, which fortunately met with him. When Teach saw they were resolv’d to fight him, he leap’d upon the Round-House of his Sloop, and took a Glass of Liquor, and drank to the Masters of the two Sloops, and bid Damnation seize him that should give Quarter; but notwithstanding his Insolence the two Sloops soon boarded him, and kill’d all except Teach and one more, who have been since executed. The head of Teach is fix’d on a Pole erected for that Purpose.” (1719.) _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1878.

[614] Account in _Byrd MSS._, Wynne’s ed., ii. 249-63.

[615] West, the crown counsel in 1719, interpreted the law as leaving in the hands of the king the right to present to vacant benefices in Virginia. Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers concerning the Colonies_, etc. London, 1814, i. p. 17. Blair was still the champion of the ecclesiastical supremacy. Cf. Spotswood’s _Official Letters_, ii. 292; Perry’s _Church Papers of Va._, pp. 199, 247.

[616] Meade, _Old Churches_, etc., ii. 75.

[617] Speeches of Gov. Drysdale to the assembly in 1723 and 1726 are printed in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vol. iv.

[618] We have the journal of William Black, who was sent by the province in 1744 to treat with the Iroquois, with reference to these shadowy lands. _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vols. i. and ii.

[619] See the view of this mansion in _Appleton’s Journal_, July 19, 1873; in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, N. Y., 1879; and in the paper on the Fairfaxes in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._ (Mar., 1885), vol. xiii. p. 217, by Richard Whateley. Fairfax’s stone office, which was near the mansion, is still standing.

[620] There is no portrait of Maj. William Mayo known to be in existence. Mayo came to Virginia in 1723, and in 1728 was one of those who ran the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1737 he planned Richmond, and died in 1744. See the paper, “Some Richmond Portraits,” in _Harper’s Magazine_, 1885.

[621] The speeches and papers respecting the opening of the assembly under Gooch in 1736 are reprinted from the _Virginia Gazette_ in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 121.

[622] Byrd, of Westover, in comparing the New Englanders with the Southrons of Virginia, says that the latter “thought their being members of the established church sufficient to sanctifie very loose and profligate morals.” Wynne’s ed. _Westover MSS._, i. p. 7. Cf. the collation of the laws and traits of Virginia and New England in “Old Times in Virginia,” in _Putnam’s Mag._, Aug., 1869. A paper by W. H. Whitmore on “The Cavalier Theory refuted,” in the _Continental Monthly_ (1863), vol. iv. p. 60, was written in the height of feeling engendered by the civil war.

[623] Given in the _Dinwiddie Papers_, i. p. 3.

[624] _Post_, ch. viii.

[625] The journal of Col. James Burd, while building Fort Augusta, at Shamokin, 1756-57, is in the _Penna. Archives_, 2d ser., ii. p. 743. Loudon caused Fort Loudon to be built on the Tennessee in 1756. There is a MS. plan of it in the De Brahm MS. in Harvard College library.

[626] John Echols’s journal about “a march that Capt. Robert Wade took to the New River” in search of Indians, Aug.-Oct., 1758, is in Palmer’s _Calendar_, p. 254; and papers on the expedition against the Shawnee Indians in 1756 are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v. pp. 20, 61.

[627] Vol. III. p. 555.

[628] _Archives of Maryland. Proceedings and acts of the general assembly, January, 1617-38-September, 1664. Published by authority of the State, under the direction of the Maryland Historical Society. William Hand Browne, editor._ Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society. 1883. Two other volumes have since been published.

[629] _Archives of Maryland: Calendar and Report by the Publication Committee of the Maryland Hist. Society_, 1883.

[630] This _Calendar_ shows that the Proprietary records, with few gaps, exist from 1637 to 1658; the council proceedings from 1636 to 1671, with some breaks; the assembly proceedings from 1637 to 1658 (included in the published volume, with continuation from the Public Record Office in London to 1664); the Upper House Journals from 1659 to 1774; the Senate Journals, 1780-83; the Lower House Journals, 1666 to 1774; the Revolutionary journals, 1775-1780; the Laws from 1638 to 1710 (those to 1664 are continued in the published volume, and the commissioners say that the full text probably exists of these from 1692 to 1774; and while Bacon in his edition of the Laws had given only six of the 300 laws, and none before 1664 in full, the commissioners in the printed volume have supplied the full text of the others from the Public Record Office); the Court Records, 1658-1752; Letters, 1753-1771; Council of Safety Correspondence, 1775-77; Council Correspondence, 1777-93; Commission books, 1726-1798; Commission on the Public Records, 1724-1729; Minutes of the Board of Revenue, 1768-1775; the David Ridgely copies of important papers (1682-1785), made in 1838; and Ethan Allen’s Calendar of Maryland State Papers, 1636-1776, made in 1858. (See Vol. III. p. 556.)

The laws of Maryland, 1692-1718, were printed in Philadelphia by Bradford. (Hildeburn’s _Penna. Publications_, no. 150.) The charter of Maryland, with the debates of the assembly in 1722-24, was printed in Philadelphia in 1725. (Ibid. no. 255.)

[631] Vol. III. p. 559.

[632] Ch. v. Bancroft (_History of the United States_, orig. ed., ii. 244) says: “The chapters of Chalmers on Maryland are the most accurate of them all.”

[633] One of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by Mr. Horace E. Scudder.

[634] Also in Lewis Mayer’s _Ground Rents in Maryland_, Baltimore, 1883.

[635] Cf. Mr. Adams’s _Maryland’s influence in founding a national commonwealth_, published as no. 11 of the Fund Publications of the Maryland Historical Society.

Since Volume III. of the present History was printed, there have been added to these Fund Publications, as no. 18, B. T. Johnson’s _Foundation of Maryland and the origin of the act concerning religion, of April 21, 1649_; no. 19, E. Ingle’s _Capt. Richard Ingle, the Maryland pirate and rebel, 1642-1653_; no. 20, L. W. Wilhelm’s _Sir George Calvert, Baron of Baltimore_.

Beside Mr. Johnson’s monograph on the Toleration Act, Mr. R. H. Clarke in the _Catholic World_, October, 1883, has replied to the views held by Bancroft.

Beside Mr. Wilhelm’s paper on Calvert, see E. L. Didier on the family of the Baltimores in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, vi. 531. Scharf gives portraits of the fifth and sixth lords (vol. i. pp. 381, 441). Neill traces the line’s descent in the eighth chapter of his _Terra Mariæ_.

[636] _Memorial Volume, 1730-1880. An account of the municipal celebration of the 150th anniversary of the settlement of Baltimore, October 11-19, 1880. With a sketch of the history, and summary of the resources of the city. Illus. by Frank B. Mayer._ (Baltimore, 1881.) 328 pp. 4^o. Cf. also G. W. Howard, _Monumental City, its past history and present resources_. Baltimore, 1873-[83].

[637] There is a copy in the library of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. It is reproduced in Scharf’s _Maryland_ (i. 421), and in his _City and County of Baltimore_ (p. 58).

[638] Neill’s _Terra Mariæ_, p. 200; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 16,234. M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 255, epitomizes it. In 1730 there appeared at Annapolis, _Sot-weed Redivivus, or the Planter’s Looking-glass, in burlesque verse, calculated for the meridian of Maryland, by E. C., Gent_. Mr. Tyler throws some doubt upon the profession of the same authorship conveyed in the title, because it is destitute of the wit shown in the other. The next year (1731) the earlier poem is said to have been reprinted at Annapolis with another on Bacon’s Rebellion. (_Hist. Mag._, iv. 153.) The _Sot-weed Factor_ was again reprinted with a glossary in Shea’s _Early Southern Tracts_, 1866, edited by Brantz Mayer. There is a copy of the original edition in Harvard College library [12365.14].

[639] Cf. E. W. Latimer’s “Colonial Life in Maryland, 1725-1775” in the _International Review_, June, 1880; Frank B. Meyer’s “Old Maryland Manners” in _Scribner’s Monthly_, xvii. 315; and J. C. Carpenter’s “Old Maryland, its Homes and its People,” in _Appleton’s Journal_, Mar. 4, 1876, with a view of the Caton mansion. The Carroll house is pictured in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 105.

[640] A view of All-Hallows Church, built 1692, is given in Perry, ii. 613.

[641] Vol. III. p. 513. In the Ellis sale, London, Nov., 1885, no. 232, was a map, _Novi Belgii, Novæque Angliæ necnon partis Virginiæ tabulæ, multis in locis emendata a Nicolas Visschero_ (Amsterdam, about 1651), which had belonged to William Penn, and was indorsed by him, “The map by which the Privy Council, 1685, settled the bounds between Lord Baltimore and I, and Maryland, Pennsylvania and Territorys or annexed Countys.—W. P.” Franklin printed (1733) the articles of agreement between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and again (1736) with additional matter. In 1737 and 1742 he printed the proclamations against the armed invaders from Maryland. Cf. _Catal. of Works relating to B. Franklin, in Boston Public Library_ (1883), pp. 29, 36.

[642] Cf. also Jacob’s _Life of Cresap_, p. 25; B. Mayer’s _Logan and Cresap_, p. 25; Gordon’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 221; Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, p. 824; Rapp’s _York County, Pa._, p. 547; Hazard’s _Reg. of Penna._, i. 200, ii. 209. The statement of the government of Maryland, respecting the border outrages, which was addressed to the king in council, is printed in Scharf’s _Hist. of Maryland_, i. p. 395.

[643] A map showing the temporary bounds as fixed by the king in council, 1738, is in _Penna. Archives_, i. 594.

[644] The report on this line is given in Scharf’s _Maryland_, p. 407. Cf. map in _Penna. Arch._, iv.

[645] Cf. Vol. III. p. 489. Extracts from Mason’s field-book are given in the _Hist. Mag._, v. 199. A view of one of the stones erected by them, five miles apart, and bearing the arms of Penn and Baltimore, is given in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vi. 414, in connection with accounts respectively of Baltimore and Markham in 1681-82. See Vol. III. p. 514. The line was continued farther west in 1779, giving to Pennsylvania the forks of the Ohio, which Dinwiddie had claimed for Virginia. _Olden Time_, i. 433-524.

[646] _Report of the Boundary Commission_ (1874), pp. 21, 129. Cf. Moll’s map of Virginia and Maryland in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in America_, 1708, which shows Chesapeake and Delaware bays and their affluents.

[647] “A new map of Virginia, humbly dedicated to ye Right Hon^{ble} Thomas Lord Fairfax, 1738,” in Keith’s Virginia. The _Map of the most inhabited part of Virginia by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson_, 1751, published in London by Jeffreys, is the best known map of this period. The map which was engraved for Jefferson’s _Notes on Virginia_, 1787, which showed the country from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, was for the region east of the Alleghanies, based on Fry and Jefferson, and on Scull’s _Map of Pennsylvania_, “which was constructed chiefly on actual survey,” while that portion west of the mountains is taken from Hutchins. A fac-simile of this map is in the _Notes_ which accompany the second volume of the _Dinwiddie Papers_.

There is a map of the Chesapeake and Delaware bays in Bowen’s _Geography_, 1747.

[648] There are two copies of this in Harvard College library. Cf. map of Maryland in _London Mag._, 1757.

[649] See further in Vol. III. p. 159. There is in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. i. p. 12, a paper on the limits of Virginia under the charters of James I.

[650] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 26.

[651] The Westover Papers also contain a journey to a tract that Byrd owned near the river Dan, which he called a “Journey to the land of Eden.” See the view of the Westover mansion in _Harper’s Magazine_, May, 1871 (p. 801); in _Appleton’s Journal_, Nov. 4, 1871, with notes by J. E. Cooke; and in Mrs. Lamb’s _Homes of America_, 1879, where are views of other colonial houses like Powhatan Seat, Gunston Hall, etc. Cf. references on country houses in Lodge, _Short History_, p. 79. There are views of Ditchley House, the home of the Lees of the Northern Neck, and of Brandon House, the seat of the Beverleys in Middlesex, in _Harper’s Mag._, July, 1878 (pp. 163, 166). For some traces of family estates in the eastern peninsula, see _Harper’s Mag._, May, 1879. It was the cradle of the Custises. There is a paper on the ancient families of Virginia and Maryland by George Fitzhugh in _De Bow’s Review_ (1859), vol. xxvi. p. 487, etc.

[652] Cf. M. C. Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Literature_, ii. 270; J. Esten Cooke’s _Virginia_, 362. Stith speaks of Byrd’s library (3,625 vols.) as “the best and most copious collection of books in our part of America.” Byrd possessed the MS. of the Virginia Company Records, already referred to (Vol. III. p. 158). See some account of the Westover library in Maxwell’s _Virginia Hist. Reg._, iv. 87, and _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. x., where something is said of other Virginia libraries of this time. Grahame (_United States_, i. 148) evidently mistakes these manuscripts of Byrd’s for something which he supposed was published in the early part of that century on the history of Virginia, and which he says Oldmixon refers to.

[653] _The importance of the British plantations in America to this kingdom_, London, 1731, p. 75.

[654] This sketch is reproduced in Hawks’ _No. Carolina_, ii. 102. The journal of the commissioners is given in Martin’s _No. Carolina_, vol. i. App.

[655] Williamson’s _North Carolina_, App., for documents reprinted in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, iv. p. 80.

[656] _Grant of the Northern Neck in Virginia to Lord Culpepper by James II._, in Harvard College library.

[657] _Spotswood Letters_, i. 152.

[658] This grant, from conflicting interests, has been the subject of much later litigation. Cf. Kercheval’s _History of the Valley_, 2d ed., 1850, pp. 138-152. Cf. on the boundary disputes between Pennsylvania and Virginia, _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 154.

[659] Vol. III. 160, 161.

[660] In his introduction, p. xxxv., he discusses the successive seals of Virginia.

[661] _Sparks’ Catal._, p. 214.

[662] _Spotswood Letters_, ii. 16.

[663] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 260. Cf. Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_, v. p. 7.

[664] One of the earliest accounts of the college is in the paper of 1696-98 (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. v. section xii.). Palmer (_Calendar_, p. 61) gives a bill for facilitating the payment of donations to the college (1698). Its charter is given in _The Present State_, etc., by Blair and others, was printed at Williamsburg in 1758, and is found in the _History of the College of William and Mary_ (1660-1874), printed with the general catalogue at Richmond in 1874. An oration by E. Randolph on the founders of William and Mary College was printed at Williamsburg in 1771. Jones in 1724 gave a rather melancholy picture of the institution, then a quarter of a century old. It is, he says, “a college without a chapel, without a scholarship, and without a statute; a library without books, comparatively speaking, and a president without a fixed salary, till of late.” (Hugh Jones’s _Present State_, 83.) Other sketches are _Historical Sketch of the College of William and Mary_, Richmond, 1866 (20 pp.); _History of William and Mary College from the foundation_, Baltimore, 1870; and Mr. C. F. Richardson’s “Old Colonial College” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Nov., 1884. Richardson, together with Henry Alden Clark, also edited _The College Book_, which includes an account of the college, as of others in the United States. Doyle (_English in America_, 363) says, “We may well doubt if the college did much for the colony.... It is evident it was nothing better than a boarding-school, in which Blair had no small difficulty in contending against the extravagance engendered by the home training of his pupils.”

[665] The _Canadian Antiquarian_ (iv. 76) describes an old MS. concerning the government of the English plantations in America, which is preserved in the library at Ottawa, and is supposed to have been written “by a Virginian in 1699, Mr. Blaire or B. Hamson [? Harrison], Jr.” Cf. on Blair, E. D. Neill’s _Virginia Colonial Clergy_. Can this be the account elsewhere referred to, and printed in the _Mass. Hist. Collections_, vol. v.? See _Scribner’s Monthly_, Nov., 1875, p. 4.

[666] See Vol. III. 164. Lodge, _Short Hist. Eng. Colonies_, speaks of this book as “inaccurate but not uninteresting.” Cf. Cooke’s _Virginia_, p. 361. Beverley’s family is traced in the _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. 351.

[667] In Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, iii. p. 181, etc., there is a paper, “Some observations relating to the revenue of Virginia, and particularly to the place of auditor,” written early in the 18th century; and extracts from “A general accompt of the quit-rents of Virginia, 1688-1703, by William Byrd, Rec’r Gen’ll,” etc.

[668] There is a copy in Harvard College library. Sabin (ix. 36,511) says it is not so rare as Rich represents. It was reprinted in 1865 as no. 5 of Sabin’s Reprints (New York).

[669] _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 268. Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 307; Sprague’s _Annals_, v. p. 9.

[670] Lodge (_Short History_, etc., p. 65) refers, on the modes of cultivating tobacco, to sundry travellers’ accounts of the last century: Anburey, ii. 344; Brissot de Warville, 375; Weld, 116; Rochefoucauld, 80; Smyth, i. 59.

Cf. _The present state of the tobacco plantations in America_ (about 1709), folio leaf (Sabin, xv. 65,332).

[671] See Vol. III. p. 165. A paper by Sir William Keith on “The Present State of the Colonies in America with respect of Great Britain” is in Wynne’s ed. of the _Byrd MSS._, ii. 214, with (p. 228) Gov. Gooch’s “Researches” on the same. Walsh in his _Appeal_ (part i. sect. 5) shows the benefits reaped by Great Britain from the American trade, making use of an essay on the subject by Sir William Keith (1728) which will be found in Burk’s _Virginia_ (vol. ii. ch. 2).

[672] See Vol. III. p. 165; Cooke’s _Virginia_, 361.

[673] The four volumes, 1804-16, which make up a complete set of Burk are now rather costly. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 59, prices them at £18 18_s._ See Vol. III. p. 165.

[674] _United States_, orig. ed., ii. 248; iii. 25; and later eds.

[675] _Short Hist._, 23, etc.

[676] Vol. III. p. 166.

[677] It forms one of the _American Commonwealths_, edited by H. E. Scudder.

[678] Cf. Wm. Green’s “Genesis of Counties” in Philip Slaughter’s _Memoir of Hon. Wm. Green_; and Edward Channing’s _Town and County Government in the English Colonies of North America_, being no. x. of the 2d series of the same _Johns Hopkins University Studies_. Cf. also Henry O. Taylor’s “Development of Constitutional Government in the American Colonies,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Dec., 1878,—a summary contrasting Massachusetts and Virginia.

[679] Cf. article from _Richmond Enquirer_, Dec. 9, 1873, copied in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 257.

[680] Cf. C. Campbell’s _Genealogy of the Spotswood Family_, published in 1868.

[681] _Post_, ch. viii.

[682] See ch. viii.

[683] Vol. III. p. 166.

[684] There is a copy of this rare discourse in Harvard College library. Perry in his _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. 139, gives a rude drawing of the title, as if it were a fac-simile of it. Cf. Dexter’s _Bibliog. of Congregationalism_, no. 2,530, and the notice of Thomas Bray, in Sprague’s _Annals_, v. 17. See the views of old churches in Meade, Perry, and _Appleton’s Monthly_, vol. vi. 701; xii. 193, etc.

[685] _Ecclesiastical Contributions_, vol. i.

[686] W. S. Perry’s Hist. _Coll. of the American Colonial Church_, and his _Hist. of the Amer. Episc. Church_ (1885).

[687] “Early Episcopacy in Virginia,” in his introduction to White’s _Memoirs of the Episc. Church_, p. xxiv., etc.

[688] It is said that the collection of parish registers and vestry books which Meade gathered was finally bestowed by him upon the theological seminary near Alexandria. _Spotswood Letters_, i. p. 166.

[689] See Vol. III. p. 160.

[690] An episode of Mackemie’s history is recorded in a _Narrative of a new and unusual American imprisonment of two Presbyterian ministers, and prosecution of Mr. Francis Mackemie, one of them, for preaching a sermon at New York_, 1707, in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv. Cf. Sprague’s _Annals_, iii. p. 1; Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church_.

[691] Semple’s _Hist. of the Baptists;_ R. B. C. Howell’s “Early Baptists of Virginia” in L. Moss’s _Baptists and the National Centenary_, Philadelphia, 1874 (pp. 27-48).

[692] Meade’s _Old Churches_, etc., i. 463; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. 31 (Jan., 1882), by Wm. P. Dabney.

[693] A private letter-book of Captain William Byrd, Jan. 7, 1683, to Aug. 3, 1691, is preserved by the Virginia Hist. Soc.; Maxwell’s _Va. Reg._, i. and ii., where some of the letters are printed. Some letters of a certain William Fitzhugh (1679-1699) are preserved in _Ibid._, i. 165. Two letters of Culpepper’s on Virginia matters, dated at Boston, on his way to England in 1680, are in _Ibid._, iii. p. 189.

[694] _Virginia Hist. Soc. Coll.; The Huguenot Family_, 260, 333. See Vol. III. p. 161. MS. letters of the second William Byrd and of Dr. George Gilmor are also preserved.

[695] Tyler, _Hist. Amer. Lit._, ii. 269.

[696] _Old Churches and Families of Virginia._ Philad., 1857. It takes up the older parishes in succession.

[697] _A history of St. Mark’s parish, Culpepper County, Virginia; with notes of old churches and old families, and illustrations of the manners and customs of the olden time._ [Baltimore, Md.?] 1877.

[698] _Sketches of Virginia._

[699] His chapter on “The golden age of Virginia” in his _Virginia_.

[700] Vol. I. ch. 26.

[701] Chap. v., “Manners in the southern provinces.”

[702] On Virginia social classes, see Lodge, p. 67, and references.

[703] A. Burnaby, _Travels through the middle settlements in North America_, 1759-60, London, 1775. Extracts from Burnaby relating to Virginia are given in Maxwell’s _Virginia Register_, vol. v.

T. Anburey, _Travels through the interior parts of America_, two vols., London, 1789. He was an officer of Burgoyne’s army.

C. C. Robin, _Nouveau Voyage dans l’Amérique Septentrionale en 1781_. Philad., 1782. He was one of Rochambeau’s officers.

J. F. D. Smyth, _Travels in the United States_, London, 1784. Extracts from Smyth on Virginia are in Maxwell’s _Virginia Reg._, vi. p. 11, etc. John Randolph said of this book in 1822: “Though replete with falsehood and calumny, it contains the truest picture of the state of society and manners in Virginia (such as it was about half a century ago) that is extant. Traces of the same manners could be found some years subsequent to the adoption of the federal constitution, say to the end of the century. At this moment not a vestige remains.”

Brissot de Warville, _Nouveau Voyage dans les États Unis_, Paris, 1791.

Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Voyage dans les États-Unis_, 1795-97.

Weld, _Travels through the States of North America_, 1795-97, London, 1799.

In fiction reference may be made to De Foe’s _Captain Jack_; Paulding’s _Sketches_; Kennedy’s _Swallow Barn_; Miss Wormley’s _Cousin Veronica_; and Thackeray’s _Virginians_.

[704] All the country of which North and South Carolina form a part was known for a long time by the name of Florida, a name given by early Spanish explorers. The English, after the settlement of Virginia, called the region in that direction South Virginia. From 1629, in the reign of Charles I., the name Carolana (as in Heath’s claim), and at times Carolina, began to be used (see _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 200). At length, when the new charter was obtained, the name as it now stands was definitely applied to the region granted to the Proprietors. If they had wished, they could have adopted some other name. It happened that the fort built by the French in Florida was called in Latin “arx Carolina”; a Charles fort was also built by them in what is now South Carolina,—both so named in honor of Charles IX. of France; yet they did not apply the name to the territory, which they continued to call Florida. Gov. Glen in his _Description of South Carolina_ (1761) says: “The name Carolina, still retained by the English, is generally thought to have been derived from Charles the Ninth of France, in whose reign Admiral Coligny made some settlements on the Florida coast.”

[705] Clarendon was the companion of Charles II. in his exile, and rendered great service in his restoration. We all know the services of General Monk (preëminently the restorer of the king), afterwards created Duke of Albemarle. Sir George Carteret, governor of the Isle of Jersey, opposed Cromwell, and gave refuge to Charles, the Duke of York, the Earl of Clarendon, and others. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper (Earl of Shaftesbury) was particularly commended to the king by General Monk as one of the council, and his abilities raised him to the chancellor-ship. Sir John Colleton had impoverished himself in the royal cause; and after Cromwell’s success retired to Barbadoes, till the Restoration. Lord Berkeley had faithfully followed Charles in his exile; and his brother, Sir William, as governor of Virginia, caused that colony to adhere to the king, as their rightful sovereign. The Earl of Craven was of the Privy Council, and held a military command under the king. For authorities, see _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p. 64.

[706] _N. Carolina, Abstracts of Records_, etc., p. 2. In the letter of the Proprietors, 8th September, it is said the patent was “granted in the 5th year of King Charles I.” A subsequent copy, under the Great Seal, bears date August 4, 1631.

[707] Letter of the Lords Proprietors to Sir William Berkeley, September 8, 1663.

[708] He was commissioned by the Proprietors in 1664.

[709] For the prosperous state of Barbadoes, see Martin’s _Brit. Colonies_, ii. pp. 324-328.

[710] _Abstracts, etc., North Carolina_, p. 4.

[711] January 7, 1664-5. “Minute: although the county of Clarendon, etc., be, for the present, under the government of Sir J. Yeamans, yet it is purposed that a part of it, south and west of Cape Romania, shall be a distinct government and be called Craven County.” _Abstracts, Coll. S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 97.

Chalmers (“Annals,” in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. p. 289) says Yeamans and his colonists arrived at Cape Fear “during the autumn of 1665.” Dr. Hawks gives May, 1664, on p. 83 (vol. ii.), and 1665 on pp. 181 and 453. From the _Charleston Year Book_, 1883, p. 359, it appears Yeamans had ample powers in 1665 to explore the coast south and west of Cape Roman. He did sail from Barbadoes for that purpose, in October, and did go at that time to Cape Fear, of which he was governor by appointment nine months before. He may have been at Barbadoes merely for the purpose of making ready for that exploration. We have no reason to doubt the settling at Cape Fear in May, 1664, whether Yeamans was or was not, at that time, the leader of the colonists. In Sandford’s _Relation_ (1666) the expression “the great and growing necessityes of the English colony in Charles river,” when Yeamans arrived (November, 1665), seems to refer to colonists already there. It was for the interests of the Proprietors to secure—as they did in 1665—the services of such a man not only for Clarendon, but as their “lieutenant-general” for further services southward in their policy above indicated. The difficulty appears to be that Sir John had a policy of his own,—to grow rich; and that his real home was all the while in Barbadoes. He did not sacrifice himself for the emolument of their lordships either at Cape Fear or at Ashley River, as will be apparent in our subsequent narrative.

[712] Sandford’s _Relation_, and information from papers in London now being received by the authorities in North Carolina.

[713] See _Abstracts, etc., relating to Colonial Hist. of N. C._, p. 3; also for this letter, Hawks, ii. p. 23; and for a copy of the declaration, etc., of 25th August, Rivers’ _Sketch of the Hist. of So. Carolina_, p. 335.

[714] See Chalmers’ “Annals” in Carroll’s _Collections_, ii. p. 288, with respect to charges against Clarendon.

[715] Under their charter they could grant titles of honor, provided they were not like those of England. A provincial nobility was accordingly created under the titles of Landgraves and Cassiques. The province was divided into counties; each county into eight signories, eight baronies, and four precincts, and each precinct into six colonies for the common people. Each of the other divisions (that is, excluding the precincts) was to contain 12,000 acres; the signories for the Proprietors, the baronies for the provincial nobility, to be perpetually annexed to the hereditary title. These nobles were, in the first instance, to be appointed by their lordships. In their subsequent endeavors to establish this scheme of government quite a large number of provincial nobles were created: the philosopher Locke, James Carteret, Sir John Yeamans to begin with, and many others, from time to time, till the title of Landgrave—and there were Cassiques also—must have appeared to the recipient as ridiculous as it was to Albemarle to be first Palatine, Craven first High Constable, Berkeley first Chancellor, Ashley Chief Justice, Carteret Admiral, and Colleton High Steward, of Carolina.

[716] This, it is true, was not contrary to the charter, but there is no doubt that the majority of the early settlers were dissenters, and the establishment of this Church, to be supported by taxation, occasioned much dissatisfaction and active opposition.

[717] _A Brief Description_, etc.; also Hawks, ii. p. 149.

[718] Instructions for Gov. Sayle, July 27, 1669.

[719] They said, “Sir John intended to make this a Cape Feare Settlement.” _Charleston Year Book_, p. 376.

[720] Letter of the people in South Carolina to Sothel, 1691; _Sketch of Hist. of S. C._, p. 429. See also memorial from members of the assembly in Clarendon County, probably in 1666, asking for better terms of land than in the agreement with Yeamans; otherwise the county may be abandoned. See _Abstracts, etc._, p. 6 (N. Carolina).

[721] Towards 1700, “about half of the Albemarle settlement was composed of Quakers.” (Hawks, ii. p. 89.) They had been, at an earlier day, driven from Massachusetts and Virginia. (Ib. p. 362.) They did not, however, at any time amount to 2,000, and constituted a small minority of the whole population in the colony (p. 369).

[722] It is said by historians that a sort of constitution had been given the colony at Albemarle, in 1667, when Stephens became governor. It is explained by Chalmers (“Political Annals,” p. 524, as cited by Dr. Hawks, ii. p. 147), and said not to be now extant, and that the provisions were simple and satisfactory to the colony. The Hon. W. L. Saunders, the present Secretary of State of North Carolina, has discussed this subject, and shows from the Shaftesbury Papers, which were unknown to Chalmers, that what has been considered a constitution was merely the “Concessions of January 7th, 1665,” a transcript of which had been sent to Governor Stephens. See pamphlet, 1885, p. 31, _et seq._

[723] The revenue, collected by Miller in six months after he arrived, was about 5,000 dollars and 33 hogsheads of tobacco. Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. p. 471

[724] Bancroft, ii. pp. 161, 162, ed. 1856, views the Culpepper rebellion as an outgrowth of the spirit of freedom, not mere lawlessness. See documents in Hawks’ _North Carolina_, ii. pp. 374-377; also the “Answer of the Lords Proprietors,” p. 38 of _North Carolina under the Proprietary Government_, pamphlet, 1884. Compare this self-excusatory answer with the manly “remonstrance of the inhabitants of Pasquotank,” who wanted, first of all, “a free Parliament.” This manifesto has been ridiculed by Chalmers and Hawks; Wheeler appears to have the right conception of it.

[725] The histories of North Carolina—through lack of records—are deficient in explaining the political aims of the people. The lack of records of the popular assembly will be noticed hereafter.

[726] His commission as deputy governor was to come from the Executive in South Carolina. The governor there—Tynte—was dead, and Hyde’s formal commission delayed. In December, 1710, it was proposed among the Proprietors to appoint a separate governor for North Carolina. Hyde received the appointment, and was sworn in—the first “Governor of North Carolina”—in 1712. _Abstracts, etc., N. C._, p. 23. The population of the colony was at this time about 7,000, white and black.

[727] We can, to some extent, understand the aim, at this time, of the popular party, from letters of Gov. Spotswood (July 28th and 30th). The people demanded _the repeal of certain laws_. One of these was probably that which excluded Quakers from all offices for which oaths were a prerequisite, as no reservation was made for conscientious scruples; and another, that which imposed a fine of £5 on any one promoting his own election or not qualifying as prescribed. Perhaps the disaffection was more deeply seated. In 1717 the Rev. John Urmstone said the people _acknowledged no power not derived from themselves_. This opinion, at any rate, appears to be consistent with the tenor of events. See Hawks, ii. pp. 423, 426, 509, and 512; and _N. Carolina under the Proprietary Government_, p. 36 (pamphlet), 1884.

[728] _Coll. of S. C. Hist. Soc._, i. p. 176. This letter may be sarcastic, if the “great dislike” of rebellion applies to the people, but we are sure it is untrue in saying that the almost unanimous action of South Carolina was the action of “several of the inhabitants.” It is likely, also, to be untrue in intimating that the assembly joined in such an address. Hawks, ii. p. 561. See Yonge’s account of the way in which the affairs of the Proprietors were often transacted by their secretary. Some Proprietors lived away from London; others were minors and represented by proxy.

[729] Legislative document no. 21, 1883, informs us that among the historical material especially needed are “the Journals of the Lower House of the legislature prior to 1754.”

[730] About 1743, John Lord Carteret (Earl of Granville) was allotted his eighth part of the land, all other rights being conveyed to the Crown. This strip of land was just below the Virginia line, and extended from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From notices in Hewat’s “South Carolina” in Carroll’s _Collections_, p. 360, and _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 284.

[731] Martin’s _North Carolina_, ii. p. 10.

[732] Wheeler’s _Sketches, North Carolina_, i. pp. 42, 43.

[733] Hildreth, ii. p. 340. Wheeler, i. p. 43.

[734] It is probable there were in North and South Carolina many “private tutors” for families or neighborhoods, though few “public schools” supported by taxation.

[735] Martin, ii. p. 48.

[736] At the close of the proprietary government the population numbered 10,000; it numbered in 1750 about 50,000. Its exports were 61,528 barrels of tar, 12,055 barrels of pitch, 10,429 barrels of turpentine, 762,000 staves, 61,580 bushels of corn, 100,000 hogsheads of tobacco, 10,000 bushels of peas, 3,300 barrels of pork and beef, 30,000 pounds of deer-skins, besides wheat, rice, bread, potatoes, bees-wax, tallow, bacon, lard, lumber, indigo, and tanned leather. Cf. Martin and Wheeler. The former says 100 hogsheads of tobacco; but he had given 800 hogsheads as the crop about 1677, when the whole population amounted to only 1,400; the latter is authority for changing this item to 100,000 hogsheads.

[737] _North Carolina; its Settlement and Growth_, by Hon. W. L. Saunders (1884). See also Foote’s _Sketches of North Carolina_. From these settlers came the celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.

[738] Wheeler, i. p. 46. There is a good mezzotint portrait of Dobbs, of which an excellent reproduction is given in Smith’s _British Mezzotint Portraits_.

[739] The following estimates of population in North Carolina are from the Secretary of State, 1885: 1663, 300 families, Oldmixon. 1675, 4,000 population, Chalmers. 1677, 1,400 tithables, Chalmers. 1688, 4,000 population, Hildreth. 1694, 787 tithables, General Court Records (Albemarle). 1700, not 5,000 population, Martin. 1711, not 7,000 population, Hawks; not 2,000 “Fensibles,” Williamson. 1714, 7,500 population, Hawks. 1715, 11,200 population, Chalmers. 1716, not 2,000 taxables, Martin. 1717, 2,000 taxables, Pollock. 1720, 1,600 taxables, Memorial of S. C. Assembly. 1729, 10,000 population, Martin, Wiley; 13,000 population, Martin. 1735, about 50,000 population, McCulloch. 1752, over 45,000 population, Martin. 1760, about 105,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1764, about 135,000 population, Gov. Dobbs. 1776, 150,000 population, Martin; not less than 210,000 population, Gov. Swain. 1790, 393,751 population, U. S. Census.

[740] The city council of Charleston (S. C.) have obtained copies of some of the Shaftesbury Papers recently given by the family to the State Paper Office in London. Among them is a MS. of 36 pp., being “_A Relation of a Voyage on the Coast of the Province of Carolina, formerly called Florida, in the Continent of Northern America, from Charles River, neare Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the lat. of 34 deg: to Port Royall in North Lat. of 32 deg: begun 14th June, 1666—performed by Robert Sandford, Esq., Secretary & Chief Register for the Right Hon’ble the Lords Proprietors of their County of Clarendon, in the Province aforesaid_.” For a copy of this narrative we are indebted to the Hon. W. A. Courtenay, mayor of Charleston. From the new facts brought to light in these Shaftesbury Papers we must alter, in some particulars, the extant history of the first English settlement in South Carolina.

[741] In the _Sketch of the History of South Carolina_ published in 1856 is a copy of Sayle’s commission, obtained from London, and it bears date 26th July, 1669. At the same time West’s commission, dated 27th July, confers such power upon him as “Governor and Commander-in-Chief,” _till the arrival of the fleet at Barbadoes_, that we cannot suppose Sayle was on board at that time. The difficulty is removed in the Shaftesbury MSS., and by the filling up of the commission with the name of Sayle at Bermuda.

[742] See Winthrop’s _Hist. of New England_, ii. p. 335.

[743] I make the date of their arrival 17th March. See _Sketch of the Hist. of So. Carolina_, p. 94.

[744] Of the first site of Charlestown on the west side of the Ashley River there is said to be no trace left, or was not fifty years ago, except a depression, which may have been a ditch, then traceable across the plantation of Jonathan Lucas, as Carroll says (i. p. 49).

[745] The duke was dead when the colony was founded, and the new duke, Christopher, was represented by proxy at the meeting of the Proprietors, January 20, 1670. Lord Berkeley was then Palatine by seniority.

[746] From the Shaftesbury Papers. We should not fail to notice here that the aged governor had written, on 25th June, to Earl Shaftesbury for the procurement of Rev. S. Bond, of Bermuda (who had been ordained by Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter), to settle in the colony; and that their lordships authorized an offer to Mr. Bond of five hundred acres of land and £40 per annum. It is not known that he came.

[747] [See Vol. II. ch. 4.—ED.] The writer of this narrative has examined Albemarle Point, the spot selected by the English for their settlement: a high bluff, facing the east and the entrance of the bay, and running out between a creek and an impassable marsh, and easily defended by cutting a deep trench across the tongue of land. Precisely the same defensible advantages, with the additional one of a far better harbor, lay opposite at a tongue of land called Oyster Point, between the Ashley and Cooper rivers.

[748] The earliest notice we have of the population is from the Shaftesbury Papers, under date 20 January, 1672 [N. S.]: “By our records it appears that 337 men and women, 62 children or persons under 16 years of age, is the full number of persons who have arrived in this country in and since the first fleet out of England to this day.” Deducting for deaths and absences at the above date, there remained of the men 263 able to bear arms. Though the colony increased in wealth and importance, there was for many years but a slow increase in the number of white inhabitants.

[749] How pompous is article 7: “Any Landgrave or Cassique, when it is his right to choose, shall take any of the Barronies appropriated to the Nobility, which is not already planted on by some other Nobleman.” These provincial nobles, made so, in the first instance, by appointment of the Proprietors, were to be legislators by right. Yet in this same year (1672), their lordships issued an offer to settlers from Ireland and promised that whoever carried or caused to go to Carolina 600 men should be a Landgrave with four baronies; and if 900 he should be Landgrave and also nominate a Cassique; and if 1,200, should also nominate two Cassiques. This was scattering at random the hereditary right of legislating over the freemen of the colony.

[750] See letter of the Proprietors, May 8, 1674, in _Sketch_, etc., p. 332.

[751] In the _Reports of the Historical Committee of the Charleston Library Society_, prepared by Benj. Elliott, Esq., and published 1835, this MS. is spoken of as a present from Robert Gilmor, Esq., of Baltimore, but is not accurately described in the report of the committee. My copy of it is dated 21st July, and is not divided into numbered sections.

[752] A third set was sent out (dated January 12, 1682), and to please the Scots who were willing to emigrate, further alterations were made, and a fourth set (dated August 17, 1682, and containing 126 articles) was despatched to Governor Morton. Last of all, a fifth set (dated April 11, 1698, and containing only 41 articles), was sent out by the hands of Major Daniel, and with it, as an inducement for a favorable reception, six blank patents for landgraves and eight for cassiques. When the third set was sent, the sentiments of the people with regard to the whole subject may be fairly represented as in the letter to Sothel in 1691,—that, inasmuch as their lordships, under their hands and seals, had ordered that no person should be a member of the council nor of parliament, nor choose lands due to him, unless he subscribed his submission to this last set of the Constitutions; “the people remembering their oaths to the first, and deeming these not to be agreeable to the royal charters, which direct the assent and approbation of the people to all laws and constitutions, did deny to receive the said Fundamental Constitutions.” Governor Morton, in 1685, actually turned out of parliament the majority of the representatives for refusing to sign the third set, though they had sworn to the first set. In consequence, the laws that year enacted were enacted by only seven representatives and by eight of the deputies of the Proprietors.

[753] A fac-simile of Smith’s commission is given in _Harper’s Monthly_, Dec., 1875.

[754] MS. Journal of the Commons, May 15, 1694.

[755] As inferred from the _Statutes_ (ii. p. 101, sec. 16).

[756] Archdale in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_, ii. p. 109.

[757] At this time, one passed, in riding up the road, the plantations of Matthews, Green, Starkey, Gray, Grimball, Dickeson, and Izard, on the Cooper River; and further up, those of Sir John Yeamans, Landgrave Bellinger, Colonel Gibbes, Mr. Schenking, Colonel Moore, Colonel Quarry, and Sir Nathaniel Johnson. On the left, Landgrave West, Colonel Godfrey, Dr. Trevillian, and Mr. Colleton, had plantations. Westward from Charlestown lived Col. Paul Grimball, Landgrave Morton, Blake (a Proprietor), and Landgrave Axtel; while many residences in the town, as those of Landgrave Smith and Colonel Rhett, were said to be “very handsome buildings,” with fifteen or more “which deserve to be taken notice of.” From these residences could be seen entering the harbor vessels from Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the Leeward Isles, from Virginia and other colonies, and the always welcome ships from England. An active and lucrative commerce employed many ships to various ports in North America, and also twenty-two ships between Charles Town and England; about twelve were owned by the colonists; half of these had been built by themselves. The inhabitants (1708) numbered nearly 10,000; the whites and negroes being about equal, with 1,400 Indian slaves. (Letter of Governor and Council, Sept. 17, 1708, in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 217.) For a few years the whites had decreased in number on account of epidemics and disaffection with regard to the tenure of lands (the nature of this disaffection may be noticed in what is recorded in the preceding narrative sketch of North Carolina); while negroes were regularly imported by the English traders and by Northern ships, as the plantation work extended, particularly the culture of rice, which had become the most valuable export. A little later (1710) the whites were computed at .12 of the whole inhabitants, negro slaves .22, and Indian subjects .66. Of the whites, the planters were .70, merchants about .13, and artisans .17. With respect to religion, the Episcopalians were then computed to be .42, the Presbyterians, with the French Huguenots, .45, Anabaptists .10, and the Quakers .03. (Inserted in Governor Glen’s _Description of South Carolina_.)

[758] _MS. Journals of the House._

[759] Rev. Mr. Marston says, “Many of the members of the Commons House that passed this disqualifying law are constant absentees from the Church, and eleven of them were never known to receive the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper,” though for five years past he had administered it in his church at least six times a year. (“Case of Dissenters;” and Archdale.) The same assembly had passed an act against blasphemy and profaneness, “which they always made a great noise about,” wrote Landgrave Smith, “although they are some of the most profanest in the country themselves.” See _Sketch of the Hist. of S. C._, p. 220.

[760] Yonge’s _Narrative_.

[761] The folly, or grasping cupidity, of the Proprietors plainly appears in their action respecting these lands (_S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. p. 192), 21 Nov., 1718: “Lots drawn this day for the 119,000 acres of land in South Carolina; that 48,000 acres should be taken up in South Carolina by each Proprietor for the use of himself and heirs, 24,000 of which may be of the Yemassee land if thought fit, ... at a pepper corn rent, etc.”

[762] We should add along with this avowal of loyalty, which was no doubt sincere, the prophetic language of Colonel Rhett, in December, 1719, as mentioned in Chalmers, ii. p. 93: If this “revolt is not cropt in the bud, they will set up for themselves against his majesty.” And in the same strain we understand the extract of a letter (Nov. 14, 1719, in _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 237), concluding, “I must tell you, sir, if the much greater part of the most substantial people had their choice, they would not choose King George’s government.”

[763] In _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 119, is an abstract (from state papers, London) of a “draft” for new instructions, that the governor should approve or disapprove of the speaker and clerk, and refuse assent to any law appointing civil officers; and that money bills should be framed by a committee of the council joined with a committee of the “Lower House of Assembly,” as they should in future be called. We are not aware that such instructions were ever sent. Johnson allowed them to appoint their clerk (1731), they pleading _custom_, and giving instances of the same in other colonies.

[764] Details are given by Hewatt in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. pp. 331 _et seq._

[765] Samuel Horsey was made governor in July, 1738, but died before he left England. Glen was appointed in his place in October, 1738. We may state here that the elder William Rhett died 1723, the second James Moore 1724, President Middleton 1737, Nicholas Trott 1740, Alexander Skene 1741. Lieutenant-Governor Bull was father of the later lieutenant-governor of the same name (Ramsay, preface).

[766] We quote from the abstract of his communication in the record office in London. _S. C. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 303.

[767] ESTIMATES OF POPULATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 1672. Joseph Dalton, secretary to Lord Ashley. Whites, 391: men 263, women 69, children under 16 years 59. 1680. T. A. in _Carroll’s Coll._, 2d, p. 82, about 1,200. 1682. Same, about 2,500. 1699. E. Randolph to Lords of Trade (_Sketch of Hist. S. C._, p. 443) gives white militia not above 1,500 and four negroes to one white; and 1,100 families, English and French. 1700. Hewatt, _Carroll’s Coll._, 1st, p. 132, computes whites from 5,000 to 6,000. 1701. Humphreys’ _Hist. Account_, etc., p. 25, computes whites above 7,000. 1703. By estimate for five years, allowable from statements of the governor and council (_Sketch, Hist. S. C._, p. 232), we may put the population in 1703 at 8,160. 1708. Governor Johnson and council compute 9,580: freemen 1,360, freewomen 900, white servant men 60, white servant women 60, white free children 1,700, in all 4,080; negro men slaves 1,800, negro women slaves, 1,100, negro children slaves 1,200, in all 4,100; Indian men slaves 500, Indian women slaves 600, Indian children slaves 300, in all 1,400. 1708. Oldmixon, _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 460, computes total 12,000. 1720. Governor Johnson, whites 6,400; at same date the Revolutionary governor and council report whites 9,000; militiamen not over 2,000. From a sworn statement the taxpayers of the eleven parishes were 1,305, and their slaves 11,828 (see _A Chapter in Hist.S. C._, p. 56). Chalmers multiplies 1,305 by four, and makes total white and black 17,048; but 9,000 whites and 11,828 blacks give 20,828. 1724. Hewatt, p. 266, computes whites 14,000. In Glen’s _Description_, etc., in _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 261, the same number is given; also slaves, mostly negroes, 32,000; total 46,000. 1743. Chalmers’ papers in possession of Mr. George Bancroft, letter of McCulloch, comptroller, computes negroes at 40,000. 1751. Same authority; letter from Glen; also _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 218; whites 25,000, negro taxables 39,000; say total 64,000. 1756. Same authority; Governor Lyttleton says the militia amounted to 5,500 men. Computing negro increase at 1,000 per annum, we estimate a total of 72,500. 1763. In a _Short Description_, etc., _Carroll’s Coll._, ii. p. 478. Whites between 30,000 and 40,000, negroes about 70,000; say total 105,000. 1765. Hewatt, p. 503. Militia between 7,000 and 8,000, from which he computes the whites near 40,000, negroes “not less than” 80,000 or 90,000; say total 123,000. 1770. Chalmers’ MSS.; Lieutenant-Governor Bull gives negroes returned in last tax 75,178; militiamen 10,000; say 125,178. 1770. Wells’ _Register_ says negroes 81,728, and free blacks 159. 1773. Wells’ _Register and Almanac_ for 1774. Whites 65,000, negroes 110,000 (militiamen 13,000); total 175,000. Chalmers’ MSS.; Dr. George Milligan gives for 1775, whites 70,000, negroes 104,000, militiamen 14,000, which makes 174,000. 1790. U. S. Census. Whites 140,178, free blacks 1,801, slaves 107,094; total 249,073.

[768] There is an account of Coxe, by G. D. Scull, in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, vii. 317.

[769] Cf. E. D. Neill’s “Virginia Carolorum” in _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Oct., 1885, p. 316.

[770] W. Noel Sainsbury (_Antiquary_, London, March, 1881, p. 100) refers to documents in the colonial series of State Papers in the Public Record office, showing that a company of French Protestants had been inveigled into a voyage to undertake a settlement under the Heath patent, and reached Virginia; but as transportation was not provided they never went further.

[771] Vol. III. p. 125. The map of Florida in the 1618 edition of Lescarbot, in which the Rivière de May is made to flow from a “Grand Lac” in the interior, is said to have afforded in part the groundwork of De Laet’s map. Cf. also the map of Virginia and Florida (1635) in _Mercator’s Atlas_; the map “Partie meridionale de la Virginie et de la Floride,” published by Vander Aa. Johannis van Keulen’s _Paskart van de Kust van Carolina_, in his Atlas, is very rude.

[772] Sabin, iii. no. 10,969. The seal of the Proprietors is shown in Lawson’s map, and is reproduced in Dr. Eggleston’s papers in the _Century Magazine_, vol. xxviii. p. 848, and in _The Charleston Year Book_, 1883.

[773] Sabin, iii. no. 10,980; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,526, iii. no. 75; Murphy, no. 481; Harvard College library, nos. 6374.26 and 12352.2. Carroll, in printing the second charter granted by Charles II. (_Hist. Coll._, ii. 37), speaks of the original as being in the possession of Harvard University; but he must refer to the early printed copy, not the parchment. Both charters may be found in the _Revised Statutes of North Carolina_, 1837, and in the _Statutes at Large of South Carolina_, 1836. Hawks (vol. ii. p. 107) gives a synopsis of the two in parallel columns; and they are given in French and English in _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi_, etc., vol. iv. (Paris, 1757) p. 554; and on p. 586, the second charter of June 13 (24), 1665. The second is also given in Dr. Wynne’s edition of the _Byrd MSS._, i. p. 197.

[774] Sabin, iii. no. 10,970; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,016.

[775] The original Fundamental Constitutions (81 articles) were signed July 21, 1669; a second form (120 articles), Mar. 1, 1669-70; a third (120 articles), Jan. 12, 1681-2; a fourth (121 articles), Aug. 17, 1682; a fifth and last (41 articles), Apr. 11, 1698.

[776] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 271; Sabin, x. no. 41,726. There was a second edition in 1739. The Fundamental Constitutions will also be found in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 361; in Martin’s _North Carolina_, App. i.; in Hewatt’s _South Carolina and Georgia_, i. 321, etc.

The most familiar portrait of Locke is Kneller’s, which has been often engraved. It was painted in 1697, and the several engravings by Vertue (1713, etc.) appeared in the _Works_ of Locke, published in folio in London, in 1722 and 1727, and elsewhere, sometimes with different framework, and of reduced size, in the _Familiar Letters_ of 1742 (fourth edition). The same likeness is the one given in editions of _Lodge’s Portraits_. There is also a folio mezzotint by John Smith (J. C. Smith, _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1190). A different head is that engraved by James Basire in the London editions of the _Works_, 1801 and 1812.

[777] Mr. Henry F. Waters sent the photograph from London, but the map had already been noticed inquiringly by Dr. De Costa in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1877 (vol. i. p. 55).

[778] _Brinley Catalogue_, ii. no. 3,869; Harvard College library, no. 12355.7. It is reprinted in _Force’s Tracts_, vol. iv., and in the _Charleston Year Book_ for 1884.

[779] _North Carolina_, ii. p. 78.

[780] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 972; Griswold, no. 982; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 593; Brinley, ii. no. 3,842; Sabin, iii. no. 10,961; Rich (1832), no. 338, £1 16_s._; Menzies, no. 334. Quaritch priced it in 1885 (no. 29,505) at £12 12_s._, and it has since been placed at £18 18_s._ The map referred to is reproduced by Dr. Hawks in his _North Carolina_ (i. p. 37) with a reprint of the tract itself; but a better reproduction is in Gay’s _Popular Hist. of the United States_ (ii. 285). Carroll also reprints the text in his _Historical Collections_ (ii. p. 9), but he omits the map as “very incorrect,” not appreciating the fact that the incorrectness of early maps is an index of contemporary ideas, with which the historian finds it indispensable to deal.

[781] Lederer’s tract is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College library. It was priced $200 in Bouton’s catalogue in 1876, and brought $305 at the Griswold sale the same year. The Sparks copy (at Cornell) lacks the map; but the Murphy (no. 1,456) copy had it. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 358; Brinley, ii. no. 3,875; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 625. A copy was sold in London in Dec., 1884.

[782] See fac-simile of this map in Vol. III. p. 465.

[783] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,633; Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 668-70; Brinley, ii. no. 3,840; _Harvard Coll. Library Catalogue_, nos. 12352.4 and 6; Menzies, no. 83. It is reprinted in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 59.

[784] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,261; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 675-76; _Harvard Col. Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.4. It is reprinted in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, ii. 19. The book should be accompanied by a map called “A new description of Carolina by order of the Lords Proprietors,” which shows the coast from the Chesapeake to St. Augustine. The book throws no light on the sources of the map; but Kohl, who has a sketch of the map in his Washington collection (no. 211), thinks White’s map served for the North Carolina coast, and Wm. Sayle’s surveys for the more southerly parts. Kohl says that the boundary line here given between Virginia and Carolina is laid down for the first time on a map. The river May flows from a large “Ashley lake.”

A printed map, very nearly resembling this of Wilson, is signed, “Made by William Hack at the signe of Great Britaine and Ireland, near New Stairs in Wapping. Anno Domini, 1684.” There is a sketch of it in Kohl’s Washington collection (no. 213).

[785] Sabin, v. no. 17,334.

[786] Sabin, iii. no. 10,963.

[787] Carter-Brown, ii. no. 1,333; and for editions of 1678 and 1697, nos. 1,177 and 1,508.

[788] Extracts touching Carolina are given in Carroll’s _Collections_, ii. 537, etc. The details are scant in the sketch of the history of the colonial church, which B. F. De Costa added to the edition of Bishop White’s _Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, New York, 1880; but more considerable in “The State of the Church in America, at the beginning of the eighteenth century and the foundation of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,”—being ch. xi. of Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_.

[789] Sabin, no. 18,298. “Dalcho is very useful for the early history of South Carolina, and is more scrupulous than Ramsay.” (Bancroft, orig. ed., ii. 167.) The movement in South Carolina is necessarily treated more scantily in Hawkins’ _Missions of the Church of England;_ Wilberforce’s _Hist. of the Prot. Episc. Church in America_; Bishop White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church in the United States_; and Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _American Pulpit_, vol. v. The publications directly bearing at the time on this controversy are:—

_An act for the more effectual preservation of the government of the Province of Carolina, by requiring all persons that shall be hereafter chosen members of the Commons House of Assembly to take oaths ... and to conform to the Religious Worship according to the Church of England. Ratified 6th of May, 1704._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,956.)

_Another act for the establishment of religious worship in the Province of Carolina according to the Church of England. Ratified Nov. 4, 1704._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,958.)

_The case of the Church of England in Carolina ... with resolves of the House of Lords._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,967.)

_The copy of an act pass’d in Carolina and sent over to be confirmed by the Lord Granville, Palatine, etc._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,968.)

_The representation and address of several members of this present assemble, returned for Colleton County ... to the Right honourable John Grenville, Esq., etc. 26 June, 1705._ (Sabin, iii. no. 10,978.)

_The humble address of ... Parliament presented to her majesty, 13 March, 1705, relating to Carolina, and the petition therein mentioned, with her majesty’s most gracious answer thereunto._ London, 1705. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,972.)

_Party-Tyranny, or an occasional bill in miniature as now practised in Carolina. Humbly offered to the consideration of Parliament._ London, 1705 (30 pp.). (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 64; Sabin, v. no. 19,288; _Harvard College Lib. Catalogue_, no. 12352.17; Brinley, ii. no. 3,882. It is ascribed to Daniel De Foe, and the exclusive act of 1704 is severely denounced in it. Stevens, _Bibl. Amer._, 1885, no. 72, prices it at £6 6_s._, and gives a second title-edition of the same year, no. 74, £5 5_s._)

_The case of the protestant dissenters in Carolina, shewing how a law to prevent occasional conformity there, has ended in the total subversion of the Constitution in Church and State._ London, 1706. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 76; Sabin, iii. no. 10,966. The copy of this tract in Harvard College Library has an appendix of documents paged separately. It is also sometimes attributed to De Foe.)

Rivers (_Sketches_, etc., p. 220) thinks it is an error to represent the body of the Dissenters as favoring the Fundamental Constitutions. Dalcho’s _Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_ (p. 58, etc.) examines the legislation on this movement to an enforced religion.

[790] In the spring before this attack a New England man, Rev. Joseph Lord, then ministering not far from Charlestown, was congratulating himself by letter to Samuel Sewall, of Boston (writing from Dorchester, in South Carolina, March 25, 1706), on “freedom from annoyance by y^e Spaniards, especially considering all, so soon after the proclamation of war, began with them.” He then goes on to inform his correspondent that he believed some of the neighboring tribes to be wandering remnants of the Narragansetts and Pequods. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xiii. p. 299.

[791] It was reprinted at Charleston in 1822, and is included in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 85). Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 3,839; _Harvard Coll. Lib’y Cat._, no. 13352.6; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 779; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 18, £5 5_s._ Doyle (_The English in America_, p. 437) fitly calls it “confused and rambling.” The same judgment was earlier expressed by Rivers; but Grahame (ii. p. 140), touching it more generously on its human side, calls it replete with good sense, benevolence, and piety.

[792] Pages 207, 231.

[793] A German version of the first edition was printed at Hamburg in 1715 as _Das Gros-Britannische Scepter in der Neuen Welt_; and Theodor Arnold published in 1744 a translation of the second edition, called _Das Britische Reich in America_, reproducing Moll’s map, but giving the names in German. Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 391) gives the essential extracts from Oldmixon.

[794] It was reprinted at Raleigh in 1860. A work called _The Natural History of North Carolina by John Brickell, M. D._, Dublin, 1737, is Lawson’s book, with some transpositions, changes, and omissions. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 560; Brinley, ii. no. 3,843.) This last book is sufficiently changed not to be considered a mere careless reprint of Lawson, as J. A. Allen points out in his _Bibliog. of Cetacea and Sirenia_, no. 208. Brickell was a physician settled in North Carolina. A German translation of Lawson by M. Vischer, _Allerneuste Beschreibung der Provinz Carolina in West Indien_, was printed at Hamburg in 1712; and again in 1722. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,957; v. no. 39,451, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 119, 125, 158, 169, 233; Cooke, no. 1,409; Murphy, nos. 1,448-49; Barlow’s _Rough List_, no. 787; O’Callaghan, no. 1,349; J. A. Allen’s _Bibliography of Cetacea_, etc., nos. 165, 167, 170, 174; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, nos. 896-899; Brinley, ii. no. 3,873.) Quaritch (1885) priced the original 1709 edition at £5, and I find it also quoted at £6 6_s._ The German version repeats Lawson’s map, and also has one called “Louisiana am Fluss Mississippi.”

[795] _Indian Bibliog._, p. 228.

[796] _Hist. of Amer. Literature_, ii. p. 282.

[797] Lawson’s book was accompanied by a map, and a part of it, giving the North Carolina coast, is reproduced by Dr. Hawks (ii. 103). Mr. Deane’s copy has the map. Prof. F. M. Hubbard, writing in 1860 in the _North American Review_, said, “We know after much inquiry of the existence of only four copies in this country. About 1820, a copy then thought to be unique was offered for sale at auction in North Carolina and brought nearly sixty dollars.” The book now is less rare than this writer supposed.

[798] _Auszfuhrlich und umstandlicher Bericht von der berühmten Landschaft Carolina, in dem Engelländischen America gelegen. An Tag gegeben von Kocherthalern. Dritter Druck, mit einem Anhang, ... nebst einer Land-Charte._ Frankfort a. M. 1709. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,959; Stevens, Bib. Amer., 1885, no. 75, £5 5_s._) _Das verlangte, nicht erlangte Canaan, oder ausführliche Beschreibung der unglücklichen Reise derer jüngsthin aus Teutschland nach Carolina und Pensylvania wallenden Pilgrim, absonderlich dem Kochenthalerischen Bericht entgegen gesetzt._ Frankfort, 1711. This is a rare tract about the emigration from the Pfälz. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,960; Harrassowitz, _Americana_ (81), no. 114 at 50 marks; _Harvard Coll. Lib’y Catalogue_, no. 12352.10; Stevens, _Bib. Amer._, 1885, no. 77, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _A Letter from South Carolina giving an account of the soil, etc.... Written by a Swiss gentleman to his friend at Bern._ London, 1710. There were other editions in 1718, 1732. (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 143, 239, 493; _Harvard College Lib’y Catalogue_, nos. 12354.4 and 5.)

Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, later to be mentioned, is the best modern summary of these Swiss and German immigrations.

[799] The map on the next page is sketched from a draft in the Kohl collection (219) of a map preserved in the British State Paper Office, bearing no date, but having the following legends in explanation of the lines of march:—

“1. — — — — The way Coll. Barnwell marched from Charlestown, 1711, with the forces sent from S. Carol. to the relief of N. Carolina.

“2. —·—· The way Coll. J. Moore marched in the 1712 with the forces sent for the relief of North Carolina.

“3. —··—·· The way Corol. Maurice Moore marched in the year 1713 with recruits from South Carolina.

“4. ···· The way Corol. Maurice Moore went in the year 1715, with the forces sent from North Carolina to the assistance of S. Carolina. His march was further continued from Fort Moore up Savano river, near a N. W. course, 150 miles to the Charokee indians, who live among the mountains.”

[800] Cf. vol. i. 44-46, 100, 102, 105-7, 115, 118, 121, 160. See _post_ ch. viii. and _ante_ ch. iv. of the present volume.

[801] Cf. _An abridgment of the laws in force and use in her majesty’s plantations_, London, 1702. (Harvard College lib’y, 6374.20.) Chief Justice Trott—“a great man in his day,” says De Bow,—published a folio edition of South Carolina laws in 1736; and the _Laws of South Carolina_, published by Cooper (Columbia, S. C.), give by title only those enacted before 1685. Trott also published in London (1721) _Laws of the British Plantations in America relating to the Church and the Clergy_. (Harvard College lib’y, 6371.1.)

[802] H. C. Murphy, _Catalogue_, no. 2,344; Brinley, ii. no. 3,893. It is attributed to F. Yonge, whose _View of the Trade of South Carolina_, addressed to Lord Carteret, was printed about 1722 and 1723. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 321, 337.

[803] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 371.

[804] _An Act for establishing an Agreement with seven of the lords proprietors of Carolina for the surrender of their title and interest in that province to his Majesty._ London, 1729. Brinley, no. 3,831.

[805] _Grant and Release of one eighth part of Carolina from his Majesty to Lord Cartaret_ [1744] with a map. Sabin, iii. no. 10,971.

[806] Brinley, ii. no. 3,883.

[807] This description is usually accompanied by what is called _Proposals of Mr. Peter Purry of Neufchatel for the encouragement of Swiss Protestants settling in Carolina_, 1731, and this document is also included in Carroll’s _Hist. Collections_ (ii. 121), and will be found in Bernheim’s _German Settlements_, p. 90, in Col. Jones’ publication, already mentioned, and in other places. Bernheim gives a summarized history of the colony.

[808] Among the publications instigating or recording this immigration, the following are known: _Der nunmehro in dem neuen Welt vergnügt und ohne Heimwehe Schweitzer, oder Beschreibung des gegenwärtigen Zustands der Königlichen Englischen Provinz Carolina_. Bern, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,975; Stevens, _Bib. Am._, 1885, no. 76, £4 14_s._ 6_d._) _Neue Nachricht alter und neuer Merkwürdigkeiten, enthaltend ein vertrautes Gespräch und sichere Briefe von dem Landschafft Carolina und übrigen Englishchen Pflantz-Städten in Amerika._ Zurich, 1734. (Sabin, iii. no. 10,974.) The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 566) mentions a tract, evidently intended to influence immigration to Pennsylvania and the colonies farther south, which was printed in 1737 as _Neu-gefundenes Eden_.

[809] Martin, in his _North Carolina_, vol. i., has an appendix on the Moravians.

[810] Cf. Chapter on Presbyterianism in South Carolina in C. A. Briggs’ _Amer. Presbyterianism_, p. 127.

[811] This gentleman has contributed to the periodical press various papers on Huguenots in America. Cf. Poole’s _Index_, p. 612.

[812] In April, 1883, there was formed in New York a Huguenot Society of America, under the presidency of John Jay, with vice-presidents to represent each of the distinct settlements of French Protestants prior to 1787,—Staten Island, Long Island, New Rochelle, New Paltz, New Oxford, Boston, Narragansett, Maine, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina. Their first report has been printed. Monograph iv. of Bishop Perry’s _American Episcopal Church_ is “The Huguenots in America, and their connection with the Church,” by the Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer.

[813] Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 1,046, 1,778.

[814] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,306. There is a copy in Harvard College library [12353.2]. The _Dinwiddie Papers_ throw some light on Glen’s career. The _Second Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission_, p. 38, notes a collection of letters sent from South Carolina during Gov. Lyttleton’s term, 1756-1765, as being in Lord Lyttleton’s archives at Hagley, in Worcestershire.

[815] Brinley, ii. no. 3,989; Haven, “Ante-Revolutionary Bibliog.” (Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, ii. 559). Cf. Bancroft’s _United States_, original ed. iv. ch. 15. Cf. also John H. Logan’s _History of the Upper Country of South Carolina, from the earliest periods to the close of the War of Independence_, Charleston, 1859, vol. i. It largely concerns the Cherokee country.

[816] A MS. copy of De Brahm appears (no. 1,313) in a sale catalogue of Bangs, Brother & Co., New York, 1854.

[817] Cf. Emanuel Bowen, in his _Complete System of Geography_, ii. 1747 (London), who gives a _New and accurate map of the Provinces of North and South Carolina, Georgia, etc._, showing the coast from the Chesapeake to St. Augustine.

[818] See _post_, ch. vi.

[819] The latest writer on the theme, Doyle, in his _English in America_, thinks Hewatt “may probably be trusted in matters of notoriety.” Grahame (iii. 78) says: “Hewit is a most perplexing writer. A phrase of continual recurrence with him is ‘about this time,’—the meaning of which he leaves to the conjecture of readers and the laborious investigation of scholars, as he scarcely ever particularizes a date.” Again he adds (ii. p. 110): “While he abstains from the difficult task of relating the history of North Carolina, he selects the most interesting features of its annals, and transfers them to the history of the southern province. His errors, though hardly honest, were probably not the fruit of deliberate misrepresentation.” Cf. Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_, iii. p. 251.

[820] That portion about South Carolina, ending with the revolution of 1719, is printed in Carroll, ii. 273.

[821] These volumes are described in the _Sparks Catalogue_, pp. 214-215, and are now in Harvard College library.

[822] Grahame (ii. 167) says of Chalmers that “he seems to relax his usual attention to accuracy, when he considers his topics insignificant; and from this defect, as well as from the peculiarities of his style, it is sometimes difficult to discover his meaning or reconcile his apparent inconsistency in different passages.”

[823] Cf. _Belknap Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._), ii. 218, 219.

[824] Harvard College library.

[825] _An introduction to the history of the revolt of the American colonies, derived from the state papers in the public offices of Great Britain._ Boston, 1845. 2 v.

[826] The copy referred to is also marked in Mr. Chalmers’ autograph as “from the author to Mr. Strange as an evidence of his respect and kindness.” It is also noted in it that it is the identical copy described by Rich in his _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_ (under 1782), no. 2, where it is spoken of as “apparently entirely unknown,” and having the bookplate of George Buchanan with a manuscript note, “Not published, corrected for the press by me, G. B.” No such evidences of Buchanan’s ownership are now in the volume, and the title as given by Rich is more extended than that written by Chalmers. A slightly different title too is given in the only other copy of which trace has been found, that given in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 534.

[827] A large number of the Chalmers manuscripts relating to America are enumerated in Thomas Thorpe’s _Supplement to a Catalogue of Manuscripts_, 1843. Such as relate to periods not of the Revolution are somewhat minutely described under the following numbers:—

No. 616. Copies of papers, 1493-1805, two volumes, £12 12_s._

No. 617. Papers relating to New England, 1625-1642, one volume, £2 2_s._

No. 618. Papers relating to Maryland, 1627-1765, one volume, £3 3_s._

No. 619. Papers relating to New York and Pennsylvania, 1629-1642, £1 11_s._ 6_d._

No. 620. Short account of the English plantations in America, about 1690, MS., £2 2_s._

No. 666. Papers on Canada, 1692-1792, one volume, £4 4_s._

No. 669. Letters and State Papers relating to Carolina, 1662-1781, two volumes, £12 12_s._ [I suppose these to be the volumes now in Mr. Bancroft’s hands.]

No. 673. The manuscript of vol. ii. of the Annals, £7 7_s._

No. 707. Papers on Connecticut, 15_s._

No. 726. Papers on the ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the colonies, 1662-1787, one volume, £2 2_s._

No. 745. Papers on Georgia, 1730-1798, one volume, £5 5_s._

No. 782. Papers on the Indians, 1750-1775, one volume, £10 10_s._

No. 823. Papers on Maryland, 1619-1812, two volumes, £15 15_s._

No. 838. Papers on New England, 1635-1780, four volumes, £21.

No. 842. Papers on New Hampshire, 1651-1774, two volumes, £10 10_s._

No. 843. Papers on New Jersey, 1683-1775, one volume, £6 6_s._

No. 845. Papers on New York, 1608-1792, four volumes, £52 10_s._

No. 857. Papers on Nova Scotia, 1745-1817, one volume, £7 7s.

No. 867. Papers on Pennsylvania, 1620-1779, two volumes, £10 10_s._

No. 869. Letters from and Papers on Philadelphia, 1760-1789, two volumes, £15 15_s._

No. 891. Papers on Rhode Island, 1637-1785, one volume, £5 5_s._

No. 949. Papers on Virginia, 1606-1775, four volumes, £31 10_s._

[828] He was born in 1735, and was a Pennsylvanian, whom commercial aims brought to Edmonton, in North Carolina, where he practised medicine, and as a representative of the district sat in Congress. He had removed, however, to New York when he published his history. He died in 1819. Cf. Scharf and Westcott’s _Hist. of Philadelphia_, ii. 1146.

[829] _North Amer. Rev._, xii. 37. In 1829 Judge A. D. Murphy sought, unsuccessfully, to induce the legislature to aid him in publishing a history of North Carolina in six or eight volumes. _North Amer. Review_, xxiv. p. 468.

[830] Orig. ed., i. p. 135.

[831] Cf. _N. Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct., 1870.

[832] J. D. B. DeBow’s _Political Annals of South Carolina_, prepared for the _Southern Quarterly Review_, was printed separately as a pamphlet, at Charleston, in 1845. A writer in this same _Review_ (Jan., 1852) deplores the apathy of the Southern people and the indifference of Southern writers to the study of their local history. In the series of the _Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_, Mr. B. J. Ramage has published an essay on “Local government and free schools in South Carolina.”

[833] There is also a list of papers prior to 1700 in the appendix of Rivers’ _Sketch_, etc., p. 313.

[834] The _Third Report_ (1872) _of the Commission on Historical signified his wish to present his valuable collection of manuscripts Manuscripts_ (p. xi.) says: “In April, 1871, the Earl of Shaftesbury to the Public Record Office. These papers have been arranged and catalogued by Mr. Sainsbury.” The same _Report_ (p. 216) contains Mr. Alfred J. Horwood’s account of these papers, the ninth section of which is described as comprising letters and papers about Carolina, and many letters and abstracts of letters in Locke’s handwriting. Cf. _Charleston Year Book_, 1884, p. 167.

[835] _A review of documents and records in the archives of the State of South Carolina, hitherto inedited_ (Columbia, 1852), points out the gaps in its public records. Of the Grand Council’s Journal, only two years (1671, etc.) are preserved, as described by Dalcho and in _Topics in the History of South Carolina_, a pamphlet. Cf. also Rivers’ _Sketch_, etc., p. 370.

[836] Abstracts of many of them are necessarily included in Sainsbury’s _Calendars_.

[837] [This story is told in Vol. II. chap. iv.—ED.]

[838] [Vol. II. p. 244.—ED.]

[839] [See Vol. III. p. 157, and chap. v., _ante_.—ED.]

[840] [He was born in 1698; but see W. S. Bogart on “the mystery of Oglethorpe’s birthday,” in _Magazine of American History_, February, 1883, p. 108. There is a statement as to his family in Nichols’s _Literary Anecdotes_, ii. 17; copied by Harris, in his _Life of Oglethorpe_.—ED.]

[841] The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the authentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained this device: two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed streams typifying the rivers forming the northern and southern boundaries of the province. In their hands were spades, suggesting agriculture as the chief employment of the settlers. Above and in the centre was seated the genius of the Colony, a spear in her right hand, the left placed upon a cornucopia, and a liberty cap upon her head. Behind, upon a gentle eminence, stood a tree, and above was engraven this legend, _Colonia Georgia Aug_. On the other face,—which formed the common seal to be affixed to grants, orders, and certificates,—were seen silk-worms in the various stages of their labor, and the appropriate motto, _Non sibi sed aliis_. This inscription not only proclaimed the disinterested motives and intentions of the trustees, but it suggested that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most profitable employments of the colonists,—a hope not destined to be fulfilled.

[842] There is in Lossing’s _Field Book of the Revolution_, ii. 722, a sketch of the remains of the barracks as they appeared in 1851.

[843] As Captain-General he was entitled to command all the land and naval forces of the province, and by him were all officers of the militia to be appointed. As Governor-in-chief he was a constituent part of the General Assembly, and possessed the sole power of adjourning, proroguing, convening, and dissolving that body. It rested with him to approve or to veto any bill passed by the Council and the Assembly. All officers who did not receive their warrants directly from the Crown were appointed by him: and if vacancies occurred, by death or removal, in offices usually filled by the immediate nomination of the King, the appointees of the governor acted until the pleasure of the home government was signified. He was the custodian of the Great Seal, and as Chancellor exercised within the province powers of judicature similar to those reposed in the High Chancellor of England. He was to preside in the Court of Errors, composed of himself and the members of Council as judges, hearing and determining all appeals from the superior courts. As Ordinary, he collated to all vacant benefices, granted probate of wills, and allowed administration upon the estates of those dying intestate. By him were writs issued for the election of representatives to sit in the Commons House of Assembly. As Vice-Admiral, while he did not sit in the court of vice-admiralty,—a judge for that court being appointed by the Crown,—in time of war he could issue warrants to that court empowering it to grant commissions to privateers. With him resided the ability to pardon all crimes except treason and murder. It was optional with him to select as his residence such locality within the limits of the province as he deemed most convenient for the transaction of the public business, and he might direct the General Assembly to meet at that point. He was invested with authority, for just cause, to suspend any member of Council, and, in a word, might “do all other necessary and proper things in such manner and under such regulations as should, upon due consideration, appear to be best adapted to the circumstances of the colony.” The King’s Council was to consist of twelve members in ordinary and of two extraordinary members. They were to be appointed by the Crown, and were to hold office during His Majesty’s pleasure. In the absence of the governor and lieutenant-governor, the senior member of the Council in Ordinary administered the government. When sitting as one of the three branches of the legislature the Council was styled the Upper House of Assembly. It also acted as Privy Council to the governor, assisting him in the conduct of public affairs. In this capacity the members were to convene whenever the governor saw fit to summon them. When sitting as an Upper House, the Council met at the same time with the Commons House of Assembly, and was presided over by the lieutenant-governor, or, in his absence, by the senior member present. The forms of procedure resembled those observed in the House of Lords in Great Britain.

The qualification of an elector was the ownership of fifty acres of land in the parish or district in which he resided and voted; that of a representative, was the proprietorship of five hundred acres of land in any part of the province. Writs of election were issued by order of the Governor in Council under the Great Seal of the province, were tested by him, and were returnable in forty days. When convened, the Representatives were denominated the Commons House of Assembly. Choosing its own speaker, who was presented to the governor for approbation, this body,—composed of the immediate representatives of the people, and conforming in its legislative and deliberative conduct to the precedents established for the governance of the English House of Commons,—when convened, continued its session until dissolved by the governor. It claimed and enjoyed the exclusive right of originating bills for the appropriation of public moneys. Thus constituted, the Upper and Lower Houses formed the General Assembly of the province and legislated in its behalf. Bills which passed both Houses were submitted to the governor for his consideration. If approved by him, the Seal of the Colony was attached, and they were duly filed. Authenticated copies were then prepared and transmitted for the information and sanction of the Home Government.

Provision was also made for the establishment of a “General Court,” of a “Court of Session of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery,” and of courts of inferior jurisdiction. There was also a “Court of Admiralty.”

The presiding judge was styled Chief-Justice of Georgia. He was a “barrister at law” who had attended at Westminster, was appointed by warrant under His Majesty’s sign-manual and signet, and enjoyed a salary of £500, raised by annual grant of Parliament. The assistant justices were three in number. They received no salaries except on the death or in the absence of the chief-justice, and held their appointments from the governor.

Arrangements were also made for appointment of Collectors of Customs, of a Register of Deeds, of a Receiver of Quit Rents, of a Surveyor-General, of a Secretary of the Province, of a Clerk of Council, of a Provost Marshal, of an Attorney-General, and of other necessary officers.

The device approved for a public seal was as follows: On one face was a figure representing the Genius of the Colony offering a skein of silk to His Majesty, with the motto, “Hinc laudem sperate Coloni,” and this inscription around the circumference: “Sigillum Provinciæ nostræ Georgiæ in America.” On the other side appeared His Majesty’s arms, crown, garter, supporters, and motto, with the inscription: “Georgius II. Dei Gratia Britanniæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Rex, Fidei Defensor, Brunsvici et Luneburgi Dux, Sacri Romani Imperii Archi Thesaurarius et Princeps Elector.”

[844] Cf. Chapter IV., on “Ancient Florida,” by Dr. John G. Shea, in Vol. II.; and a chapter in Vol. I.

[845] [Sabin, xii. no. 51194; Barlow, no. 809; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 224; Brinley, no. 3911; Murphy, no. 1743; Rich (1835), p. 25. This tract is reprinted with the plan in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. There is a copy in Harvard College library [12354.7]. Coming within the grant to Mountgomery and lying “within a day’s rowing of the English habitations in South Carolina” are certain islands called by Sir Robert, St. Symon, Sapella, Santa Catarina, and Ogeche, which were described in a tract printed in London in 1720, called _A description of the Golden Islands with an account of the undertaking now on foot for making a settlement there_. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 266.)

There is in Harvard College library a tract attributed to John Burnwell, published also in 1720 in London: _An account of the foundation and establishment of a design now on foot for a settlement on the Golden Islands to the south of Port Royal, in Carolina_. (Sabin, iii. no. 10955.)—ED.]

[846] [This plan is reproduced in Jones’ _History of Georgia_, vol. i. p. 72; and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 142.—ED.]

[847] [In this separate shape this tract was a reprint with additions from the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1872. It has a “new map of the Cherokee nation” which it is claimed was drawn by the Indians about 1750, with the names put in by the English. A later map of the region about the Tennessee River above and below Fort Loudon appeared as “A draught of the Cherokee country on the west side of the 24 mountains, commonly called Over the hills, taken by Henry Timberlake, when he was in that country in March, 1762: likewise the names of the principal herdsmen of each town and what number of fighting men they send to war” [809 in all], which appeared in Timberlake’s _Memoirs_, 1765; and again in Jefferys’ _General Topography of North America and West Indies_, London, 1768. A copy of Timberlake with the map is in Harvard College library. The above fac-simile is from Harris’s _Oglethorpe_.—ED.]

[848] [This was reviewed by Sparks in _No. Amer. Rev._, liii. p. 448.—ED.]

[849] [The story of the founding of Georgia is necessarily told in general histories of the United States (Bancroft, Hildreth, Gay, etc.), and in articles on Oglethorpe like those in the _Southern Quart. Rev._, iii. 40, _Temple Bar_, 1878 (copied into _Living Age_, no. 1797), and _All the Year Round_, xviii. 439.—ED.]

[850] [It was reprinted in London in 1733. Both editions are in Harvard College library. It was again reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, i. p. 42. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 494. Grahame (iii. 182) calls it “most ingenious and interesting, though somewhat fancifully colored.” Sabin (_Dictionary_, xiii. nos. 56, 846) says it is mostly taken from Salmon’s _Modern History_, 4th ed., iii. p. 700.—ED.]

[851] [It was issued in two editions in 1733; to the second was added, beginning p. 43, among other matters a letter of Oglethorpe dated “camp near Savannah, Feb. 10, 1732-3,” with another from Gov. Johnson, of South Carolina. It has a plate giving a distant view of the projected town, with emblematic accompaniments in the foreground, and the map referred to on a previous page. There is a copy of the second issue in Charles Deane’s collection. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 511-12. A French translation was issued at Amsterdam in 1737 in the _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, vol. ix., with the new map of Georgia, copied from the English edition. The original English was reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 203.—ED.]

[852] [When the sermon of Samuel Smith, Feb. 23, 1730-31, was printed in 1733, he added to it _Some account of the design of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America_, which was accompanied by the map referred to in the preceding note (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 516). The charter of Georgia, as well as those of Maryland, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts Bay, is given in _A list of Copies of Charters from the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, presented to the House of Commons_, 1740 (London, 1741). It is given in English in _Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi_, vol. iv. p. 617 (London, 1757). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1883, in “The Sesqui-Centennial of the founding of Georgia.” There is an appendix of documents in a _Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia with respect to South Carolina and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies_. Charlestown, 1737. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 570; Brinley, ii. no. 3886 with date, 1736; the Harvard College copy is also dated, 1736.)—ED.]

[853] [It is also ascribed to Benj. Martyn. It was reprinted at Annapolis in 1742, and is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i., and in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, ii. p. 265. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 685. The original is in Harvard College library. One passage in this tract (Force’s ed., p. 37) reads: “Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Rawlegh’s written journal, and by the latitude of the place, the marks and traditions of the Indians, it is the very first place where he went on shore, and talked with the Indians, and was the first Indian they ever saw; and about half a mile from Savannah is a high mount of earth, under which lies their chief king. And the Indians informed Mr. Oglethorpe that their king desired, before he died, that he might be buried on the spot where he talked with that great good man.” The fact that Ralegh was never in North America somewhat unsettles this fancy.—ED.]

[854] [It has an appendix of documents, and is reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, i. 153. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686; Barlow, no. 857. A MS. note by Dr. Harris in one of the copies in Harvard College library says that, though usually ascribed to Henry Martyn, he has good authority for assigning its authorship to John Percival, Earl of Egmont.—ED.]

[855] [This little volume is in Harvard College library; as is also _Kurzgefasste Nachricht von dem Etablissement derer Salzburgischen Emigranten zu Ebenezer, von P. G. F. von Reck_. Hamburg, 1777.—ED.]

[856] [Sabin, xiii. no. 56848.—ED.]

[857] [This tract is assigned to 1747 in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, iii. no. 849, and in the Harvard College library catalogue.—ED.]

[858] [This important series of tracts, edited at Halle, in Germany, by Samuel Urlsperger, was begun in 1734, with the general title, _Ausführliche Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten_. It was reissued in 1735. Judging from the copies in Harvard College library, both editions had the engraved portrait of Tomo-cachi, with his nephew, and the map of Savannah County. The 1735 edition had a special title (following the general one), _Der Ausführlichen Nachrichten von der Königlich-Gross-Britannischen Colonie Saltzburgischer Emigranten in America, Erster Theil_. In the “vierte continuation” of this part there is at p. 2073 the large folding map of the county of Savannah. With the sixth continuation a “Zweyter Theil” begins, with a general title (1736), and a “Dritter Theil” includes continuations no. 13 to 18. This thirteenth continuation has a large folding plan of Ebenezer, showing the Savannah River at the bottom, with a ship in it, and it was published by Seutter in Augsburg, with a large map of the coast. The set is rare, and the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (iii. no. 541) gives a collation, and adds that “only after many years’ seeking and the purchase of several imperfect copies” was its set completed. Harvard College library has a set which belonged to Ebeling. (Turell’s _Life of Colman_, 152.) Urlsperger was a correspondent of Benjamin Colman, of Boston. Calvary, of Berlin, had for sale in 1885 the correspondence of Samuel Urlsperger with Fresenius, 1738-56 (29 letters), held at 100 marks.

There is a supplemental work in four volumes, printed at Augsburg in 1754-60, bringing the journal down to 1760, _Americanisches Ackerwerk Gottes_. It is also in Harvard College library, and contains the mezzotint portrait of Bolzius, the senior minister of Ebenezer, which is engraved on wood in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. of the U. S._, iii. 155. Harvard College library has also a part of the journal, with the same title (Augsburg, 1760), which seems to belong chronologically after the third part. (Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3926.)

Other illustrative publications may be mentioned: _Kurtze Relation aus denen aus Engelland erhaltenen Briefen von denen nach Georgien gehenden zweyten Transport Saltzburgischer Emigranten_ (cf. Leclerc, _Bibl. Americana_, 1867, no. 1512; Harrassowitz, ‘81, no. 119). _Auszug der sichern und nützlichen Nachrichten von dem Englischen America besonders von Carolina und der fruchtbaren Landschaft Georgia_, etc. ... von D. Manuel Christian Löber, Jena, without year.

Fred. Muller (_Books on America_, 1877, no. 1679) notes C. D. Kleinknecht’s _Zuverlässige Nachricht von der schwarzen Schaaf- und Lämmer-Heerde_, Augsburg, 1749, as containing in an appendix _Nachrichten von den Colonisten Georgiens zu Eben-Ezer in America_.—ED.]

[859] [This has a lithograph of the Bolzius likeness in the Urlsperger Tracts. Dr. Sprague (_American Pulpit_, vol. ix. p. vi.) calls the Salzburger settlement the fourth in order of the Lutheran immigrations into the English colonies. The same volume contains a notice of Bolzius by Strobel.—ED.]

[860] [Cf. Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1085; Sabin, xii. p. 336; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 776. It is reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, vol. i. A London dealer, F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 204), priced a copy at £7 10_s._ Three other contemporaneous tracts of no special historical value may here be mentioned: _A New Voyage to Georgia, by a Young Gentleman_, etc., to which are added, _A Curious Account of the Indians, by an Honourable Person_ [Oglethorpe], and _A Poem to James Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_, London, 1735, with a second edition in 1737; _A Description of the famous new Colony of Georgia in South Carolina_, etc., Dublin, 1734; and _A Description of Georgia by a Gentleman who has resided there upwards of seven years, and was one of the first settlers_, London, 1741. This last (8 pp. only) is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 536, 562. It is in Harvard College library.—ED.]

[861] [The work is in three volumes, the second containing “A state of that Province [Georgia] as attested upon oath in the Court of Savannah, Nov. 10, 1740.” (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 720.) There is a copy in Harvard College library.—ED.]

[862] [For some years at least yearly statements of the finances were printed, as noted in a later note in connection with Burton’s sermon. A single broadside giving such a statement is preserved in Harvard College library [12343.4]; and in the same library is a folio tract called _The General Account of all Monies and Effects_, etc., London, 1736. This is in good part reprinted in Bishop Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, i. 360.—ED.]

[863] Carter-Brown, iii. no. 714.

[864] [Haven’s _Ante-Revolutionary Publications_ in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_, ii. p. 478. The main portion of this report is given in Carroll’s _Hist. Coll. of So. Carolina_, ii. p. 348.—ED.]

[865] [The author of this tract was George Cadogan, a lieutenant in Oglethorpe’s regiment. It induced the author of the _Impartial Account_ to print _A Full Reply to Lieut. Cadogan’s Spanish Hireling, and Lieut. Mackay’s Letter concerning the Action at Moosa_, London, 1743. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 731-32; Sabin, xiii. no. 56845. Both tracts are in Harvard College library. Two other tracts pertain to this controversy: _Both sides of the question: an inquiry_] _into a certain doubtful character_ [Oglethorpe] lately whitened by a C——t M——l, which passed to a second edition; and _The Hireling Artifice detected_, London, 1742.—ED.

[866] [There are various references to this expedition in Jones’ _Georgia_, i. p. 335, and in his _Dead Towns_, p. 91. Watt mentions a _Journal of an Expedition to the gates of St. Augustine conducted by General Oglethorpe_, by G. L. Campbell, London, 1744.—ED.]

[867] [Cf. references in the _Dead Towns of Georgia_, p. 114, and more at length in Jones’ _Georgia_, i. 335, 353. There is a plan of Frederica in the _Dead Towns_, p. 45.—ED.]

[868] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 686. No. 707 of the same catalogue is a _Journal received Feb. 4, 1741, by the Trustees, from William Stevens, Secretary_; and in Harvard College library is the _Resolution of the Trustees, March 8, 1741, relating to the grants and tenure of lands_.—ED.]

[869] [Carter-Brown, iii. no. 706. Harvard College library catalogue ascribes this to Patrick Graham.—ED.]

[870] [Reprinted in the _Georgia Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. p. 87; cf. Barlow’s _Rough List_, nos. 873-74. This book, which has an appendix of documents, is assigned to Thomas Stephens in the Harvard College library catalogue. A two-leaved folio tract in Harvard College library, called _The Hard Case of the distressed people of Georgia_, dated at London, Apr. 26, 1742, is signed by Stephens.—ED.]

[871] [It was reprinted in London, 1741, and is included in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i., and in _Georgia Hist. Coll._, vol. ii. p. 163. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 696; Brinley, no. 3922; Barlow, no. 859. There is a copy in Harvard College library. F. S. Ellis, of London (1884, no. 106), prices it at £3 5_s._—ED.]

[872] [Tyler (_Amer. Lit._, ii. 292), on the contrary, says of this book: “Within a volume of only one hundred and twelve pages is compressed a masterly statement of the author’s alleged grievances at the hands of Oglethorpe. The book gives a detailed and even documentary account of the rise of the colony, and its quick immersion in suffering and disaster, through Oglethorpe’s selfishness, greed, despotism, and fanatic pursuit of social chimeras.... Whatever may be the truth or the justice of this book, it is abundantly interesting, and if any one has chanced to find the prevailing rumor of Oglethorpe somewhat nauseating in its sweetness, he may here easily allay their unpleasant effect. Certainly as a polemic it is one of the most expert pieces of writing to be met with in our early literature. It never blusters or scolds. It is always cool, poised, polite, and merciless.”—ED.]

[873] Among those which have been preserved are sermons, by Samuel Smith, LL. B., 1731; by John Burton, B. D., 1732; by Thomas Rundle, LL. D., 1733; by Stephen Hales, D. D., 1734; by George Watts, 1735; by Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1737; by William Berriman, D. D., 1738; by Edmund Bateman, D. D., 1740; by William Best, D. D., 1741; by James King, D. D., 1742; by Lewis Bruce, A. M., 1743; by Philip Bearcroft, D. D., 1744; by Glocester Ridley, LL. B., 1745; and by Thomas Francklin, M. A., 1749. [Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 515, 528, 530, 572, 598. Burton’s sermon (London, 1733) has appended to it, beginning p. 33, “The general account of all the monies and effects received and expended by the trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia ... for one whole year, 1732-33.” A list of these sermons is given in Perry’s _American Episcopal Church_, vol. i.—ED.]

[874] [They are described in a report of the Georgia Historical Society.—ED.]

[875] They were sold in London in July, 1881, by Mr. Henry Stevens; and, although the State of Georgia was importuned to become the purchaser of them, the General Assembly declined to act, and the volumes passed into other hands, but have recently been given to the State by Mr. J. S. Morgan, the London banker. [Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Collections_, i. p. 34. Mr. Stevens also gives in his _Bibliotheca Geographica_, no. 2618, some curious information about other MSS. in England, being records kept by William Stephens, the Secretary of the Colony, which are now at Thirlstane House, Cheltenham. A Report of the Attorney and Solicitor General to the Lords of Trade, on the proposal of the Trustees of Georgia to surrender their trust to the Crown, dated Feb. 6, 1752, is noted in vol. 61 of the Shelburne MSS., as recorded in the _Fifth Report of the Hist. MSS. Commission_, p. 230; and also, a Report of the same officer on the properest method of administering the government after the surrender. The opinion of the attorney and solicitor-general on the king’s prerogative to receive the charter of Georgia (1751) is given in Chalmers’ _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. p. 34.—ED.]

[876] [This Society was organized in Dec., 1839. Cf. _Amer. Quart. Reg._, xii. 344; _Southern Quart. Rev._, iii. 40; _The Georgia Hist. Soc., its founders, patrons, and friends_, an address by C. C. Jones, Jr., Savannah, 1881; _Proceedings at the dedication of Hodgson Hall_, 1876.—ED.]

[877] Volume I. (1840) contains the anniversary address of the Hon. William Law, February 12, 1840, reviewing the early history of the province; reprints of Oglethorpe’s _New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia_; of Francis Moore’s _Voyage to Georgia begun in the year 1735_; of _An Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, and of _Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia with regard to the Trade of Great Britain_; together with the Hon. Thomas Spalding’s _Sketch of the life of General James Oglethorpe_.