Part I. Historical Documents from 1678 to 1691_ (New York, 1846). This

volume contains a discourse before the Historical Society of Louisiana by Henry A. Bullard, its president (originally issued at New Orleans, 1836; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,116), and sundry papers relating to La Salle, Tonty, and Hennepin, specially referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

_Same. Part II._ (Philadelphia, 1850). This volume contains a fac-simile of Delisle’s “Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi;” an account of the Louisiana Historical Society, by James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow; a discourse on the character of François-Xavier Martin; an analytical index of the documents in the Paris Archives relating to Louisiana; papers relating to De Soto (which are referred to in Vol. II. chap. iv. of the present History); a reprint of Coxe’s _Carolana_ (omitting, however, the preface and appendix); and Marquette and Joliet’s account of their journey in 1673 (referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History).

_Same. Part III._ (New York, 1851). This volume includes a memoir of H. A. Bullard; translations of La Harpe, of Bienville’s correspondence, of Charlevoix’s Historical Journal; accounts of the aborigines, including Le Petit’s narratives regarding them; De Sauvolle’s _Journal historique, 1699-1701_; with other documents relating to the period treated of in the present volume of this History, as well as papers relating to the Huguenots and Ribault (referred to in Vol. II. of this History).

_Same. Part IV._ (New York, 1852). This volume has a second title-page,—_Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, with the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membré, Hennepin, and Anastase Douay_, by John Gilmary Shea, with a fac-simile of the newly discovered map of Marquette (New York, 1852). The contents of this volume are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History.

_Same. Part V._ The title in this part is changed to _Historical Memoirs of Louisiana, from the First Settlement of the Colony to the Departure of Governor O’Reilly in 1770, with Historical and Biographical Notes_ (New York, 1853). It includes translations of Dumont’s memoir, another of Champigny, with an appendix of historical documents and elucidations; and all parts of the volume mainly cover the period of the present chapter. It also contains the usual portrait of Bienville, purporting to be engraved from a copy belonging to J. D. B. DeBow, of an original painting in the family of Baron Grant, of Longueil in Canada.

A second series of Mr. French’s publications has the title, _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, including Translations of Original Manuscripts relating to their Discovery and Settlement, with Numerous Historical and Biographical Notes_. New Series, vol. i. (New York, 1869). This volume contains translations of De Remonville’s memoir (Dec. 10, 1697), of D’Iberville’s narrative of his voyage (1698), of Penicaut’s Annals of Louisiana (1698 to 1722),—all of which pertain to the period of the present volume. It contains also translations of Laudonnière’s _Histoire notable de Floride_, being that made by Hakluyt (referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

_Same_, vol. ii. (New York, 1875). This volume contains, in regard to Louisiana, translations relating to La Salle, Joliet, Frontenac, and New France, which are referred to in Vol. IV. of the present History, as well as the Journal of D’Iberville’s voyage (1698, etc.), and the letter of Jacques Gravier, who descended the Mississippi to meet D’Iberville,—all referred to in the present chapter. In regard to Florida, there are documents of Columbus, Narvaez, Las Casas, Ribault, Grajales, Solis de las Meras, Fontenade, Villafane, Gourgues, etc.,—(all of which are referred to in Vol. II. of the present History).

It is to be regretted that French sometimes abridges the documents which he copies, without indicating such method,—as in the case of Charlevoix and Dumont.—ED.]

[118] Vol. IV. has the specific title: _Découverte par mer des bouches du Mississipi et établissements de Lemoyne d’Iberville sur le golfe du Mexique, 1694-1703_, Paris, 1880. Vol. V. is called: _Première formation d’une chaîne de postes entre le fleuve Saint-Laurent et le golfe du Mexique, 1683-1724_, Paris, 1883.

[119] [Particularly in Vol. IV. pp. 213-289, the _Journal du voyage fait à l’embouchure de la rivière du Mississipi_ (etc.). Cf. the _Journal du voyage fait par deux frégattes du roi, La Badine, commandée par M. d’Iberville, et Le Marin, par M. E. Chevalier de Surgères, qui partirent de Brest le 24 octobre, 1698, où elles avaient relâché, étant parties de Larochelle, le 5 septembre précédent_, in _Historical Documents_, third series, of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec (48 pp.), published at Quebec in 1871. See also the _Catalogue of the Library of Parliament (1858)_, p. 1613.—ED.]

[120] [See Vol. IV. p. 242.—ED.]

[121] [For example, _The Present State of the Country ... of Louisiana. By an Officer at New Orleans to his Friend at Paris. To which are added Letters from the Governor_ [Vaudreuil] _on the Trade of the French and English with the Natives_, London, 1744 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 773; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 955; Sabin, no. 42,283).—ED.

[122] Gayarré, in his preface, says: “Mr. Magne (one of the editors of the _New Orleans Bee_) inspected with minute care, and with a discretion which did him honor, the portfolios of the Minister of the Marine in France, and extracted from them all the documents relating to Louisiana, of which he made a judicious choice and an exact copy. Governor Mouton, having learned of this collection, hastened, in his position as a clear-headed magistrate whose duty it was to gather together what might cast light upon the history of the country, to acquire it for account of the State.” It is understood that this Magne Collection was purchased for a thousand dollars at the instance of Mr. Gayarré. It was then deposited in the State Library; but is no longer to be found. A similar disappearance has happened in the case of some other copies which were made for Mr. Edmund Forstall, and were likewise in the State Library; and the same fate has befallen two bound volumes of copies which were made for the Hon. John Perkins while in Europe, and which were by him likewise given to the State Library. Many of these documents were included by Gayarré in his _Histoire_.

It was also by the influence of Gayarré that the Louisiana Legislature appropriated $2,000 to secure copies of papers from the Spanish Archives. It was committed to the Hon. Romulus Saunders of North Carolina, then the American minister in Madrid, to propitiate the Spanish Government in an application for permission to make copies. He failed, though zealous to accomplish it. Through the medium of Prescott recourse was then had to Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, after difficulties had been overcome, succeeded in getting copies of a mass of papers, which greatly aided Gayarré in his _Spanish Domination_. These papers, like the rest, found their way to the State Library at Baton Rouge, but disappeared in turn during the Civil War. A small part of them was discovered by Mr. Lyman Draper, of Wisconsin, in the keeping of the widow of a Federal officer, and through Mr. Draper’s instrumentality was restored to the Library. The correspondence of Messrs. Saunders, Gayangos, and Gayarré makes one of the State documents of Louisiana.

A few years since, another movement was made by Mr. Gayarré to get other papers from Spain, impelled to it by information of large diaries (said to be four hundred and fifty-two large bundles) still unexamined in the Spanish Archives, pertaining to Louisiana. The State of Louisiana was not in a condition to incur any outlay; and by motion of General Gibson a Bill was introduced into the National House of Representatives, appropriating $5,000 to procure from England, France, and Spain copies of documents relating to Florida and Louisiana. Nothing seems to have come of the effort beyond the printing of a letter of Mr. Gayarré, with his correspondence with Saunders and Gayangos, which was done by order of a committee to whom the subject was referred. The facts of this note are derived from a statement kindly furnished by Mr. Gayarré.

[There is among the Sparks manuscripts in Harvard College Library a volume marked _Papers relating to the Early Settlement of Louisiana, copied from the Originals in the Public Offices of Paris_ (1697-1753).—ED.]

[123] Xavier Eyma adopts another form in “La légende du Meschacébé,”—a paper in the _Revue Contemporaine_ (vol. xxxi. pp. 277, 486, 746), in which he traces the history of the explorations from Marquette to the death of Bienville.

[124] Norman McF. Walker on the “Geographical Nomenclature of Louisiana,” in the _Mag. of Amer. History_, Sept., 1883, p. 211.

[125] See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[126] There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, vol. x. p. 385. See Vol. IV. p. 375.

[127] There are issues of later dates, 1722, etc.

[128] There are portraits and notices of the two in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, published at Weimar, 1802 (vol. x.).

[129] An _Atlas Nouveau_ of forty-eight maps was issued at Amsterdam, with the name of Guillaume Delisle, in 1720, and with later dates. The maps measure 25 × 21 inches.

[130] There are modern reproductions of it in French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana_, vol. ii., as dated 1707; in Cassell’s _United States,_ i. 475; and for the upper portion in Winchell’s _Geol. Survey of Minnesota, Final Report,_ vol. i. p. 20. The lower part of it is given in the present work, Vol. II. p. 294.

[131] _Géol. practique de la Louisiane_, p. 209.

[132] _N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 577.

[133] Cf. _Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers_, vii. 462. De Fer was born in 1646; died in 1720. His likeness is in _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Sept., 1803, p. 265.

[134] This map is worth about $10.00. Moll also published in 1715 a _Map of North America_, with vignettes by Geo. Vertue,—size 38 × 23 inches. Moll’s maps at this time were made up into collections of various dates and titles.

[135] This map of North America is reproduced in Lindsey’s _Unsettled Boundaries of Ontario_, Toronto, 1873. It shows a view of the Indian fort on the “Sasquesahanoch.” Moll’s _Minor Atlas, a new and curious set of sixty-two maps_, eighteen of which relate to America, was issued in London, without date, ten or fifteen years later. Cf. also “A new map of Louisiana and the river Mississipi,” in _Some Considerations on the consequences of the French settling Colonies on the Mississippi, from a gentleman of America to his friend in London_. London, 1720.

[136] Thomassy, p. 212.

[137] Senex issued a revision of a map of North America this same year, size 22 X 19 inches. Between 1710 and 1725 Senex’s maps were often gathered into atlases, containing usually about 36 maps.

[138] Thomassy, p. 214.

[139] Sabin, ix. 37,600. Ker was a secret agent of the British government, and Curl, the publisher, was pilloried for issuing the book.

[140] _Géologie practique de la Louisiane_, p. 2.

[141] Homann, b. 1663; d. at Nuremberg, 1724. There is an account of him in the _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, Nov., 1801. There are extracts from the despatches of the Governors of Canada, 1716-1726, respecting the controversy over the bounds between the French and English in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, ix. 960.

[142] Sabin, xv. 64,140.

[143] His _Œuvres Géographiques_ were published collectively at Paris in five volumes in 1744-45. The atlases which pass under his name bear dates usually from 1743 to 1767, the separate maps being distinctively dated, as those of North America in 1746; those of South America in 1748; those of Canada and Louisiana, 1732, 1755, etc.

[144] The upper part of it is reproduced in Andreas’s _Chicago_, i. 59.

[145] These maps are reproduced in Dr. Shea’s translation of Charlevoix. The map showing the respective possessions of the French, English, and Spanish is reproduced in Bonnechose’s _Montcalm et le Canada français_, 5th ed., Paris, 1882. By this the English are confined from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to Florida between the Appalachian range and the sea.

[146] Thomassy, p. 219. It is said that the maps first published by Bellin were not thought by the French government sufficiently favorable to their territorial claims, and accordingly he published a new set, better favoring the French. When Shirley, speaking with Bellin, referred to this, Bellin is said to have answered, “We in France must obey the King’s command.”

[147] Page 218.

[148] Cf. his _Remarques sur la Carte de l’Amérique_, Paris, 1755.

[149] Sabin, xv. 34,027; and xv. p. 448.

[150] Referring to the maps (1756), Smith, the New York historian (_Hist. N. York_, Albany, 1814, p. 218), says: “Dr. Mitchell’s is the only authentic one extant. None of the rest concerning America have passed under the examination or received the sanction of any public board, and they generally copy the French.” Cf. C. C. Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, p. 15.

[151] It is also contained in the _Atlas Amériquain_, 1778, no. 335, where it is described as “traduit de l’Anglais par le Rouge,” and is dated 1777, “Corigée en 1776 par M. Hawkins.” A section of this map is also included in the blue book, _North American Boundary, Part I._, 1840.

Parkman (_Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. 126) says: “Mitchell pushed the English claim to its utmost extreme, and denied that the French were rightful owners of anything in North America, except the town of Quebec and the trading post of Tadoussac.” This claim was made in his _Contest in America between Great Britain and France, with its consequences and importance_, London, 1757.

[152] Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 384; Sabin, vi. p. 272; Baldwin’s _Early Maps of Ohio_, 15; Haven in Thomas’ _Printing_, ii. p. 525. The main words of the title are: _A General Map of the Middle British Colonies in America ... of Aquanishuonîgy, the country of the Confederate indians, Comprehending Aquanishuonîgy proper, their place of residence; Ohio and Tïiughsoxrúntie, their deer-hunting countries; Coughsaghráge and Skaniadaráde, their beaver-hunting Countries ... wherein is also shewn the antient and present seats of the Indian Nations_. _By Lewis Evans_, 1755.

The map extends from the falls of the Ohio to Narragansett Bay, and includes Virginia in the south, with Montreal and the southern end of Lake Huron in the north. It is dedicated to Pownall, and has a side map of “The remaining part of Ohio R., etc.,” which shows the Illinois country. In the lower right-hand corner it is announced as “Published by Lewis Evans, June 23, 1755, and sold by Dodsley, in London, and the author in Philadelphia.” The map measures 20-1/2 X 27-1/2 inches.

[153] Harv. Coll. Atlases, no. 354, pp. 3-6.

[154] _Hist. New York_ (1814), p. 222. Evans says: “The French being in possession of Fort Frontenac at the peace of Ryswick, which they attained during their war with the Confederates, gives them an undoubted title to the acquisition of the northwest side of St. Lawrence river, from thence to their settlement at Montreal.” (p. 14.)

[155] Harv. Col. lib’y, 6371.8; Boston Pub. lib’y [K. 11.7], and Carter-Brown, iii. 1059, 1113.

[156] The occasion of Mills’ _Report on the boundaries of Ontario_ (1873) was an order requiring him to act as a special commissioner to inquire into the location of the western and northern bounds of Ontario,—the Imperial Parliament having set up (1871), as it was claimed, the new Province of Manitoba within the legal limits of Ontario, which held by transmission the claims westward of the Province of Quebec and later those of Upper Canada.

[157] They might well have gone on under this confirmation till the king supplanted them, but they suffered themselves to be continued in office by the popular vote in three successive annual elections.

[158] This Order of King William, with fac-simile of the signature, is in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 711, the original being in the cabinet of that society.

[159] John Marshall’s diary notes under July 20, 1700, the death of Ichabod Wiswall at Duxbury, “a man of eminent accomplishment for the service of the Sanctuary.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 154. Cf. Winsor’s _Duxbury_, p. 180.

[160] Mr. Chas. W. Tuttle’s paper, “New Hampshire without provincial government, 1689-90,” in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, October, 1879, was also printed (50 copies) separately.

[161] Palfrey, iv. 375.

[162] _Diary_, i. 329.

[163] Vol. IV. p. 364.

[164] Hudson’s _Amer. Journalism_, p. 45; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 387; Haven’s _Pre-Revolutionary Bibliog._, 333 (in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Collections_). This innocent attempt to correct the floating rumors gave offence to the magistrates, as a license that should be resisted, or much worse might happen. Sewall refers to it as giving “much distaste, because not licensed, and because of passage referring to the French king and Maquas.” On the 1st of October the governor and council “disallowed” it. Mather attacked its impudence in a sharp letter the next day; and the little over-ambitious chronicle never came to a second issue. (Sewall’s _Diary_, i. 332.)

[165] See Vol. IV. p. 357; and for sources, p. 361. Sewall, under date of December 29, 1690 (_Letter book_, p. 115), writes, “I have discoursed with all sorts, and find that neither activity nor courage were wanting in him [Phips], and the form of the attack was agreed on by the Council of War.” A significant utterance of Frontenac is instanced in the same letter: “When the French injuries were objected to Count Frontenack by ours at Canada, his answer was that we were all one people; so if Albany or Hartford provoke them, they hold it just to fall on Massachusetts, Plimouth, Rode Island, or any other English plantation. In time of distress the Massachusetts are chiefly depended on for help;” and Sewall urges Mather to procure the sending of three frigates,—one to be stationed in the Vineyard Sound, another at Nantasket, and a third at Portsmouth.

[166] The charges against Andros were by this time practically abandoned, and he was commissioned governor of Virginia (see _post_, ch. iv.), while Joseph Dudley was made a councillor of New York.

[167] The charter was at once printed in Boston by Benj. Harris, 1692. It was reprinted by Neal in his _New England_, 2d ed. ii. App., and is included in various editions of the _Charter and Laws_, published since. The original parchment is at the State House, and a heliotype of its appearance, as it hangs in a glass case on the walls of the Secretary’s office, is given in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_, vol. ii. The explanatory charter of a later year is similarly cared for. The boxes in which they originally came over are also preserved.

[168] _Diary_, i. 360. Printed copies of a proclamation by the General Court have come down to us, expressing joy at their arrival. F. S. Drake sale, no. 1126, bought by C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York.

[169] May 31, 1693. _The Great Blessing of primitive Counsellors_; an appendix “To the inhabitants of the Province, &c.,” containing the vindication. It is reprinted in the _Andros Tracts_, ii. 301. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, i. p. 452.

[170] Sibley’s _Grad. of H. Univ._, i.

[171] This story is doubted. Cf. _Conn. Col. Rec. 1689-1706_. Their majesties’ letter touching the command of the militia (1694) is in the _Trumbull Papers_, p. 176.

[172] _Sewall Papers_, i. p. 386.

[173] His will is given in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1884, p. 205. Cotton Mather published in 1697 his life of Phips, as _Pietas in Patriam_; it was subsequently included in his _Magnalia_, after it had passed a second edition separately in 1699. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. p. 64.

[174] _Diary_, i. 404.

[175] The occasion was his tract _Truth held forth_, published in New York in 1695, for which he was tried at Salem in 1696. His success did not soften him, and he again assailed them in _New England Persecutors mauled with their own Weapons_ (1697). Cf. A. C. Goodell in _Essex Institute Collections_, iii.; _Sewall Papers_, i. 414-16; Dexter’s _Bibliog._, nos. 2458, 2472; _Maule Genealogy_, Philad. 1868.

[176] Bancroft, final revision, ii. 238.

[177] _Report Rec. Com._, vii. pp. 224, 228, 230.

[178] The fort had been built there in 1690. After this attack the farms were again occupied, but finally abandoned in 1704. C. W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_, ii. 264, 278.

[179] April 2, 1697; he had died March 27.

[180] Pemberton Square, then elevated considerably higher than now.

[181] John Marshall’s diary, printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 153, describes the parade on Bellomont’s reception, May, 1699.

[182] Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule of the English in America_, 232) praises him, and calls him “a true specimen of a great liberal governor.”

Cf. Frederic de Peyster’s _Life and Administration of Richard, Earl of Bellomont, governor of the provinces of N. Y., Mass., and N. H., from 1697 to 1701_. N. Y.: 1879,—an address delivered before the N. Y. Hist. Society.

Bellomont, in his speech to the General Court, advised them to succor the Huguenot clergyman of Boston, his congregation being reduced in numbers. It was five years before that (1695) the Huguenot Oxford settlement had been broken up by the Indian depredations, and nine years earlier (1686) they had first come to Massachusetts with their minister. We have lately had an adequate account of their story in Charles W. Baird’s _Huguenot Emigration to America_ (N. Y., 1885, two vols.), and the “Huguenot Society of America” was established in 1884, when the first part of their _Proceedings_ was published. The earliest treatment of the subject is Dr. Abiel Holmes’s _Memoir of the French Protestants_, published in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Collections_ (vol. xxii. p. 1). This was largely about the Oxford settlement, which has since been further illustrated by Geo. T. Daniels in his _Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country_. Next after Holmes came Hannah F. Lee’s _Huguenots in France and America_ (Cambridge, 1843), but it is scant in matter. Somewhat later (1858, etc.), Mr. Joseph Willard considered them in his paper, “Naturalization in the American Colonies,” printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (iv. 337), showing they were not naturalized till 1731; and Lucius Manlius Sargent recalled many associations with their names in his _Dealings with the Dead_ (vol. ii. pp. 495-549). Cf. further, Ira M. Barton, in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap., 1862, Ap., 1864; _Mem. Hist. of Boston_ (chap. by C. C. Smith), ii. p. 249; Blaikie’s _Presbyterianism in New England_ (Boston, 1881), where their church is considered the forerunner of the Presbyterian method of government; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. p. 185. The Huguenot society recognizes by their vice-presidents two other settlements of the Huguenots before 1787, in New England, beside those of Oxford and Boston, namely, one in Maine and another in Rhode Island,—the latter being commemorated by Elisha R. Potter’s _French Settlements in Rhode Island_, being no. 5 of the _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, published by S. S. Rider in Providence, R. I.

[183] _Trip to New England, with a character of the country and people, both English and Indian_, Anonymous, London, 1699; second edition in _Writings of the Author of the London Spy_, London, 1704; third edition in _The London Spy_, London, 1706. (The present _History_, Vol. III. p. 373; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 2,580; Brinley, i. no. 371; Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, 1870, no. 2,278; Shurtleff’s _Desc. of Boston_, p. 53.)

[184] As a corrective of periwigs he advised the good people to read Calvin’s _Institutions_, book iii. ch. 10.

[185] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, xv. 65,689.

[186] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 211, and references.

[187] As to the part Massachusetts discontents, like Sewall and Addington, took in the founding of Yale College, compare the views of Quincy, _Harvard University_, i. 198, etc.; and of Prest. Woolsey in his _Hist. Discourse_ of Aug. 14, 1850; and Prof. Kingsley in the _Biblical Repository_, July and Oct., 1841.

The principal sources of the history of Yale College are the following: Thomas Clap’s _Annals or History of Yale College_, New Haven, 1766. F. B. Dexter on “The founding of Yale College,” in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. ii., and his _Biographical sketches of the graduates of Yale College, with annals of the college history. October, 1701-May, 1745_. N. Y. 1885. E. E. Beardsley on “Yale College and the Church,” in Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, vol. i., monograph 6. The most extensive work is: _Yale College; a sketch of its history, with notices of its several departments, instructors, and benefactors; together with some account of student life and amusements. By various authors_. 2 vols. New York. 1879. Edited by W. L. Kingsley. In this will be found a photograph of the original portrait of Gov. Elihu Yale (i. p. 37); the house of Saltonstall in 1708 (p. 48), a likeness of Timothy Cutler (p. 49) and his house (p. 49), with a plan of New Haven in 1749, and the college buildings (p. 76). A less extended account is in _The College Book_, edited by C. F. Richardson and H. A. Clark.

[188] John Marshall, in his diary, July 15, 1701, records the funeral of William Stoughton at Dorchester, “with great honor and solemnity, and with him much of New England’s glory.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 155. On July 17, Samuel Willard preached a sermon on his death, which was published. (Haven in Thomas, ii. 349.)

[189] For a portrait of Phipps, see _Brit. Mez. Portraits_, iii. 1109.

[190] Dudley’s commission is in Harvard Coll. library (Sibley’s _Graduates_, ii. 176). His instructions (1702) are in the Mass. Hist. Soc., and printed in their _Collections_, xxix. 101. Haliburton (_Rule and Misrule_, etc., 235), while he praises Dudley, questions the wisdom of the ministry which selected him to govern such a province. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 166.

[191] On the 4th of June, Benj. Wadsworth preached a sermon, _King William lamented in America_ (Harv. Col. lib., 10396.74). There is a portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. gallery (_Proceedings_, vi. 33). Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, May, 1884, for a paper on his influence in America.

[192] Keith journeyed from New England to Carolina in 1702-4, indulging in theological controversies which produced a crop of tracts, and in 1706 he published at London _Journal of travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck_.

[193] This was printed in 1702, together with the House’s answer, and the address of the ministers to Dudley. (Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 349.)

[194] Col. Quarry, who was reporting on the colonies to the home government, said of New England: “A governor depending on the people’s humors cannot serve the Crown.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. p. 229.

[195] Falmouth (Portland) was the most easterly seaboard port of the English at this time.

[196] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 502.

[197] These letters are in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 126, etc. Cotton Mather took his accustomed satisfaction in calling the governor “the venom of Roxbury.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 418.

[198] See _post_, ch. vii.

[199] Referring to one source of information, common enough in New England, Palfrey (iv. 342), says: “Funeral sermons are a grievous snare to the historian.”

[200] _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 389; Palfrey, iv. 304.

[201] 1709, May. “About the tenth of this month a general impress for soldiers ran through the Colony. Some say every tenth man was taken to serve in this expedition.” John Marshall’s diary in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 160.

[202] Phototypes of contemporary prints of the Four Maquas are annexed. They are reduced from originals (engraved by J. Simon after J. Veulst) in the Amer. Antiq. Society’s Gallery. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Ms. Hist. Soc._, p. 59; Smith’s _Brit. Mezzotint Portraits_, iii. 1,095, 1692; Gay, _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 44, etc. Cf. also Carter-Brown, iii. 136; Brinley, no. 5,395; Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 553; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 151, 313, 372; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vi. p. 543; Colden’s letters in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1868; Addison’s _Spectator_, April 27, 1711. There was published in London at the time _The Four Indian Kings’ Speech to her Majesty on the 20th April, translated into verse, with their effigies, taken from the life_. In _Mass. Archives_, xxxi., are various papers concerning these Indians,—an order for £30 for their use, the charges of a dinner given to them August 6, 1709, and other accounts (nos. 62, 76, 80-83, 87).

[203] November 16, 1710. “A day of Thanksgiving on account of success at Port Royall.” John Marshall’s diary, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884, p. 161.

[204] First ed. 1710; second, in 1715. Cf. Stevens’ _Bibl. Geog._, no. 3,039; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 216; H. M. Dexter’s address on Wise in the _Two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Church in Essex_, Salem, 1884, p. 113; and Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 429.

[205] Various petitions to the queen during 1710-11 are in the _Mass. Archives_, xx. pp. 133, 145, 152, 164, 170.

[206] Dudley on the 9th issued a proclamation for an embargo on outward-bound vessels. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 206.

[207] Annexed are engravings of a contemporary print, “Exact draft of Boston harbor,” and of a ground plan of Castle William from originals in the British Museum. See notes on the construction and history of this fortress in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 101, 127. The _Catal. of the King’s Maps in the Brit. Mus._ (i. p. 216) shows a drawn plan of the Castle, by Colonel Romer, 1705, four sheets, with a profile. Pownall’s view of Boston (1757) shows the Castle in the foreground. (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127; _Columbian Mag._, Dec., 1787; Drake’s _Boston_, folio ed.). The plan of the island as given in Pelham’s map is sketched in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 127.

[208] The fleet had not been provisioned in England, in order to conceal its destination. Walker’s _Journal_ shows that in Boston Jonathan Belcher was the principal contractor for provisions, and Peter Faneuil for military stores.

[209] Published in London, 1712. (Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. no. 166.) Dummer, referring to Walker’s charges, says, “They can’t do us much, if any, harm.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxi. 144. Cf. also Dummer’s _Letter to a friend in the country on the late expedition to Canada, with an account of former enterprises, a defence of that design and the share the late M——rs had in it_. Lond. 1712. (Sabin, v. 21,199; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 167.)

[210] A journal of this negotiation is printed in the _New Eng. Hist. & Gen. Reg._, January, 1854, p. 26.

[211] See Vol. III., chapter on New England.

[212] Cf. papers on the Usher difficulty in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1877, p. 162.

[213] This recusant act occasioned a report from the attorney-general to the queen, cited in _Shelburne Papers_, vol. 61. Cf. _Reports Hist. MSS. Commission_, v. 228.

[214] Cf. Memoir of the Mohegans in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 73, etc.

[215] But this was not the end. It was finally settled in favor of the colony in 1771. Cf. Trumbull’s Connecticut, i. 410, 421; De Forest’s _Indians of Conn._, 309; _The Governor and Company of Connecticut and Mohegan Indians by their guardians: Certified Copy of Book of Proceedings before the Commissioners of Review_, 1743 (usually called _The Mohegan Case_, published in 1769,—copies in Harvard College library; Brinley, no. 2,085; Menzies, no. 1,338; Murphy, no. 660). Cf. Palfrey, iv. 336, 364; _Trumbull Papers_ (_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xlix., index), and E. E. Beardsley on the “Mohegan land controversy,” in _New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, iii. 205, and his _Life and Times of Wm. Samuel Johnson_.

[216] Palfrey, _New Eng._, iv. 489, 495; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 277.

[217] Jeremiah Dummer, however, writes, January, 1714, of Col. Byfield, then in England, that he is “so excessively hot against Col. Dudley that he cannot use anybody civilly who is for him.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 198.

[218] This tribune of the people, however, did not long survive his victory, but died October 31, 1715, aged seventy-eight.

[219] Dr. Palfrey amply illustrates the reciprocal influence of the old and new politics. Cf. Dr. Ellis in _Sewall Papers_, iii. 46. There is no more pointed evidence, however, of the scant interest taken by the wits of London in the current politics and customs of the American colonies than the fact that among the multitudinous pictorial satires of the period, preserved in the British Museum and noted in its _Catal. of prints, Satires_ (ii., iii., and iv., 1689-1763), there is scarce a single purely American subject. One or two about the confronting of the English and French in the Ohio valley, and incidentally touching English successes in American waters, are the only ones noted in a somewhat careful examination. _Catal. of prints in the Brit. Mus. Satires_, iii. pp. 927, 972, 1100.

[220] Mather was very complacent over this event, and called Shute of a “very easy, candid, gentlemanly temper.” _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 420.

[221] Discussions of the king’s rights to the woods of Maine and New England are in the documents (1718-1726, etc.) collected in Chalmers’s _Opinions of Eminent Lawyers_, i. 110, 115, 118, 136, 138.

[222] Cf. Barry, _Mass._, ii. 109.

[223] But compare a paper by Geo. H. Moore in _Boston Daily Advertiser_, May 12, 1882.

[224] Cotton Mather would have it that the governor was not at fault, when he called him “a person born to make every one easy and happy, that his benign rays can reach unto,” as he said in a letter of Nov. 4, 1758, printed in the _Flying Post_ of May 14-16, 1719. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.)

[225] See _post_, ch. vii., Shute’s letter to “Ralleé,” Feb. 21, 1718, in which he says that if war occurs it will be because of the urging of the popish missionaries. (_Mass. Hist. Col._, v.)

[226] Cf. Edw. Eggleston on “Commerce in the Colonies” in _The Century_, xxviii. 236; also Macy’s _Nantucket_. The practice of taking whales in boats from the shore is said to have been introduced into Nantucket by Ichabod Paddock from Cape Cod. “Nantucket men are the only New England whalers at present,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., 1747, vol. i. p. 59; also p. 296).

[227] J. L. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manuf._ (1861), i. p. 491.

[228] Cf. on parliamentary restrictions of their trade, Edw. Eggleston in _The Century_, vol. xxviii. p. 252, etc. See on industries of the province, Palfrey, iv. 429; Lodge’s _Eng. Colonies_, 410, 411; also the tracts: _Brief account of the state of the Province of Mass. Bay, civil and ecclesiastical_, _by a lover of his country_ (1717), and _Melancholy circumstances of the Province_ (1719). Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 382. Sir Josiah Child in 1677 had expounded for the first time the restrictive system in his _New Discourse of Trade_, which was not, however, published in London till 1694, but was various times reprinted later. He called New England “the most prejudicial plantation to the kingdom of England,” inhabited as it was “by a sort of people called puritans.” Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 328, 330, 332; Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, 208. Otis in his speech on the Writs of Assistance cites Child, as well as Joshua Gee’s _Trade and Navigation of Great Britain Considered_ (London, 1729), which was the first to make evident the policy of making the colonies subserve the public revenue, as they already under the navigation acts bettered the private trade of the mother country. This book was reprinted at London in 1730, 1738, and at Glasgow in 1735, 1760, and in “a new edition, with many interesting notes and additions by a merchant,” in 1767. Cf. John Adams’ _Works_, x. 335, 350; Scott, _Development of Constitutional Liberty_ (1882), 216.

[229] They settled on the left bank of the Merrimac, and gave the name of Londonderry (whence in Ireland they came) to the new town. Cf. Parker’s _Hist. of Londonderry, N. H._; and _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, vi. p. 1.

[230] Cf. Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_, i. 331.

[231] _Record Com. Rept._, viii. 157.

[232] The Boston ministers, Mather, Wadsworth, and Colman, issued a flying sheet in 1719, _A Testimony against Evil Customs_, in which they regretted that ordinations, weddings, trainings, and huskings were made the occasion of unseemly merriment, and that lectures were not more generally attended. (Harv. Coll. lib., 10396.92.) Lodge (_Short Hist. Eng. Colonies_, 463) indicates the change which converted the simple burial of the early colonists to an ostentatious display in the provincial period.

[233] When young men like Franklin were pondering on Collins and Shaftesbury, liberalism was alarming.

[234] April 2, 1720.

[235] Josiah Quincy’s _History of Harvard University_, i. ch. xi.

[236] Cf. Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. ch. xiv.; and monograph vi. by E. E. Beardsley in the same. Sprague’s _Amer. Annals_, v. 50.

[237] Douglass claims that it was he who drew the attention of that “credulous vain creature, Mather, jr.,” to the account of inoculations in the _Philosophical Transactions_, xxxii. 169.

[238] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxviii. 448, 449.

[239] The inoculation controversy produced a crowd of tracts. Cf. Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. pp. 388-393, 395, 420-422, 444, 456, 515,—extending over thirty years; _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,645, etc.; Hutchinson, ii. 248; Barry, ii. 115; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 535. Franklin wrote _Some account of the success of inoculation for the small-pox in England and America_, which was printed in London in 1758 (8 pp.), and is reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xvii. 7.

[240] The most distinguished of the Boston printers was Bartholomew Green, who died in 1733. Cf. Thomas’ _Hist. of Printing_, and ch. vii. and viii. of Bishop’s _Hist. of Amer. Manufactures_ (1861).

[241] Franklin’s paper, however, did much to arouse the ministers to the conception of the fact that there was a force in the public press to direct the public sense, superior to the power of the pulpit, which must perforce be content with a diminishing power.

[242] This was published in London and Boston, 1721 (again Boston, 1721, 1768, and London, 1765). Sabin, v. no. 21,197; Carter-Brown, iii. 300. Tyler (_Am. Lit._, ii. 119) is in error in placing its publication in 1728. The tract has been greatly praised. James Otis referred to it with commendation in his great Writs-of-Assistance speech. John Adams (_Works_, x. 343) calls it “one of our most classical American productions.” Tudor (_Life of Otis_, ch. vi.) thinks that in point of style it vies with any writing before the Revolution. Grahame (iii. 72) says it has a great deal of interesting information and ingenious argument. Bancroft (revised ed., ii. 247) gives it credit for influence, and makes a synopsis.

[243] Sabin, xv. 65,582.

[244] See _post_, ch. vii.

[245] See _post_, ch. vii.

[246] Of John Wentworth (b. 1672), lieut.-gov. of N. H. from 1717 to his death, in 1730, there is a portrait in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet, Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 16; _Proceedings_, i. 124. Blackburn’s portrait of him is engraved in the _Wentworth Genealogy_, which gives a full account of the family, embracing the genealogical material earlier published in the _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1850, p. 321; 1863, p. 65; 1868, p. 120; also, 1878, p. 434.

[247] Cf. Caleb Heathcote’s charges (1719) on this point in _R. I. Col. Rec._, iv. 258; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, April, 1885, p. 270^a.

[248] See Vol. III. p. 379.

[249] Papers relating to the governor’s memorial are noted in _Brit. Mus. MSS._, no. 15,486. _The Report of the Lords of the Committee upon Governor Shute’s Memorial with his Majesty’s Order in Council thereupon_, was printed in Boston in 1725. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.4; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 402.)

[250] It is spread on the Boston Records. Cf. _Rec. Com. Rept._, viii. 178.

[251] See _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. 32.

[252] This document is in the _Mass. State Archives_. It was printed in Boston in 1725 (pp. 8), and has been since included in the several collections of Charters and Laws. The original parchment hangs in the office of the secretary of the commonwealth. Cf. _Report to the Legislature of Massachusetts upon the Condition of the Records, Files, Papers and Documents in the Secretary’s Department, January, 1885_, pp. 15, 16.

[253] Fort Dummer was repaired in 1740. On determining the bounds between Massachusetts and New Hampshire, it was brought within the latter province. (B. H. Hall, _Eastern Vermont_, i. 15, 27; Temple and Sheldon, _Northfield_, 199; Shirley, letter, Nov. 30, 1748, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 106; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vol. v.)

[254] It seems to have been a satisfaction to Cotton Mather, that “the hairy scalp of Father Rallee paid for what hand he had in the rebellion into which he infuriated his proselytes.” Cf. Cotton Mather’s _Waters of Marah Sweetened_ (Boston, 1725), an essay on the death of Capt. Josiah Winslow in a fight with the Indians at Green Island, May 1, 1724.

[255] See post, ch. vii.

[256] It was not till 1773 that a compromise fixed the western line of Massachusetts, and not till 1787 was it finally run.

[257] Cf. Dr. Douglass, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 172.

[258] “The great misery of Cotton Mather was his vanity; and this gangrene, first applying to his literary, then to his social, may ultimately have tainted his moral, reputation, in the judgment of his fellow citizens.” Jas. Savage in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxxii. 129.

[259] Corner of Kilby and State streets, according to present names.

[260] A Poem, _presented to his excellency William Burnet [t], Esq.; on his arrival at Boston_ [Boston, 1728?] 5 pp., is not to be confounded with this poem by Mather Byles.

[261] _Rec. Com. Report_, viii. 226. (Sept. 30, 1728.)

[262] _A Collection of the Proceedings of the Great and General Court or Assembly of His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, containing several instructions from the Crown, to the Council and Assembly of that province, for fixing a salary on the governour, and their determinations thereon, as also the methods taken by the Court for supporting the several Governours, since the arrival of the present charter._ Boston, 1729. (Harv. Col. lib., 10352.6; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 434). Cf. Jeremiah Dummer’s _Letter dated Aug. 10, 1729, on the Assembly fixing the governor’s salary_. (Sabin, v. 21,200; Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 418.) Year after year the effusive arguments on the House’s side are spread upon the town records, in the instructions given to the members from Boston.

[263] Haven in Thomas, ii. 418.

[264] Thomas Foxcroft, however, delivered (Aug. 23, 1730) a century sermon, to commemorate the founding of Boston, which is printed. (Haven’s list in Thomas, ii. p. 421.)

[265] Alexander Blaikie’s _Hist. of Presbyterianism in New England_, Boston, 1881,—a book unskilful in literary form and unwise in spirit. A far better book is Chas. A. Briggs’s _Amer. Presbyterianism, its Origin and Early History_, New York, 1885,—a book showing more research than any of its predecessors. Cf. also Chas. Hodge’s _Constitutional Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ (Phil. 1851); Richard Webster’s _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in America to 1760_ (Phil. 1857); E. H. Gillett, _Hist. of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S._ revised ed. (Phil. 1864), etc.

[266] “Belcher was not a paper money governor,” says Douglass (_Summary_, etc., i. 377); “he was well acquainted in the commercial world.”

[267] Cf. his _Faithful narrative of the surprising work of God in the conversion of many hundred souls, etc. Written on November 6, 1736, with a preface by Dr. Watts_, etc., London, 1737 (two editions); and “with a shorter preface added by some of the ministers of Boston,” third ed., Boston, 1738. (Cf. _Prince Catal._, p. 22; and Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 563, 577, 578.) After the coming of Whitefield, he published _Some thoughts concerning the present revival of Religion_ (Boston, 1742; Edinburgh, 1743; Worcester, 1808),—perhaps the strongest presentation of the revivalists’ side. Cf. Dexter’s _Bibliography_, no. 3092; Quincy’s _Harvard University_, ii.; _Poole’s Index_, p. 393. A Catholic view of the successive New England modifications of faith since Jonathan Edwards is in the _Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev._, x. 95 (1885).

[268] Cf. annexed extract from Popple’s _British Empire in America_. The maps of Herman Moll are the chief ones, immediately antecedent to Popple’s. One of Moll’s, called “New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania,” is in Oldmixon’s _Brit. Empire in America_, 1708. In 1729 he included what he called a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania” in his _New Survey of the Globe_. It singularly enough omits the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers. A somewhat amusing transformation of names is found in a map published by Homann, at Nuremberg, _Nova Anglia Anglorum Coloniis florentissima_. David Humphrey’s _Hist. Acc. of the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_ has also a “Map of New England, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, by H. Moll, geographer,” in which the towns are marked to which missionaries had been sent. It is dated 1730.

Douglass in 1729, referring to maps of New England, wrote, “There is not one extant but what is intolerably and grossly erroneous.” In the same letter Douglass gives some notion of the uncertain cartography of that day. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xxxii. 186.

[269] Chauncy is claimed by the modern Universalists as prefiguring their faith. Cf. Whittemore’s _Modern Hist. of Universalism_; and _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. 488. See the characterization of Chauncy in Tyler’s _Amer. Literature_, ii. 200; and his portrait in _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 226.

[270] _Summary_, etc., i. p. 250.

[271] The expostulatory and polemical literature of the “Great Awakening in New England” is abundantly set forth in Haven’s list appended to the Antiq. Soc. ed. of Thomas’s _History of Printing_, vol. ii., and in the _Collections towards a bibliog. of Congregationalism_, appended by Dr. H. M. Dexter to his _Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, to be found in chronological order in both places between 1736 and 1750; and in the _Prince Catalogue_, p. 65. Thomas Prince supported, and his son published, during the excitement, a periodical called _The Christian History, containing accounts of the revival and propagation of religion in Great Britain, America, etc._ (March 5, 1743, to February 23, 1744-5, in 104 numbers). Cf. Thomas, _Hist. Printing_, Am. Antiq. Soc. ed., ii. 66. A letter of Chas. Chauncy to Mr. George Wishart, concerning the state of religion in New England (1742), is printed in the _Clarendon Hist. Soc. Reprints_, no. 7 (1883). Chauncy’s _Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England_, Boston, 1743, is the main expression of his position in the controversy, followed up by a _Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield_, (Boston, 1743), in vindication of passages in the _Seasonable Thoughts_ which Whitefield had controverted. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 813, for this and other tracts of that year.) Whitefield’s journals were frequently issued (Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 631-34, 669-70), and the most comprehensive of the modern Lives of Whitefield is that by Tyerman (London, 1876). _Poole’s Index_ (p. 1406) gives the clues to the mass of periodical literature on Whitefield. Cf. Tracy’s _Great Awakening_ (1842). In Connecticut the controversy between the New Lights (revivalists) and the Old Lights took on a more virulent form than in Massachusetts. (Cf. Trumbull, Hollister, etc.) About the best of the condensed narratives of the “Great Awakening” is that of Dr. Palfrey in his _Compendious Hist. of New England_, iv. ch. 7 and 8, the latter chapter outlining the course of the commotion in Connecticut.

[272] Cf. Ellis Ames’ paper on the part taken by Massachusetts in this expedition, with extracts from the Council Records. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1881, vol. xviii. p. 364.

“1740, Apr. 17. Orders arrived [in Boston] to declare the warr in form against Spain, and accordingly it was proclaimed with the usual solemnity at Boston the twenty-first.” “Oct. 1740. Five companies, the quota of Massachusetts for the West Indian expedition, sailed.” Paul Dudley’s diary in _N. E. H. & G. Reg._, 1881, pp. 29, 30.

[273] Sabin, xv. 65,585, with a long list of Prince’s other publications.

[274] See. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iii. p. 202; _Amer. Mag._ (1834), i. p. 81.

[275] Cf. sketch of the history of the Navigation Laws in Viscount Bury’s _Exodus of the Western Nations_, ii. ch. 2.

[276] Cf. ch. viii. of W. E. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_ (_Rhode Island Tracts_, no. 19), tracing these restrictions of trade as a proximate cause of the Amer. Revolution, and his references. A petition of the town of Boston in 1735, to the General Court, asking for relief from taxation, sets forth the condition of trade at this time, and gives the following schedule of the cost of maintaining the town’s affairs: For the poor, £2,069; the watch, £1,200; ministry, £8,000; other purposes, £4,630; county tax, £1,682; imposts, £1,400. _Boston Town Records_ (1729-1742), p. 120.

[277] The correspondence between Belcher and Waldron is in the keeping of the N. H. Hist. Soc., and some of it is printed in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 866, etc.

[278] There is a view of the Wentworth house at Newcastle in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 199; and in John Albee’s _Newcastle historic and picturesque, Boston_, 1884, p. 70. For the old “Province House,” see Ibid. p. 36.

[279] _A proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity, by a college to be erected in the Summer islands, otherwise called the isles of Bermuda._ London. 1725. Berkeley published this tract anonymously.

[280] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 94.

[281] Cf. D. C. Gilman on Berkeley’s gifts to Yale College in _New Haven Col. Hist. Soc. Papers_, vol. i. See the house in Mason’s _Newport_, p. 73, and in Kingsley’s _Yale College_, i. p. 60. Cf. also Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_, i. pp. 532, 545

[282] Cf. Moses Coit Tyler’s “Dean Berkeley’s sojourn in America” in Perry’s _Hist. of the Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. 519; A. C. Fraser’s _Works of Berkeley_, with _Life and Letters of Berkeley_, Oxford, 1871, and his subsequent _Berkeley_, 1881. Some letters of Berkeley from Newport, among the Egmont MSS., are printed in _Hist. MSS. Com. Report_, vii. 242. Cf. also D. C. Gilman in _Hours at Home_, i. 115; Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 162; E. E. Beardsley in _Amer. Church Rev._, Oct. 1881; Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii. 266; Noah Porter’s _Two Hundredth Birthday of Bishop Berkeley_ (New York, 1885); Sprague’s _Amer. Pulpit_, v. 63, and references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 114. Douglass poked fun at Berkeley in his own scattering way. _Summary_, i. p. 149.

[283] Cf. Sheffield’s address on _The Privateersmen. of Newport_.

[284] Cf. _Hist. Sketch of the fortification Defences of Narragansett Bay_, by Gen. Geo. W. Cullum (Washington, 1884).

[285] The ministers of Boston in a memorial, Dec. 5, 1737, did what they could to counteract the machinations of Belcher’s enemies. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxii. 272.

[286] John Adams, with something of the warring politician’s onset, says of Shirley that he was a “crafty, busy, ambitious, intriguing, enterprising man; and having mounted to the chair of this province, he saw in a young, growing country vast prospects of ambition opening before his eyes, and conceived great designs of aggrandizing himself, his family, and his friends.” _Novanglus_, in _Works_, iv. 18, 19.

[287] Cf. Elias Nason’s _Life of Sir Henry Frankland_; Dr. O. W. Holmes’ Poem of “Agnes;” _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 526; and the Appendix to the _Boston Evacuation Memorial_.

[288] His portrait in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Gallery is engraved in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 260. There is a steel engraving in the _Mag. of Am. Hist._, Aug., 1882. Cf. _Catal. Cab. Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 77.

[289] New England had under 400,000 population at this time, of whom 200,000 were in Mass., 100,000 in Conn., and Rhode Island and New Hampshire had about 30,000 each.

[290] Lotteries were becoming in Massachusetts a favorite method of raising money in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Cf. H. B. Staples on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 9; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, iv. 503.

[291] A Boston fisherman, who had seen the burning fort at Canseau, gave the colonies notice of the outbreak of the war. Shirley at once sent a message to Gov. Mascarene at Annapolis to hold out till he could be reinforced. The messenger being captured, the French vessels had time to escape before Capt. Edward Tyng, who left Boston July 2d with a force, could arrive. He reached Annapolis July 4, to find Le Loutre and his Indians besieging the town. The enemy withdrew; Tyng threw men into the fort, and by the 13th was back in Boston. Capt. John Rouse, the Boston privateersman, had also been sent off during the summer, and had made havoc among the French fishing stations on the Newfoundland shore.

[292] See _post_, ch. vii.

[293] _R. I. Col. Record_, v. 100, 102.

[294] Shirley despatched expresses the next day. His letter to Wanton, of Rhode Island, urged him to store up powder. A few weeks later, Phips, the lieutenant-governor, writes to the governor of Rhode Island, Aug. 14, 1745: “This province is exhausted of men, provisions, clothing, ammunition, and other things necessary for the support of the garrison at Louisbourg. If his Majesty’s other provinces and colonies will not do something more than they have done for the maintaining of this conquest, we apprehend great danger that the place will fall into the enemy’s hands again.” _R. I. Col. Records_, v. p. 142.

[295] Cf. _A brief state of the services and expences of the Province of Massachusetts Bay in the common cause._ London, 1765. (Carter-Brown, iii. 1467.)

[296] Christopher Kilby, the agent of the province, had, July 1, 1746, memorialized the home government to send succor to the colonies, in case a French fleet was sent against them. _Pepperrell Papers_, ed. by A. H. Hoyt (Boston, 1874), p. 5. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 119. Kilby was the province’s agent from Feb. 20, 1744, to Nov. 1748. Cf. _Mass. Archives_, xx. 356, 409, 469. The relations of the province with its agents are set forth in vols. xx.-xxii. of the _Archives_. Cf. the chapter on the Royal Governors, by Geo. E. Ellis, in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. The apprehension was strong in England that D’Anville would succeed in recovering Acadia and establish himself at Chebuctou, “which it is evident they design by their preparations.” _Bedford Corresp._, i. 156.

[297] The Duke of Bedford, who was the chief English patron of the expedition of 1746, recognized how great the exhaustion of the colonies had been in doing their part to bring the movement about. _Bedford Corresp._, i. 182.

[298] War was burdensome; but it had some relief. A Boston ship belonging to Josiah Quincy had, by exposing hats and coats on handspikes above her rail, allured a heavier Spanish ship into a surrender; and when the lucky deceiver brought her prize into Boston, the boxes of gold and silver which were carted through the streets required an armed guard for their protection. Other profits were less creditable. Governor Cornwallis writes from Halifax (November 27, 1750) to the Lords of Trade: “Some gentlemen of Boston who have long served the government, [and] because they have not the supplying of everything, have done all the mischief they could. Their substance, which they have got from the public, enables them to distress and domineer. Without them they say we can’t do, and so must comply with what terms they think proper to impose. These are Messrs. Apthorp and Hancock, the two richest merchants in Boston,—made so by the public money, and now wanton in their insolent demands.” Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nova Scotia_, 630. Thomas Hancock’s letter book (April, 1745-June, 1750), embracing many letters to Kilby, in London, is now in the Mass. Hist. Society’s Cabinet. It is a sufficient exposure of the mercenary spirit affecting the operations of these contractors of supplies.

[299] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 264; Bishop, _Amer. Manuf._, i. 486-7.

[300] Douglass (_Summary_, i. 552-3) enumerates the frontier forts and cantonments maintained against the French and the Indians, to the west and to the east.

[301] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1870.

[302] Shirley was commissioned in 1754, as was Pepperrell also, to raise a regiment in America for the regular service. His instructions are in the _Penna. Archives_, ii. 178. Cf. Sir Thomas Robinson’s letter about enlistments in Shirley’s regiment, in _New Jersey Archives_, viii. Part 2d, p. 17.

[303] Cf. various pamphlets on the state of Conn. at this time, noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. p. 524-5.

[304] What seem to be the best figures to be reached regarding the population of the English colonies at the opening of the war would place the total at something over a million. This sum is reached thus: In 1749 Maryland had 100,000. In 1752, Georgia had 3,000, and South Carolina 25,000. In 1754, Nova Scotia had 4,000. In 1755, North Carolina had 50,000; Virginia, 125,000; New Jersey, 75,000; New Hampshire, 75,000. Estimates must be made for the others: Pennsylvania, 220,000 (including 100,000 German and other foreign immigrants); Connecticut, 100,000; Rhode Island, 30,000; New York, 55,000, and Massachusetts, 200,000. This foots up 1,062,000.

[305] Quite in keeping with the fervor of the hour was a pamphlet which the last London ship had brought, _A scheme to drive the French out of all the Continent of America_ [by T. C.], which Fowle, the Boston printer, immediately reissued. (Harv. Coll. lib., 4376.31.)

[306] For his military conduct during the following campaign, the reader must turn to chapters vii. and viii.

[307] While they were watching at Boston every tidings of the war from the east and from the west, the gossips were weaving about the trial of Phillis and Mark for the poisoning of their master all the suspicions which unsettle the sense of social security; and when in September the common law of England asserted its dominance, the man was hanged, while the woman was burned, the last instance in our criminal history of this dread penalty for petit treason was recorded. Cf. A. C. Goodell, Jr., in _Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc._ (March, 1883), and in a separate enlarged issue of the same paper. It is well not to forget that while in old England at this time there were 160 capital offences, there were less than one tenth as many in Massachusetts. These are enumerated by H. B. Staples in his paper on the _Province Laws_ (1884), p. 10.

[308] _A lecture on earthquakes; read in Cambridge, November 26th, 1755, on occasion of the earthquake which shook New-England the week before._ Boston, 1755. 38 pp. 8^o. Haven’s Ante-Revolutionary bibliography in Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_ (Amer. Antiq. Soc. ed.), ii. pp. 524-532, 549, shows numerous publications occasioned by this earthquake. Cf. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 640.

[309] It is not unlikely that enlistments were impeded by a breach of faith with the New England troops, for they had been detained at the eastward beyond their term of enlistment. Shirley remonstrated about it to Gov. Lawrence, of Nova Scotia. Cf. Akins’ _Pub. Doc. of Nov. Scotia_, 421, 428. Gov. Livingston in 1756 wrote: “The New England colonies take the lead in all military matters.... In these governments lies the main strength of the British interests upon this continent.”

[310] For a portrait of Pownall see _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, ii. 63. Cf. _Catal. Cabinet Mass. Hist. Soc._, no. 6. Pownall’s private letter book, covering his correspondence during the war, was in a sale at Bangs’s in New York, February, 1854 (no. 1342).

[311] He took the oath June 16. His commission is printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1867, p. 208.

[312] Parsons’ _Sir William Pepperrell_, p. 307.

[313] H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, p. 429; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. p. 467; J. G. Shea in _Am. Cath. Quart. Rev._, viii. 144.

[314] “I am here,” writes Pownall, September 6, 1757, “at the head of what is called a rich, flourishing, powerful, enterprising colony,—’t is all puff, ’t is all false; they are ruined and undone in their circumstances.” (_Pownall’s Letter Book._) _A brief State of the Services and Expences of the Province of the Massachusett’s Bay in the Common Cause_, London, 1765, sets forth the charges upon the province during the wars since 1690. Cf. Parkman, _Montcalm and Wolfe_, ii. 84; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 53; _Collections_, vi. 44, 47. Walsh in his _Appeal_ (p. 131) says that it was asserted in the House of Commons in 1778 that 10,000 of the seamen in the British navy in 1756 were of American birth. “From the year 1754 to 1762, there were raised by Massachusetts, 35,000 men; and for three years successively 7,000 men each year.... An army of seven thousand, compared with the population of Massachusetts in the middle of the last century, is considerably greater than an army of one million for France in the time of Napoleon.” Edw. Everett on “The Seven Years’ War the School of the Revolution,” in his _Orations_, i. p. 392.

[315] See _post_, ch. vii.

[316] _Grenville Corresp._, i. 305.

[317] The establishment of Fort Pownall effectually overawed the neighboring Indians. Cf. W. D. Williamson’s _Notice of Orono_ in Mass. Hist. Coll., xxix. 87.

[318] Cf. _post_, ch. viii.

[319] “Pownall thought there ought to be a good understanding between the capital and country, and a harmony between both and the government.... Pownall was the most constitutional and national governor, in my opinion, who ever represented the Crown in this province.” _John Adams’ Works_, x. 242, 243.

[320] Whitehead’s _Perth Amboy_.

[321] It was through his suggestion that Harvard College published in 1761 a collection of Greek, Latin, and English verses, commemorating George II. and congratulating George III., called _Pietas et Gratulatio_. Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 431, and references.

[322] Vol. III. p. 345. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 79. Typographical errors in the book are very numerous, as Mather did not have a chance to correct the type. A page of “errata” was printed, but is found in few copies. Some copies have been completed by a fac-simile of the page, which Mr. Charles Deane has caused to be made. Some copies of the book exist on large paper. (_Hist. Mag._, ii. 123; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 37.) The Hartford ed. of 1820 was printed from a copy without this list of errata, and so preserves the original crop of errors. So did the edition of 1853; but the sheets of this, with a memoir by S. G. Drake added, were furnished with a new title in 1855, in which it is professed that the errors have been corrected; but the profession is said not to be true. (_Hist. Mag._, i. 29.) An exceptionally fine copy of the original edition, well bound, will bring $40 to $50. Holmes (_Amer. Annals_, 2d ed., i. 544) says of the _Magnalia_ that its “author believed more and discriminated less than becomes a writer of history.”

[323] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 200.

[324] Preface to Neal’s _History_, p. vii.

[325] Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, for editions (iii. 151).

[326] See Vol. III. p. 345.

[327] _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 32.

[328] _Sermon on Mather’s Death._

[329] Out of this book was published in London, in 1744, _An abridgment of the life of the late Reverend and learned Dr. Cotton Mather, taken from the account of him published by his son, by David Jennings_. _Recommended by I. Watts, D. D._

[330] Grahame (i. 425), taking his cue from Quincy, says of Cotton Mather that “a strong and acute understanding, though united with real piety, was sometimes corrupted by a deep vein of passionate vanity and absurdity.”

[331] In Sparks’s _Amer. Biog._, vol. vi.

[332] Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 158, gives a list of authorities on Mather, which may be supplemented by the references in Poole’s _Index to Periodical Literature_. Sibley’s count of his printed and manuscript productions (456 in all) is the completest yet made. Samuel Mather gives 382 titles as the true number of his distinct printed books and tracts.

[333] It is usually priced at figures ranging from $7.00 to $10.00.

[334] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 201.

[335] Douglass, with his usual swagger, points out (_Summary_, etc., i. 362-3) various errors of Neal.

[336] Harvard Col. lib., no. 6372.12.

[337] Carter-Brown, iii. 899; Sabin, v. 20,726. Cf. present _History_, Vol. III. p. 346.

[338] The suppression, however, was incomplete. The numbers already out could not be recalled, and it is these bound up which constitute volume i. in many copies of the book, and the preface in which the suppression is promised is often bound with them. Rich (_Catal._, 1832, p. 94) had seen none of the proper independent issues of vol. i., in which the suppression was made, and in these copies, sig. Ff. (pp. 233-40) is reset, as well as other parts of the volume, though not all of it. A note in vol. i. (pp. 254-5), not bearing gently on Knowles, was suffered to stand.

[339] Sabin (vol. v. 20,726) says that some copies of vol. ii., which have an appendix from Salmon’s _Geog. and Hist. Grammar_, are dated 1753. The Sparks (no. 780) and Murphy (no. 814) catalogues note Boston editions in 1755. In the last year (1755) and in 1760 the book was reprinted in London, with a map; but Rich and the Carter-Brown catalogue seem to err in saying that the 1760 edition was one with a new title merely. Sabin (vol. v. 20,727-28) says the edition of 1760 has a few alterations and corrections.

[340] Douglass loftily says (i. p. 310), in defence of his digressions: “This Pindarick or loose way of writing ought not to be confined to lyric poetry; it seems to be more agreeable by its variety and turns than a rigid, dry, connected account of things.”

[341] _Mass. Bay_, ii. 78. Cf. Grahame, ii. 167. Douglass himself says with amusing confidence (_Summary_, etc., i. 356): “I have no personal disregard or malice, and do write of the present times, as if these things had been transacted 100 years since.”

[342] Vol. ii. pp. 151-157.

[343] Cf. Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 184.

[344] _Summary_, etc., i. 362.

[345] See Vol. III. p. 377.

[346] Cf. Alvah Hovey’s _Life and Times of Isaac Backus_, 1858, p. 281; and Sprague’s _Annals of the Amer. Pulpit_. It was while mainly depending on the _Magnalia_ and Backus that H. F. Uhden wrote his _Geschichte der Congregationalisten in Neu England bis 1740_, of which there is an English version by H. C. Conant, _New England Theocracy_, Boston, 1858.

[347] An eminent Catholic authority, John G. Shea, in the _Amer. Cath. Q. Rev._, ix. (1884) p. 70, on “Puritanism in New England,” has said: “New England has framed not only her own history, but to a great extent the whole history of this country as it is generally read and popularly understood.... Schools made New Englanders a reading and writing people, and no subject was more palatable than themselves.... The consequence is that the works on New England history exceed those of all other parts of the country.... The general histories of the United States, like those of Bancroft and Hildreth, are written from the New England point of view, and Palfrey embodies in an especial manner the whole genius and development of their distinctive autonomy, with all the extenuating circumstances, the deprecating apologies, the clever and artistic arrangement in the background, of all that might offend the present taste.”

[348] See Vol. III. p. 344. Cf. also Chas. Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s historical publications_ (privately printed, 1857, as well as in the _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1857, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._) and Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xi. p. 22. Cf. Bancroft, _United States_, orig. ed., v. 228.

[349] Vol. III. p. 344. There is a rather striking portrait of Judge Minot (b. 1758; d. 1802), which is reproduced in heliotype in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. p. 42.

[350] Vol. III. p. 364. The MS. of Williamson’s _History_ is in Harvard College library. Mr. John S. C. Abbott published a popular _History of Maine_ at Boston in 1875.

[351] Cf. Vol. III. p. 376.

[352] Vol. III. p. 368. There are two portraits of Belknap by Henry Sargent in the gallery of the Mass. Hist. Soc. (cf. _Catal. Cab. M. H. Soc._, nos. 34, 35, with engravings, p. 37), and the introduction to the first volume of the _Proceedings_ of that society gives his portrait and tells the story of his chief influence in forming that society. Cf. also the index to _Belknap Papers_, 2 vols., published by that society in 1877, and reissued with an app. in 1882; and the _Life of Jeremy Belknap, with selections from his correspondence and other writings, collected and arranged by his granddaughter_ [Mrs. Marcou], N. Y., 1847.

[353] Cf. the Belknap-Hazard correspondence in the _Belknap Papers_, published by the Mass. Hist. Soc., in _Collections_, vol. xlii.; and _N. H. Hist. Coll._, vol. i.

[354] Sabin, ii. 4,434.

[355] Sabin, ii. 4,435-36.

[356] Sabin, ii. 4,437.

[357] Cf. John Le Bosquet’s _Memorial of John Farmer_, Boston, 1884.

[358] See Vol. III. p. 343.

[359] _Hist. New Eng._, iv. p. xi.

[360] Vol. IV. p. 366.

[361] _Report_, etc., p. 17; Moore, _Final notes_, etc., p. 114; Ellis Ames in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 366.

[362] Hutchinson, ii. 213.

[363] _Report of Commissioners on the records, files_, etc., 1885, p. 21.

[364] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 34.

[365] _Report_, etc., ut supra, on “General Court Records,” p. 17.

[366] _Report_, etc., p. 24. Beside the “Mather Papers,” which refer to the colonial period, the _Prince Catalogue_ shows the “Cotton and Prince Papers” (p. 153) and the “Hinckley Papers” (p. 154), which extend beyond the colonial into the provincial period. Gov. Belcher’s letter-books are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Vol. i. begins with Sept., 1731, and his connection with Boston ceases in vol. v., where also his letters from New Jersey begin and are continued to Dec., 1755. (Cf. _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 60.) Dr. Belknap (_Papers_, ii. 169) speaks of them as having been sold “at Russell’s vendue for waste paper; some of them were torn up.” Various letters of Belcher are printed in the _N. H. Provincial Papers_, iv. 866-880. The list of MSS. in the cabinet of the Mass. Historical Society (_Proc._, x., April, 1868) gives various ones of interest in the study of the last century in New England history.

[367] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1849, p. 167. Cf. references in Poole’s _Index_, p. 292.

[368] Vol. III. p. 367. Of this series, vols. ii. (1686-1691), iii. (1692-1722), iv. (1722-1737), v. (1738-1749), vi. (1749-1763), concern the provincial period. Vols. ix., x., xi., xii., xiii., give the local documents pertaining to the towns.

[369] _Proc._, x. 160, 324.

[370] _Final notes_, etc., p. 120.

[371] The first and second editions are extremely rare. (Brinley, i. 818, 1392.) A third edition was printed in London, coming down to 1719, for the Lords of Trade, the charter being dated 1721 and the laws 1724. Other editions were printed in Boston in Jan., 1726-27 (Brinley, i. 1,394); 1742 (Ibid. i. 1,398); 1755 (Temporary Laws); 1759-61 (Perpetual Laws); 1763 (Temporary Laws). These had supplements in needful cases as the years went on. Such of the Province Laws as remained in force after the province became a State were printed as an appendix to the State Laws in 1801, 1807, 1814. (Ames and Goodell’s edition, preface.)

[372] A summary of the work done by the Commissioner on the Province Laws is set forth in D. T. V. Huntoon’s _Province Laws, their value and the progress of the new edition_, Boston, 1885 (pp. 24), which also contains a history of the various editions. From this tract it appears that Massachusetts, for what printing of her early records she has so far done, for historical uses solely, has expended as follows:—

_Mass. Colony Records_, five vols. $41,834.44 _Plymouth Colony Records_, twelve vols. 47,117.66 _Provincial Laws_, five vols. (to date) 77,505.75 ——————————— $166,457.85

A synopsis of the contents of these volumes of the Province Laws is contained in H. B. Staples’ _Province Laws of Massachusetts_, in _Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Apr., 1884, and separately.

[373] _An address on the life and character of Chief-Justice Samuel Sewall, Oct. 26, 1884. Boston, printed for the author, 1885._ It also appeared in the volume which the occasion prompted, when its early ministers, with Samuel Adams and other worthies of its membership, were commemorated.

[374] _Proceedings_, x. 316, 411; xi. 5, 33, 43.

[375] Vols. xlv., xlvi., and xlvii. (1878, 1879, 1882). They are richly annotated with notes under the supervision of Dr. Ellis, as chairman of the committee of publication, who was assisted by Professor H. W. Torrey and Mr. Wm. H. Whitmore, the latter being responsible for the topographical and genealogical notes, of which there is great store. Dr. Ellis communicated to the society in 1873 (_Proc._, xii. 358) various extracts from the letter-book, which accompanied the diary when it was transferred to the society; but these with other letters and papers will be included in a fourth and fifth volume of the _Sewall Papers_, now in press.

[376] Probably no personal record of the provincial period of New England history has excited so much interest as the publication of Sewall’s diary. The judgments on it have been kindly, with few exceptions. Cf. D. A. Goddard, _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 417; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. 345, 364; H. C. Lodge, _Short Hist. of the Eng. Colonies_, 426; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, ii. 641; Poole, _Index to Period. lit._, p. 1181. Tyler (_Hist. Amer. lit._, ii. 99) gives a generous estimate of Sewall’s character, written before the publication of his diary. Palfrey in his vol. iv. made use of the diary after it came into the society’s library. (_Proc._, xviii. 378.)

There are genealogical records of the Sewalls in _Family Memorials, a series of genealogical and biographical monographs on the families of Salisbury, Aldworth-Elbridge, Sewall, etc. ... by Edward Elbridge Salisbury, privately printed_, 1885, two folio volumes. Cf. also volume i. of _Sewall Papers_.

[377] _Address_, etc., p. 5.

[378] _Address_, etc., p. 5.

[379] Cf. W. B. O. Peabody on Cotton Mather’s diary in the _Knickerbocker Mag._, viii. 196. With the exception of a year’s record preserved in the Congregational library in Boston, what remains of the diary of Cotton Mather is now in the libraries of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and of the Mass. Hist. Soc.,—as follows (A. meaning the Am. Antiq. Soc.; M., the Mass. Hist. Soc.; C., the Cong. lib.):—

1681, 83, 85, 86, M.; 1692, A.; 1693, M.; 1696, A.; 1697, 98, M.; 1699, A.; 1700, 1, 2, M.; 1703, A.; 1705, 6, M.; 1709, 11, 13, A.; 1715, 16, C.; 1717, A.; 1718, 21, 24, M. Cf. Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 42; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. p. xviii.; ii. p. 301.

[380] Parts of it are printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1861.

[381] _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, 1870.

[382] Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 386; _Historical Magazine_, iii. 342.

[383] Reprinted in _N. H. Hist. Coll._, iii. He was in Boston in 1709, 1717, and 1720. Drake’s _Boston_, p. 537. The date of Uring’s book is sometimes 1726.

[384] There was a later edition in 1798 (much enlarged). Tuckerman’s _America and her Commentators_, p. 175.

[385] Quincy (_Harv. Univ._) calls Turell’s _Life of Benj. Colman_ “the best biography of any native of Massachusetts written during its provincial state.” Letters to and from Rev. Benj. Colman are preserved among the MSS. of the Mass. Hist. Society. _Proc._, x. 160-162.

[386] A cursory glance is given in H. W. Frost’s “How they lived before the Revolution” in _The Galaxy_, xviii. 200.

[387] Judd’s _Hadley_; Ward’s _Shrewsbury_, etc.

[388] Particularly vol. ii. ch. 16, “Life in Boston in the Provincial Period.” In the same work other aspects of social and intellectual life are studied in Dr. Mackenzie’s chapter on the religious life (in vol. ii,), in Mr. D. A. Goddard’s on the literary life (in vol. ii.), and in Mr. Geo. S. Hale’s on the philanthrophic tendency (in vol. iv.). Incidental glimpses of the ways of living are presented in several of Mr. Samuel A. Drake’s books, like _The Old Landmarks of Boston_, _Old Landmarks of Middlesex_, and _Nooks and Corners of the New England Coast_. The coast life is depicted in such local histories as Babson’s _Gloucester_, and Freeman’s _Cape Cod_. The colonial house and household, beside being largely illustrated in the papers of Dr. Eggleston already mentioned, are discussed in Mr. C. A. Cummings’ chapter on “Architecture,” and Mr. E. L. Bynner’s chapter on “Landmarks” in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_. Cf. also Lodge, pp. 446, 458; and “Old Colonial houses _versus_ old English houses,” by R. Jackson, in _Amer. Architect_, xvii. 3. Copley’s pictures and the description of them in A. T. Perkins’s _Life and Works of John Singleton Copley_ (privately printed, 1873), with such surveys as are given in the Eggleston papers in _The Century_, present to us the outer appearance of the governing classes of that day.

For the other New England colonies, the local histories are still the main dependence, and principal among them are Hollister’s _Hist. of Connecticut_, Brewster’s _Rambles about Portsmouth_, and Staple’s _Town of Providence_.

[389] _United States_, ii. 401.

[390] For the town system of New England and its working, compare references in Lodge (p. 414), _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 454, and W. E. Foster’s _Reference lists_, July, 1882: to which may be added Herbert B. Adams’s _Germanic Origin of the New England Towns_ (1882), and Edward Channing’s _Town and County government in the English colonies of North America_ (1884),—both published in the “Johns Hopkins University studies;” Judge P. E. Aldrich in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1884; “Town Meeting,” by John Fiske, in _Harper’s Magazine_, Jan., 1885 (also in his _American Political Ideas_, N. Y., 1885); Scott’s _Development of Constitutional Liberty_, p. 174; Fisher’s _American Political Ideas_, ch. i. (1885).

For the characteristics of its religious congregations the reader may consult Felt’s _Ecclesiastical History of New England_; the “Ecclesiastical Hist. of Mass. and Plymouth Colonies,” in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vols. vii., viii., ix., etc.; Lodge’s _English Colonies_ (pp. 423-434); the chapters by Dr. Mackenzie in vol. ii., and those on the various denominations in vol. iii., of the _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, with their references; William Stevens Perry’s _Hist. of the American Episcopal Church_ (2 vols. 1885); H. W. Foote’s _King’s Chapel_ (Boston); M. C. Tyler’s _Hist. of American Literature_; H. M. Dexter’s _Congregationalism as seen in its literature_ (particularly helpful is its appended bibliography); Dr. W. B. Sprague’s _Annals of the American Pulpit_; with the notices of such as were ministers in Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_; the lives of preachers like Jonathan Edwards; and among the general histories of New England, particularly that of Backus.

One encounters in studying the ecclesiastical history of New England frequent references to organizations for propagating the gospel, and their similarity of names confuses the reader’s mind. They can, however, be kept distinct, as follows:—

I. “Corporation for promoting and propagating the gospel among the Indians of New England.” Incorporated July 27, 1649. Dissolved 1661. There is a history of it by Scull in the _New Eng. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, xxxvi. 157. What are known as the “Eliot tracts” were its publications. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 355.)

II. “Corporation for the propagation of the gospel in New England and parts adjacent in America.” Incorporated April 7, 1662. It still exists. The history of it is given by W. M. Venning in the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._, 2d ser., ii. 293. Its work in New England was broken up by the American Revolution, but it later (1786) began anew its labors in New Brunswick. Cf. also Henry William Busk’s _Sketch of the Origin and the Recent History of the New England Company_, London, 1884.

III. “Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts.” Chartered June 16, 1701. _Historical Account_ by Humphreys, London, 1730. The printed annual reports present a reflex of the religious and even secular society of the colonies in the eighteenth century. The _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,334, shows an unusual set from 1701 to 1800. The set in the Carter-Brown library is complete for these years.

IV. “Society for propagating the gospel among the Indians and others in North America.” Incorporated by Massachusetts in 1787.

[391] Separately as _Remarks on the early paper Currency of Mass._, with photographs of Mass. bills. Cambridge, 1866.

[392] Brinley, i. no. 857.

[393] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 333; Brinley, i. no. 726.

[394] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1866, p. 88; Palfrey, iv. 333, with references; _Province Laws_ (Ames and Goodell), i. 700; _Sewall Papers_, ii. 366.

[395] Cf. Henry Bronson’s “Hist. Acc. of Connecticut Currency” in the _N. Haven Hist. Soc. Papers_, i. p. 171.

[396] What has been called “the first gun fired in the Land-bank war of 1714-1721” was a reprint in Boston, in 1714, of a tract which was originally published in London in 1688, called _A Model for erecting a Bank of Credit. Adapted especially for his majesties Plantations in America._ (_Prince Catal._, p. 45.) The Boston preface, dated Feb. 26, 1713-14, says that “a scheme of a bank of credit, founded upon a land security, ... will be humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly at their next session.” (Sabin, no. 49,795; Brinley, i. no. 1,430.)

[397] Sabin, ii. no. 6,710; _Prince Catal._, p. 51. But see Ibid., under “Bank of Credit,” p. 4, for other titles.

[398] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1884, p. 226.

[399] Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 207, 208.

[400] Brinley, i. no. 1,431.

[401] Sabin, ii. no. 6,711.

[402] Cf. Haven in Thomas, ii. pp. 370-392; Brinley, i. pp. 188-191; Carter-Brown, iii. nos. 184, 185, 302.

[403] _First Essays at Banking in New England._

[404] This tract (Brinley, i. no. 1,434; Sabin, iv. 14,536) was the work of John Colman, who followed it later in the same year with _The distressed state of the town of Boston once more considered_, etc. (Brinley, no. 1,439; Sabin, iv. no. 14,537), which was induced by an answer to his first tract, called _A letter from one in the Country to his friend in Boston_, 1720 (Brinley, i. no. 1,435, and nos. 1,436-37 for the sequel; also Sabin, iv. 14,538). There were further attacks on the council in _News from Robinson Crusoe’s island_, with attendant criminations (Brinley, i. nos. 1,440-42).

[405] Fac-similes in _The Century_, xxviii. 248; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. p. 132.

[406] In a tract, _Money the Sinews of Trade_, Boston, 1731 (Brinley, i. no. 1,447), there is a wail over the disastrous effect of Rhode Island bills in Massachusetts. Rhode Island, in 1733, issued a large amount of paper money for circulation, chiefly in Massachusetts; and the elder colony suffered from the infliction in spite of all she could do. There is in the _Connecticut Col. Records_, 1726-35, p. 421, a fac-simile of a three-shilling bill of the “New London Society united for trade and commerce in New England.”

[407] _Trade and Commerce inculcated ... with some proposals for the bringing gold and silver into the country._ Boston, 1731. (Brinley, i. no. 1,448.)

[408] Bennett, an English traveller, who was in New England at this time, gives an account of the currency in vogue, and he says that the merchants informed him that “the balance of trade with England is so much against them that they cannot keep any money [coin] amongst them.” _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1860-62, pp. 123-24.

[409] Cf. description of the notes of the “Silver Scheme” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, pp. 263-64.

[410] P. O. Hutchinson’s _Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 51. _A Dissertation on the Currencies of the British plantations in North America, and Observations on a paper currency_ (Boston, 1740), is ascribed to Hutchinson.

[411] _An Account of the Rise, Progress, and Consequences of the two late Schemes commonly call’d the Land-bank or Manufactory Scheme and the Silver Scheme in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, wherein the Conduct of the late and present G——r during their Ad——ns is occasionally consider’d and compar’d. In a letter [Apr. 9, 1744] from a gentleman in Boston to his friend in London._ 1744. The reader of the life of Sam. Adams remembers how the closing days of his father’s life and the early years of his own were harassed by prosecutions on account of the father’s personal responsibility as a director of the Land-bank Company. (Cf. Wells’ _Life of Sam. Adams_, vol. i. pp. 9, 26; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 262.) The names of the “undertakers” of the Land-bank are given in Drake’s _Boston_, p. 613.

[412] _Historical MSS. Commission’s Report_, v. 229.

[413] Sabin, v. no. 20,725; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 589; _Boston Pub. Lib. Bull._, 1884, p. 138.

[414] Sabin, v. 20,723.

[415] It was reprinted in Boston in 1740; again in London, 1751, with a postscript; and once more, London, 1757. Sabin, v. no. 20,721; Carter-Brown, iii. 608, 660; Brinley, i. no. 1,450; Harvard Col. lib’y, 10352.3. Douglass reiterated his views with not a little feeling in various notes, sometimes uncalled for, through his _Summary_, etc., in 1747. Two rejoinders to Douglass’s views appeared, entitled as follows: _An inquiry into the nature and uses of money, more especially of the bills of public credit, old tenor.... To which is added a Reply to a former Essay on Silver and Paper Currencies_. _As also a Postscript containing remarks on a late Discourse concerning the Currencies_, Boston, 1740. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 659; Boston Pub. Liby. H. 94.53; Brinley, i. 1,451.) _Observations occasioned by reading a pamphlet intituled, A discourse concerning the currencies, etc._, London, 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,453.)

Other tracts in the controversy were these: _A letter to —— ——, a merchant in London concerning a late combination in the Province of Massachusetts Bay to impose or force a private currency called Land-bank money_. [Boston] 1741. (Brinley, i. no. 1,454.) _A letter to a merchant in London to whom is directed the printed letter_ [as above] _dated Feb. 21, 1740_. [Boston] 1741. (_Boston Pub. Liby. Bull._, 1884, p. 138.) These and other titles can be found in Haven’s Bibliography in Thomas, ii. pp. 444-508; in Carter-Catal., Brown, vol. iii.; in the _Prince Catalogue_, under “Land-bank” and “Letter,” pp. 34, 35; in the _Brinley_ i. pp. 191-192. The general histories like Bancroft (last revision, ii. 263), Hildreth (ii. 380), Palfrey (iv. 547), Williamson (ii. 203), Barry (ii. 132), take but a broad view of the subject. Hutchinson (ii. 352) is an authoritative guide, and W. G. Sumner in his _Hist. of Amer. Currency_, and J. J. Knox in _U. S. Notes_ (1884), have summarized the matter. Cf. a paper on the Land-bank and Silver Scheme read before the Amer. Statistical Association in 1874 by E. H. Derby; and one by Francis Brinley in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 4, 1856. There is a fac-simile of a Mass. three-shillings bill of 1741 and a sixpence of 1744 in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. pp. 131, 134.

[416] In 1749 Douglass said (_Summary_, i. 535), “The parties in Massachusetts Bay at present are not the Loyal and Jacobite, the Governor and Country, Whig and Tory, but the debtors and creditors. The debtor side has had the ascendant ever since 1741, to the almost utter ruin of the country.”

[417] P. O. Hutchinson (_Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson_, p. 53) gives a table of depreciation which the governor made:—

_Rates of Silver in_

1714 8½ 1715 9⅙ 1716-17 12 1721 13 1722 14 1724-25 16 1725-26 15½ 1730 18 1731 19 1733 21 1734 25 1737 26½ 1738 27 1739 28½ 1744 30 1745 36 1746 36, 38, 40, 41 1747 50, 55, 60

Felt (p. 83) begins his table in 1710-1711, at 8; for 1712-13 he gives 8-1/2; and (p. 135) he puts the value in 1746-48 at 37, 38, 40; and in 1749-52 at 60. Cf. table in Judd’s _Hadley_, ch. xxvii.

[418] Admiral Warren was authorized to receive the money. _Mass. Archives_, xx. 500, 508.

[419] See a humorous contemporary ballad on the Death of Old Tenor, in 1750, reprinted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. p. 30. It is ascribed to Joseph Green in the _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,459. Cf. _Some observations relating to the present circumstances of the Province of the Mass. Bay; humbly offered to the consideration of the General Assembly_, Boston, 1750. (Carter-Brown, iii. no. 934; Brinley, i. no. 1,457.) Hutchinson’s plan was opposed in _A Word in Season to all true lovers of their liberty and their country, by Mylo Freeman_, Boston, 1748. (Brinley, i. no. 1,456.) Cf. Minot’s _Massachusetts_, i. ch. v.

[420] Judge H. B. Staples in his _Province Laws of Mass._, Worcester, 1884 (p. 13, etc.), gives a synopsis of Massachusetts legislation on the subject of paper money during the whole period; but Ames and Goodell’s ed. of the _Laws_ is the prime source.

[421] Stephen Hopkins was the chairman of the committee reporting to the assembly on the paper-money question, Feb. 27, 1749 (_R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 283, and _R. I. Hist. tracts_, viii. 182; and June 17, 1751, _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 130).

[422] Brinley, i. 1,493; ii. 2,655.

[423] Harv. Col. Lib., no. 16352.7; Brinley, ii. 2,656.

[424] Thomas, _Hist. of Printing_, i. 129; Minot, i. 208; Drake’s _Boston_, p. 635; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, ii. 404.

[425] Nos. 1,494-95.

[426] Brinley, nos. 1,497-98; Hunnewell’s _Bibliog. of Charlestown_, p. 9. Various other pamphlets on the Excise Bill are noted by Haven (in Thomas), ii. pp. 520-21.

[427] The act is printed and a description of the stamps is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, July, 1860, p. 267. One of the stamps shows a schooner, another a cod-fish, and a third a pine-tree,—all proper emblems of Massachusetts. The vessel with a schooner rig was a Massachusetts invention, being devised at Gloucester in 1714, and the story goes that her name came from some one exclaiming, “How she schoons!” as she was launched from the ways. Cf. Babson’s _Gloucester,_ p. 251; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Nov., 1884, p. 474, and (by Admiral Preble), Feb., 1885, p. 207; and _United Service_ (also by Preble), Jan., 1884, p. 101. The earliest mention of the fish as an emblem I find in Parkman’s statement (_Frontenac_, p. 199, referring to Colden’s _Five Nations_) that one was sent to the Iroquois in 1690 as a token of alliance. A figure of a cod now hangs in the chamber of the Mass. House of Representatives, and the legislative records first note it in 1784, but lead one to infer that it had been used earlier. Cf. _Essex Inst. Hist. Coll._, Sept., 1866; _Hist. Mag._, x. 197. The pine-tree appeared on the coined shilling piece in 1652, which is known by its name. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, i. 225, iii. 197, 317; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 293; _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 354, with references; _Amer. Jour. of Numismatics_; _Coin Collector’s Journal_, etc.

[428] Cf. _post_, ch. vii.

[429] Clarence W. Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iv.; S. E. Baldwin on the “Boundary line between Connecticut and New York,” in the _New Haven Hist. Soc. Collections_, iii.; Smith’s _New York_ (1814), p. 275.

[430] Cf. further in Smith’s posthumous second volume, p. 250; and in papers by F. L. Pope in the _Berkshire Courier_, May 13, 20, 27, 1885. Cf. G. W. Schuyler’s _Colonial New York_, i. 281.

[431] Cf. _Brinley Catal._, no. 1,464; Deane’s _Bibliog. Essay on Gov. Hutchinson’s hist. publications_ (1857), p. 37.

[432] _Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissaries of New York at a Congress with the Commissaries of the Massachusetts Bay, relating to the establishment of a partition line of jurisdiction between the two provinces_, New York, 1767. _Conference between the Commissaries of Massachusetts Bay and the Commissaries of New York_, Boston, 1768. _Statement of the case respecting the controversy between New York and Massachusetts respecting their boundaries_, London, Boston, Philadelphia, 1767.

[433] The form of these charters is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._. 1869, p. 70.

[434] H. Hall in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. pp. 22, 74.

[435] Brinley, ii. no. 2,799; Sabin, x. p. 413.

[436] _Brinley Catal._, nos. 2,510, 2,622; _Sparks’ Catal._, nos. 47, 50. Allen’s argument in this tract was reprinted in 1779 in his _Vindication of the opposition of the inhabitants of Vermont to the government of New York_ (Dresden, 1779).

[437] John L. Rice, in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, viii. p. 1. Cf. _Journals of Prov. Cong. etc._ (Albany, 1842).

[438] Brinley, i. no. 2,511. Cf. for the proclamation, Sabin, xiii. 53, 873.

[439] Printed at Dresden, Vt., 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the Governor and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1877), vol. v. pp. 525-540. Brinley, i. no. 2,512; Boston Pub. Library, 2338.10.

[440] Printed at Dresden, 1779, and reprinted in the _Records of the Council of Safety of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1873), vol. i. p. 444. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,513.

[441] Printed at Hartford, 1780, and reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier 1874), vol. ii. p. 223. Cf. Brinley, i. no. 2,514. Stephen R. Bradley published the same year _Vermont’s appeal to the candid and impartial world_ (Hartford, 1780). Brinley, i. no. 2,515. The _Journals of Congress_ (iii. 462) show how, June 2, 1780, that body denounced the claims of the people of the New Hampshire grants. The same journals (iv. pp. 4, 5) give the Vermont statement of their case, dated Oct. 16, 1781; and New York’s rejoinder, Nov. 15, 1781.

[442] It is reprinted in the _Records of the Gov. and Council of Vermont_ (Montpelier, 1874), vol. ii. p. 355. Brinley, i. no. 2,516. It was published anonymously. Cf. under date of March 1, 1782, the Report on the history of the N. H. grants in the _Journals of Congress_, iii. 729-32. The pardon by New York of those who had been engaged in founding Vermont is in Ibid. iv. 31 (April 14, 1782); and a report to Congress acknowledging her autonomy is in Ibid. iv. p. ii. (April 17, 1782).

[443] Documentary sources respecting this prolonged controversy will be found in William Slade, Jr.’s _Vermont State Papers, being a collection of records and documents connected with the assumption and establishment of government by the people of Vermont_ (Middlebury, 1823); in _Documents and Records relating to New Hampshire_, vol. x.; in O’Callaghan’s _Doc. Hist. New York_, vol. iv. pp. 329-625, with a map; in the _Fund Publications_ of the N. Y. Hist. Society, vol. iii., and in the _Historical Magazine_ (1873-74), vol. xxi. Henry Stevens, in the preface (p. vii.) of his _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), refers to a collection of papers formed by his father, Henry Stevens, senior, of Barnet, Vermont. The first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._ had other papers, the editing of which was sharply criticised by H. B. Dawson in the _Historical Magazine_, Jan., 1871; with a reply by Hiland Hall in the July number (p. 49). The controversy was continued in the volume for 1872, Mr. Hall issuing fly leaves of argument and remonstrance to the editor’s statements.

The earliest general survey of the subject, after the difficulties were over, is in Ira Allen’s _Natural and political History of the State of Vermont_ (London, 1798, with a map), which is reprinted in the first volume of the _Collections of the Vermont Hist. Soc._ (Montpelier, 1870). It is claimed to be “the aim of the writer to lay open the source of contention between Vermont and New York, and the reasons which induced the former to repudiate both the jurisdiction and claims of the latter, before and during the American Revolution, and also to point out the embarrassments the people met with in founding and establishing the independence of the State against the intrigues and claims of New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts.” The most extensive of the later accounts is in Hiland Hall’s _Early Hist. of Vermont_ (1868), ch. v. and vi., with a part of Mitchell’s map of 1755. Smith’s _History of New York_ (ii. 149) gives the New York side of the controversy. Cf. also Bancroft’s _United States_, final revision, ii. 361; and Philip H. Smith’s _Green-Mountain Boys, or Vermont and the New York land jobbers_ (Pawling, N. Y., 1885).

The controversy enters more or less into local histories, like Holden’s _Queensbury, N. Y._ (p. 393); William Bassett’s _Richmond, N. H._ (ch. iii.); O. E. Randall’s _Chesterfield, N. H._; Saunderson’s _Charlestown, N. H._ All the towns constituting these early grants are included in Abby Maria Hemenway’s _Vermont Historical Gazetteer, a local history of all the towns in the State_ (Burlington and Montpelier, 1867-1882), in four volumes.

The bibliography of Vermont to 1860, showing 250 titles, was printed by B. H. Hall in _Norton’s Lit. Register_, vol. vi.; a more extended list of 6,000 titles by Marcus D. Gilman was printed in the _Argus and Patriot_, of Montpelier, Jan., 1879, to Sept. 15, 1880. (Boston Public Library. 6170.14.)

[444] “Early Connecticut Claims in Pennsylvania,” by T. J. Chapman in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1884.

[445] Cf. documents mentioned in Henry Stevens’s _Catal. of books and pamphlets relating to New Hampshire_ (1885, p. 15), which documents were sold by him to the State of New Hampshire. Stevens says regarding these papers: “Dear fussy old Richard Hakluyt, the most learned geographer of his age, but with certain crude and warped notions of the South Sea ‘down the back side of Florida,’ which became worked into many of King James’s and King Charles’s charters, and the many grants that grew out of them, was the unconscious parent of many geographical puzzles.... All these are fully illustrated in the numerous papers cited in these cases.” The Thomlinson correspondence (1733-37) in the Belknap papers (Mass. Hist. Soc.), which is printed in the _N. H. Prov. Papers_, iv. 833, etc., relates to the bounds with Massachusetts, and chiefly consists of letters which passed between Theodore Atkinson, of Portsmouth, and Capt. John Thomlinson, the province agent in London. Cf. Hiland Hall’s _Vermont_, ch. iv.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 554; Belknap, Farmer’s ed., p. 219; and the Report of the Committee on the name Kearsarge, in the _N. H. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1876-84, p. 136. The journal of Richard Hazzen (1741), in running the bounds of Mass. and New Hampshire, is given in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, xxxiii. 323.

[446] _Historical Mag._, 2d ser. vol. ix. 17; _N. H. Prov. Papers_, vi. 349. Cf. Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, iii. 349; and Farmer’s ed. of same, p. 245. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 261) points out how inexact knowledge about the variation of the needle complicated the matter of running lines afresh upon old records. Cf. also Ibid., p. 263.

[447] The original MS. award of the commissioners is in the State-paper office in London. The _Carter-Brown Catal._, iii. no. 692, shows a copy of it. The Egerton MSS. in the British Museum have, under no. 993, various papers on the bounds of Massachusetts, 1735-54. Cf. also Douglass, _Summary_, i. 399.

[448] Mr. Waters reports in the British Museum an office copy of the “Bounds between Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut,” attested by Roger Wolcott, 1713; and also a plan of the south bounds of Massachusetts Bay as it is said to have been run by Woodward and Safery in 1642. Douglass (_Summary_, i. 415) has some notes on the bounds of Massachusetts Bay; and on those with Connecticut there are the original acts of that province in the _Conn. Col. Records_, iv. (1707-1740).

[449] Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, part iii.; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 364. The report of the joint committee on the northern boundary of Conn. and Rhode Island, April 4, 1752, is printed in _R. I. Col. Rec._, v. 346. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 145.

[450] Bowen, parts ii. and iii., with maps of Connecticut (1720) and Rhode Island (1728); _Rhode Island Col. Records_, iv. 370; Palfrey, iv. 232; _R. I. Hist. Mag._, July, 1884, p. 51; and the map in Arnold’s _Rhode Island_, ii. 132, showing the claims of Connecticut. Cf. Foster’s _Stephen Hopkins_, i. 144. Since Vol. III. was printed some light has been thrown on the earlier disputes over the Rhode Island and Connecticut bounds through the publication by the Mass. Hist. Soc. of the _Trumbull Papers_, vol. i. (pp. 40, 76), edited by Chas. Deane, who gives references. Rhode Island’s answer to Connecticut about their bounds in 1698, and other papers pertaining, are also printed with references in the _Trumbull Papers_, i. p. 196, etc.

[451] The cuts of this fort have been kindly furnished by the Maine Historical Society.

[452] Cf. “Frontier Garrisons reviewed by order of the Governor, 1711,” in _Maine Hist. and Geneal. Recorder_, i. p. 113; and “Garrison Houses in Maine,” by E. E. Bourne, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. 109.

[453] Chapters xii. (1688-95), xiv. (1700-1710), xvi. (1713-1725), xxi. (1756-1763). Whittier tells the story of the “Border War of 1708” in his _Prose Works_, ii. p. 100. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 313.

[454] _Sewall Papers_, ii. 182; _Hist. Mag._, viii. 71.

[455] The original edition is called _The Redeemed Captive, returning to Zion_. _A faithful history of remarkable occurrences in the captivity and deliverance of Mr. John Williams, minister of the gospel in Deerfield, who, in the desolation which befel that plantation, by an incursion of the French and Indians, was by them carried away with his family into Canada,_ [with] _a sermon preached by him on his return at Boston, Dec. 5, 1706_. Boston, 1707. (Harv. Col. lib., 4375.12; Brinley, i. no. 494; Carter-Brown, iii. no. 103.) A second edition was issued at Boston in 1720; a third in 1738, with an appendix of details by Stephen Williams and Thomas Prince; a fourth without date [1773]; a fifth in 1774; another at New London without date [1780?]; one at Greenfield in 1793, with an additional appendix by John Taylor,—the same who delivered a _Century Sermon_ in Deerfield, Feb. 29, 1804, printed at Greenfield the same year; what was called a fifth edition at Boston in 1795; sixth at Greenfield, with additions, in 1800; again at New Haven in 1802, following apparently the fifth edition, and containing Taylor’s appendix. United with the narrative of Mrs. Rowlandson’s captivity, it made part of a volume issued at Brookfield in 1811, as _Captivity and Deliverance of Mr. John Williams and of Mrs. Rowlandson, written by themselves_. The latest edition is one published at Northampton in 1853, to which is added a biographical memoir [of John Williams] with appendix and notes by Stephen W. Williams. (Brinley, i. nos. 495-505; Cooke, 2,735-37; Field, _Indian Bibliog., 1672-75_.) The memoir thus mentioned appeared originally as _A Biographical Memoir of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of Deerfield, with papers relating to the early Indian wars in Deerfield_, Greenfield, 1837. The author, Stephen W. Williams, was a son of the captive, and he gives more details of the attack and massacre than his father did. Jeremiah Colburn (_Bibliog. of Mass._) notes an edition dated 1845. This book has an appendix presenting the names of the slain and captured, and Captain Stoddard’s journal of a scout from Deerfield to Onion or French River in 1707. (Field, no. 1,674.) John Williams died in 1729, and a notice of him from the _N. E. Weekly Journal_ is copied in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1854, p. 174; and Isaac Chauncey’s _Sermon_ at his funeral was printed in Boston in 1729. (Brinley, no. 508.) The house in Deerfield in which Williams lived, showing the marks of the tomahawk which beat in the door, stood till near the middle of this century. An unsuccessful effort was made in 1847 to prevent its destruction. (_N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, ii. 110.) There are views of it in Hoyt’s _Antiquarian Researches_, and in Gay’s _Pop. Hist. United States_, iii. 122. Eleazer Williams, the missionary to the Indians at the west, was supposed to be a great grandson of the captive, through Eunice Williams, one of the captive’s daughters, who adopted the Indian life during her detention in Canada, and married, refusing afterwards to return to her kindred. A claim was set up late in Eleazer Williams’ life that the was the lost dauphin, Louis XVII., and he is said to have told stories to confirm it, some of which gave him a name for questionable veracity. In 1853, a paper in _Putnam’s Magazine_ (vol. i. 194), called “Have we a Bourbon among us?” followed by a longer presentation of the claim by the same writer, the Rev. J. H. Hanson, in a book, _The Lost Prince_, attracted much attention to Williams, who died a few years later in 1858, aged about 73. There is a memoir of Mr. Williams in vol. iii. of the _Memorial Biographies_ of the N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Society. The question of his descent produced a number of magazine articles (cf. _Poole’s Index_, p. 1411, and appendix to the _Longmeadow Centennial Celebration_), the outcome of which was not favorable to Williams’ pretension, whose truthfulness in other matters has been seriously questioned. Hoyt, the author of the _Antiquarian Researches_, represented on the authority of Williams that there were documents in the convents of Canada showing that the French, in their attack on Deerfield, had secured and had taken to Canada a bell which hung in the belfry of the Deerfield meeting-house, and that this identical bell was placed upon the chapel of St. Regis. Benjamin F. De Costa (_Galaxy_, Jan., 1870, vol. ix. 124) and others have showed that the St. Regis settlement did not exist till long after. This turned the allegation into an attempt to prove that the place of the bell was St. Louis instead, the present Caughnawaga. Geo. T. Davis, who examines this story, and gives some additional details about the attack on the town, has reached the conclusion, in his “Bell of St. Regis,” that Williams deceived Hoyt by a fabrication. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (1870), xi. 311; Hough’s _St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties_, ch. 2.)

There is in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 478 (March, 1867), a contemporary account of the destruction of Deerfield, with a table of losses in persons and property; and a letter by John Schuyler in the _Mass. Archives_, lxxii. 13. Cf. also Penhallow’s _Indian Wars_; Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, ii. 127, 141; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, ch. 12; Holmes, _Amer. Annals_, with notes; Hoyt, _Antiq. Researches on Indian Wars_, 184; Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, iii. ch. 2; Holland’s _Western Mass._, i. ch. 9; Barry’s _Mass._, ii. 92; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 262; Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, iii. 251, 261; and on the French side, Charlevoix, ii. 290, and a paper by M. Ethier, “Sur la prise de Deerfield, en 1704,” in _Revue Canadienne_, xi. 458, 542. John Stebbins Lee’s _Sketch of Col. John Hawkes of Deerfield, 1707-1784_, has details of the Indian wars of this region.

[456] King William’s war, 1688-98, in ch. xxiii.; Queen Anne’s, ch. xxiv.; the wars of 1722-26, 1744-49, 1754-63, in ch. xxx. A competent authority calls Mr. Judd’s history “one of the best local histories ever written in New England.” H. B. Adams, _Germanic Origin of New England Towns_, p. 30.

[457] Harv. Col. lib., 5325.40; _H. C. Murphy Catal._, no. 811. Drake’s _Particular Hist. of the Five Years’ French and Indian War_ (Albany, 1870), pp. 10, 12. There is a genealogical memoir of the Doolittles in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, vi. 294. Dr. S. W. Williams printed in the _New Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1848, p. 207, some contemporary Deerfield papers of this war of 1745-46. The Hampshire County recorder’s book contains in the handwriting of Samuel Partridge an account of the border Indian massacres from 1703 to 1746. It is printed in the _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg._, April, 1855, p. 161.

[458] See French documents for this period in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 32.

[459] Then embracing, to 1761, the four western counties of Massachusetts as now marked.

[460] A. L. Perry on the history and romance of Fort Shirley, in the _Bay State Monthly_, Oct., 1885; and in the _Centennial Anniversary of Heath, Mass., Aug. 19, 1885, edited by Edward P. Guild_, p. 94.

[461] The contemporary narrative of this disaster is that of John Norton, the chaplain of the fort, who was carried into captivity, and whose _Redeemed Captive_, as he called the little tract of forty pages which gave his experiences, was printed in Boston in 1748, after his return from Canada. (Haven’s bibliog. in Thomas, ii. p. 498.) In 1870 it was reprinted, with notes (edition, 100 copies), by Samuel G. Drake, and published at Albany under the title of _Narrative of the capture and burning of Fort Massachusetts_. (Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 1,139; Brinley, i. 483; Drake’s _Five Years’ French and Indian Wars_, p. 251; Sabin, xiii. 55,891-92.) Cf. Nathaniel Hillyer Egleston’s _Williamstown and Williams College_, Williamstown, 1884; Stone (_Life of Sir William Johnson_, i. 225), in his account of the attack, uses a MS. journal of Serjeant Hawkes. The French documents are in _N. Y. Col. Docs._, x. 65, 67, 77.

[462] Life and character of Col. Ephraim Williams, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, viii. 47.

[463] The fort will be seen to consist of a house (A in ground plan, 40 × 24), nine-feet walls of four-inch white ash plank, surmounted by a gambrel roof, the pitches of which are seen (E, F) in the profile, while the limits of the house are marked (X X) in the prospect. Sills (H) on the ground gave support to pillars (I, K, in ground plan, A, C, in profile), which held a platform (B in profile) which was reached by doors (K in profile), and protected towards the enemy by a bulwark of plank pierced with loop-holes, as the doors and window-shields of the house were. One corner of this surrounding breastwork had a tower for lookout, as seen in the prospect. At one end a wall (E, F, G, in ground plan) with a bastion (D) enclosed a yard (L in ground plan, G in profile), which was planked over. In this was a well (C in ground plan) and a storehouse (B, size 35 × 10, in ground plan), with a roof inclining inward (H, in profile).

[464] Hall’s _Eastern Vermont_, i. 67. The papers of Col. Williams are preserved in two volumes in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc., having come into their possession in 1837. (_Proceedings_, ii. 95, 121.) The papers are few before 1744, and the first volume comes down to 1757, and concerns the warfare with the French and Indians in the western part of the province. The second volume ends in the main with 1774, though there are a few later papers, and continues the subject of the first, as well as grouping the papers relating to Williams College and Williams’ correspondence with Gov. Hutchinson. It was this same Col. Israel Williams who took offence in 1762 that his son’s name was put too low in the social scale, as marked on the class-lists of Harvard, and tried to induce the governor to charter a new college in Hampshire County. (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, xx. 46.)

The MS. index to the _Mass. Archives_ will reveal much in those papers illustrative of this treacherous warfare, and the _Report of the Commissioners on the Records, etc._ (1885), shows (p. 24) that there is a considerable mass of uncalendared papers of the same character. Various letters from Gov. Shirley and others addressed to Col. John Stoddard during 1745-47, respecting service on the western frontiers of Massachusetts, are preserved in the cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Society. These, as well as the Israel Williams papers, the Col. William Williams’ papers (in the Pittsfield Athenæum), and much else, will be availed of thoroughly by Prof. A. L. Perry in the _History of Williamstown_, which he has in progress. A coöperative _Memorial History of Berkshire County_, edited by the historian of Pittsfield, is also announced, but a _History of Berkshire County_, issued under the auspices of the Berkshire Historical Society, seems likely to anticipate it.

[465] There is an account of Mason’s expedition from New London to Woodstock in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 473.

[466] [This is described in Vol. IV. p. 364, with authorities, to which add Pearson’s _Schenectady Patent_, 1883, p. 244; _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, July, 1883; Palfrey’s _New England_, iv. 45; _Mass. Archives_, xxxvi. 111.—ED.]

[467] See Vol. IV. pp. 353, 361, 364. Cf. _Connecticut Col. Records_, iv. 38; and the present volume, _ante_, p. 90.

[468] During the Dutch occupation of New York there were only two Catholics in New Amsterdam, and according to Father Jogues, the Jesuit missionary, they had no complaint to make that they suffered on account of their faith. Father Le Moyne, another missionary, was allowed to come to New Netherland a few years later, and administer the rites of the church to the few Romanists then in the province, and in 1686 Governor Dongan, himself of the Church of Rome, reports that there were still only “a few” of his co-religionists in the government.

[469] Vetoed by the king in 1697.

[470] Leamer and Spicer.

[471] See Vol. III. ch. x.

[472] He remained in the debtors’ prison in New York until his accession to the earldom of Clarendon furnished the means for his release.

[473] A court of equity had been erected in the Supreme Court of New York by an ordinance of Gov. Cosby, in 1733.

[474] From Zenger’s narrative of his trial.

[475] _Hist. Mag._, xiv. 49.

[476] Cf. Bancroft, final revision, ii. 254.

[477] The chief justice’s commission was made for “during good behavior” in Sept., 1744, so as to conform with the practice in New Jersey.

[478] He came to New York in 1703 as secretary of the province, and was connected by marriage with the royal house of Stuart. He returned to England in 1745, and died in 1759.

[479] See ch. viii.

[480] [Cf. Vol. III. p. 495.—ED.]

[481] _Col. Doc._, iv. 159.

[482] The state of affairs in Pennsylvania and Delaware resulting from it is best described in a letter written in June, 1707, by Col. Robert Quary, the judge of the admiralty in New York and Pennsylvania, to the Lords of Trade.

[483] Being the first settlers of the province, the Quakers had very naturally made affirmation instead of an oath a matter of great importance. Upon a revision of the laws following the resumption of the government by Penn, a law concerning the manner of giving evidence, passed in 1701, was repealed by the queen in 1705, not because the English government intended to deprive the Quakers of Pennsylvania of their cherished privilege, but because it punished false affirming with more severity than the law of England required for false swearing. Hence Gookin’s objections. The whole question was not satisfactorily settled until the passage of a law, and its approval by the king, prescribing the forms of declaration of fidelity, abjuration, and affirmation.

[484] He was a considerable trader there when the place was first laid out for a town. Proud’s _Pennsylvania_.

[485] These £45,000 Pennsylvania currency represented only £29,090 sterling, gold being sold then at £6 6_s._ 6_d._ p. oz., and silver at 8_s._ 3_d._ p. oz.

[486] East New Jersey the same; New York and West New Jersey ten shillings and sixpence.

[487] During the following year, and as long as the war lasted, the same £100,000 were yearly voted, and bills to that amount emitted, secured by a tax on property. Again, in 1764, the Indian troubles about Fort Augusta caused another emission of £55,000. The war with Spain threatened Philadelphia, and £23,500 more were voted. Again, in 1769, bills to the amount of £14,000 were granted towards the relief of the poor in Philadelphia, and £60,000 for the king’s use.

[488] Chapter iv.

[489] See _ante_, p. 143.

[490] Vol. VI.

[491] How rarely slaves were imported is shown by the fact that of 1,062 entries for duty (a negro imported for sale was taxed £4) during the period from the 11th of March, 1746, to the 31st of March, 1749, only 29 entries were of 49 slaves, and 5 of these were brought on speculation, the others being servants or seamen, and thus exempted from duty. Slavery and the slave traffic were never countenanced in New York, and much less in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where the Quakers early declared themselves opposed to this institution.

[492] See Vol. IV. p. 410. [Mr. Fernow assisted Geo. W. Schuyler in the account of the records given in his _Colonial New York_ (1885).—ED.]

[493] Only two of these copies are now known: one is in the manuscript department of the State library at Albany, the other is in the library of the Long Island Historical Society. These laws were printed in the _Collection of the New York Historical Society_, vol. i. [Cf. Sabin, xiii. p. 178, for editions of early New York laws; and the present _History_, Vol. III. pp. 391, 414, 510.—ED.]

[494] The Bradford copy of 1694, in the State library (Albany), not being considered complete, the legislature of 1879 appropriated $1,600 to purchase a better copy at the Brinley sale in 1880. [This was the first book printed in New York. Sabin (xiii. 53,726, etc.; cf. x. p. 371, and _Menzies Catal._, no. 1,250) gives the successive editions. For the proceedings of the assembly in various forms, see _Ibid._, xiii. 53,722, 54,003, etc.—ED.]

[495] It may be here noted that there are also in the State library at Albany the “Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commissioners for settling the Boundaries of the Colony of Rhode Island eastwards towards the Massachusetts Bay,” 1741, one volume; and the “Minutes of the Commissioners appointed to examine, etc., the Controversy between Connecticut and the Mohegan Indians,” 1743, one volume.

[496] [The Johnson papers are further described in chapter viii. of the present volume.—ED.]

[497] [Dr. Sprague gave also to Harvard College library the papers of Gen. Thomas Gage during his command in New York; but they relate mainly to a later period.—ED.]

[498] [This is probably the manuscript sold at an auction sale in New York (Bangs, Feb. 27, 1854, _Catal._, no. 1,330). In an introduction, Wraxall gives an account of his office and its difficulties. He says the originals were somewhat irregularly arranged in four folio volumes, and in part in Dutch, “of which I was my own translator.”—ED.]

[499] The State library also possesses a small MS., _The Mythology of the Iroquois or Six Nations of Indians_, by the Hon’ble James Deane, Senior, of Westmoreland, Oneida County, who represented his county in the assembly of New York, in 1803 and 1809, and probably obtained his material from the Oneida Indians in his neighborhood. His account differs very little from that given by the Indian David Cusick. [See Vol. IV. p. 298.—ED.]

[500] [See _ante_, p. 169.—ED.]

[501] Papers relative to the trade and manufactures of New York, 1705-1757, are in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i.

[502] [Page 79, _ante_. Since that other description of maps in this volume was finally made, there has been issued (1885), in two large volumes, a _Catal. of the printed maps, plans, and charts in the British Museum_, in which, under the heads of America, New York, etc., will be found extensive enumerations of maps of the eighteenth century.—ED.]

[503] The drafts of Delisle particularly were the bases of many maps a long way into the eighteenth century. See _Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus._, 1885.

[504] For example, the _Geography anatomiz’d or the Geographical Grammar, by Pat. Gordon_ (London, 1708), makes the St. Lawrence divide “Terra Canadensis” into north and south parts, of which last section New York (discovered by Hudson in 1608) is a subdivision, as are New Jersey (discovered by the English, “under the conduct of the Cabots,” in 1497) and Pennsylvania, of which it is blindly said that it was discovered “at the same time with the rest of the adjacent continent.” The western limit of these provinces bounds on “Terra Arctica.”

[505] For example, the map without date or imprint, called _Pennsylvania, Nova Jersey et Nova York cum Regionibus ad Fluvium Delaware in America sitis. Nova Delineatione ob oculos posita per Matth. Scutterum, Sanctae Caes. Maj. Geographum, Aug. Vind._ It places “Dynastia Albany,” “St. Antoni Wildniss,” or “Desertum orientale,” near the junction of the two branches of the Susquehanna River. New York city is on the mainland, from which Long Island is separated by a narrow watercourse.

Another, equally wild in its license, is a _Carte Nouvelle de l’Amérique Angloise, etc., Dressée sur les Relations les plus Nouvelles_. _Par le Sieur S. à Amsterdam chez Pierre Mortier, Libraire, avec Privilége de nos Seigneurs._ Lake Erie (Lac Fells) is misshapen, and the Ohio River is ignored.

A common error in the maps of this period, based on Dutch notions, is to place Lakes Champlain and George east of the Connecticut, as is shown in the _Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova_ of Allard’s _Minor Atlas_, usually undated, but of about 1700. The same atlas also contains (no. 32) a map showing the country from the Penobscot to the Chesapeake, called _Totius Neobelgii nova tabula_.

[506] [He was born in 1664, and had since 1687 been occupied in his art. During 1701-06 he was at Leipzig, at work on the maps in Cellarius; then he contributed to the geography of Scherer, which appeared in 1710. Homann published what he called an _Atlas Novas_ in 1711, and an _Atlas Methodicus_ in 1719.—ED.]

[507] Including one without date: _Nova Anglia Septentrionali Americae implantata Anglorumque Coloniis florentissima, Geographiae exhibita a Joh. Baptista Homann, Sac. Caes. Maj. Geographo, Norimbergae, cum Privilegio Sac. Caes. Maj._ “Novum Belgium, Nieuw Nederland nunc New Jork,” occupies the territory bounded by a north and south line from Lac St. Pierre (St. Lawrence River) through Lakes Champlain and George to about Point Judith on the Sound. In the northwest corner of New York we find “Le Grand Sault St. Louis;” in the southwest, “Sennecaas Lacus,” from which the Delaware River and a tributary of the Hudson, “Groote Esopus River,” emerge. The “Versche River,” the Dutch name for the Connecticut, runs west of Lake George.

[508] See _ante_, pp. 80, 133. Sabin gives editions of his _Atlas_ in 1701, 1709, 1711, 1717, 1719, 1723, 1732. Moll’s map of the New England and middle colonies in 1741 is in Oldmixon’s _British Empire_. His drafts were the bases of the general American maps of Bowen’s _Geography_ (1747) and Harris’s _Voyages_ (1764). Cf. _Catal. Maps, Brit. Mus._ (1885), under Moll, and pp. 2969-70.

[509] Second ed. 1739; third, 1744.

[510] He makes the Mohawk, or western branch of the Delaware River, empty into the eastern branch below Burlington. The same writer’s _Modern Gazetteer_ (London, 1746) is only an abbreviation of his history.

The charts of _The English Pilot_ of about this time give the prevailing notions of the coast. The dates vary from 1730 through the rest of the century,—the plates being in some parts changed. In the edition of 1742 (Mount and Page, London) the maps of special interest are: No. 14, New York harbor and vicinity, by Mark Tiddeman; and No. 15, Chesapeake and Delaware bays. The Dutch _Atlas van Zeevaert_ of Ottens may be compared.

[511] _Ante_, p. 81. The French reproduction is called _Nouvelle Carte Particulière de l’Amérique, où sont exactement marquées ... la Nouvelle Bretagne, le Canada, la Nouvelle Écosse, la Nouvelle Angleterre, la Nouvelle York, Pennsylvanie, etc._ This is sometimes dated 1756.

[512] _Ante_, p. 81.

[513] This is the title of the second part of the volume; the first title calls it an _Index of all the considerable Provinces, etc., in Europe_.

[514] _Ante_, p. 83. Stevens also notes a little Spanish _Exámen sucincto sobre los antiguos Limites de la Acadia_, as having a map of about this time. _Bibl. Hist._ (1870) no. 679.

[515] Cf. _ante_, p. 81; and the _Carte des Possessions Françoises et Angloises dans le Canada et Partie de la Louisiane. À Paris chez le Sieur Longchamps, Geographe_ (1756).

[516] Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ has an eclectic map of their country in 1720.

[517] Governor Burnet, in his letter of December 16, 1723, perhaps alludes to it when he says: “I have likewise enclosed a map of this province, drawn by the surveyor Gen^{ll}, Dr. Colden, with great exactness from all surveys that have been made formerly and of late in this province;” ... but more probably Colden refers to it, in his letter of December 4, 1726, to Secretary Popple, as “a Map of this Province, which I am preparing by the Governor’s Order.” As this last letter (_N. Y. Col. Docs._, v. 806) treats mainly of quit-rents, and as this map illustrates the same as fixed in the various patents, it is most likely that the latter is the map now under consideration. There is a map of the Livingston manor (1714) in the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iii. 414, and papers concerning it (1680-1795) are in the same. A map of the Van Rensselaer manor (1767) is in _Idem._, iii. 552. Cf. _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Jan., 1884, with views and portraits.

[518] [This map is further mentioned in chapter viii.—ED.]

[519] Cf. _Report of the Regents of the University on the Boundaries of the State of New York_ (Albany, 1883-84), two large vols., with historical documents; and the _Bicentennial Celebration of the Board of American Proprietors of East New Jersey_ (1884). [The history of the controversy as given in the _Report of the Regents_ is by Mr. Fernow, whose references are mainly to the _N. Y. Col. Doc._, iii., iv., vi., vii., xiii., and the _New Jersey Archives_, ii., iii., vi., viii. H. B. Dawson published at Yonkers, N. Y., 1866, _Papers concerning the boundary between the States of New York and New Jersey, written by several hands_. On the New Jersey side, see W. A. Whitehead and J. Parker in _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vols. viii. and x., and second series, vol. i.; and also Whitehead’s _Eastern boundary of New Jersey: a review of a paper by Hon. J. Cochrane and rejoinder to reply of_ [H. B. Dawson] (1866). The _Brinley Catal._, ii. 2,745-2,750, shows various printed documents between 1752 and 1769. Cf. note on the sources of the boundary controversies, in Vol. III. p. 414.—ED.]

[520] Cf. Vol. III. p. 116.

[521] [Vol. III. p. 501. It is also in Cassell’s _United States_, i. 282. Respecting Thomas’s _Historical Description_, see Vol. III. pp. 451, 501-2. Cf. also Menzies ($120); Murphy, no. 2,470; Brinley, no. 3,102; Barlow, no. 739; F. S. Ellis (1884), no. 284, £35. The text was translated and the map reproduced in the _Continuatio der Beschreibung der Landschaffts Pennsylvaniæ_, with foot-notes, probably by Pastorius, Frankfort and Leipzig, 1702 (_Boston Pub. Lib. Bulletin_, July, 1883, p. 60).—ED.]

[522] It has been reproduced in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_ (p. 92) and in Cassell’s _United States_ (i. 450).

[523] Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, ii. no. 399.

[524] [In Hazard’s _Register of Penna._, Oct. 2, 1830, there is an account of the “long walk” and the so-called “Walking Purchase” acquired in Pennsylvania in 1736, by terms which embraced a distance to be walked in a day and a half, which, by reason of plans devised to increase the distance, was the cause later of much indignation among the Indians. This paper is reprinted in W. W. Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_ (Albany, 1877), p. 86. See further, on troublesome purchases of lands from the Indians, the papers in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, on the Susquehanna River, where reference is made to the _Susquehanna Title Stated and Examined_ (Catskill, 1796).—ED.]

[525] Haven in Thomas, ii. p. 343.

[526] Sparks has bound with it a copy of the act of Parliament, 1696, for reversing the attainder of Leisler and others, and refers to Smith’s _New York_, p. 59, etc., and Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_, i. 392.

[527] For a view of Leisler’s house, see Vol. III. 417.

[528] Cf. Edw. F. De Lancey, ed. of Jones’s _N. Y. during the Rev._, and his memoir of James De Lancey in _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv., and also Sedgwick’s _Wm. Livingston_.

[529] _An account of the commitment, arraignment, tryal, and condemnation of Nicholas Bayard, Esq., for high treason in endeavoring to subvert the government of the province of New York ... collected from several memorials taken by divers persons privately, the commissioners having strictly prohibited the taking of the tryal in open Court._ New York, and reprinted in London, 1703. (Cf. Brinley, ii. no. 2,743.)

_Case of William Atwood, Esq., Chief Justice of New York ... with a true account of the government and people of that province, particularly of Bayard’s faction, and the treason for which he and Hutchins stand attainted, but reprieved before the Lord Cornbury’s arrival._ (London, 1703.) It is reprinted in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1880.

These original reports are both rare, and cost about $5.00 each.

P. W. Chandler examines the evidence on the Bayard trial (_Amer. Criminal Trials_, i. 269), and the proceedings are given at length in Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xiv.

[530] The report of his trial was printed at the time, and reprinted with an introduction by William Livingston in 1755, and again in Force’s _Tracts_. See Critical Essay of chap. iv., _post_.

[531] Cornbury is said to have paraded in woman’s clothes. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 71; Shannon’s _N. Y. City Manual_, 1869, p. 762.

[532] _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, i. 377; iv. 109. Colden was a Scotchman (born in 1688), who, after completing his studies at the University of Edinburgh, came to Pennsylvania in 1708, where he practised as a physician, and gathered the material for describing in the _Acta Upsaliensia_ several hundred American plants. For a few years after 1715 he was in England; but when Hunter came to New York as governor in 1720, he made Colden surveyor-general and councillor, and ever after he was actively identified with New York. There is a likeness of Colden in _Ibid._, iii. 495. The Colden Papers are in the library of the N. Y. Historical Society. A portion of them are the correspondence of Colden with Smith, the historian of New York, and with his father, respecting alleged misstatements in Smith’s _History_, particularly as regards a scheme of Gov. Clarke to settle Scotch Highlanders near Lake George. These letters were printed in the _Collections_ of that society, second series, vol. ii. (1849) p. 193, etc., and another group of similar letters makes part of vol. i. (p. 181) of the _Publication Fund Series_ of the same _Collections_. (See Vol. III. p. 412.) The main body, however, of the Colden Papers occupy vols. ix. and x. of this last series (1876 and 1877). The earlier of these volumes contains his official letter-books, 1760-1775, which “throw a flood of light upon the measures which were steadily forcing New York into necessary resistance to arbitrary government.” The succeeding volume takes the next ten years down to 1775.

[533] Haven in Thomas, ii., _sub anno_ 1735, 1738; Carter-Brown, iii. 593, 594. Chandler cites editions in New York, 1735, 1756, 1770, and London, 1764. Franklin printed _Remarks on Zenger’s Trial_ in 1737. _Remarks on the Trial of John Peter Zenger_ (London, 1738) is signed by Indus Britannicus, who calls Hamilton’s speech a “wild and idle harangue,” and aims to counteract “the approval of the paper called Common Sense.” Cf. for Hamilton the chapter on the Bench and Bar in Scharf and Westcott’s _Philadelphia_ (ii. 1501). “Andrew Hamilton was the first American lawyer who gained more than a local reputation, and the only one who did so in colonial times.” Lodge, _Short History_, 233, gives references on the courts and bar of Pennsylvania and New York (pp. 232, 233, 316, 317). There is a portrait of Andrew Hamilton in the Penn. Hist. Soc., and a photograph of it in Etting’s _Independence Hall_. The trial is canvassed in Chandler’s _Amer. Criminal Trials_, i. 151; and the narrative of the trial and the _Remarks_, etc., are reprinted in Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xvii. Cf. also Hudson’s _Journalism_, p. 81, and Lossing in _Harper’s Monthly_, lvii. p. 293. The New York State library possesses a collection made by Zenger himself of all the printed matter on the case appearing in his day.

[534] See the full title in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, viii. no. 33,058. Copies were sold in the Rice sale ($140); Menzies, no. 971 ($240); Strong ($300); Brinley, no. 2,865 ($330); Murphy, no. 1,260; Quaritch (£45). There are copies in Harvard College library, Philadelphia library, Carter-Brown (iii. no. 779), and Barlow (_Rough List_, no. 878). It was reprinted in London in 1747 (Sabin, viii. no. 33,059), and in New York in 1810 as _The New York Conspiracy, or a history of the negro plot, with the journal, etc._ (Harvard College library, Boston Public library, Brinley, Cooke, etc.), and was again reprinted in New York in 1851, edited by W. B. Wedgwood, as _The Negro Conspiracy in the City of New York in 1741_.

All the histories touch the story, but for original or distinctive treatment compare Smith’s _New York_, ii. 58; Stone’s _Sir William Johnson_, i. 52; Williams’ _Negro Race in America_, i. p. 144; and the legal examination of the case in Peleg W. Chandler’s _American Criminal Trials_ (i. 211).

[535] See Lives of Penn noted in Vol. III.

[536] _Proceedings_, v. 312. They are now in the library of the Pennsylvania Hist. Society.

[537] Hildeburn, _Century of Printing; Catal. of Works rel. to B. Franklin in Boston Pub. Library_, pp. 26, 32, 38.

[538] Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._ (1870), no. 1,995.

[539] G. Clarke’s _Voyage to America, with introduction and notes by E. B. O’Callaghan_ (Albany, 1867), being no. 2 of a series of _N. Y. Colonial Tracts_. Clarke remained in the province till 1745. The original MS. of his _Voyage_ is in the State library at Albany.

[540] Portraits of Keith are in G. M. Hill’s _Hist. of the Church in Burlington, New Jersey_, and in Perry’s _Amer. Episcopal Church_, i. p. 209.

[541] The bibliography of the Quakers has been given in Vol. III. p. 503. Since that notice was made, Joseph Smith has added to his series of books on Quaker literature _Bibliotheca quakeristica: a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to the friends (quakers), and biographical notices_ (London, 1883). Quaker publications in Pennsylvania can best be followed in Hildeburn’s _Century of Printing in Penna._, while entries more or less numerous will be found in Haven’s list (Thomas’s _Hist. of Printing_, ii.), and particularly respecting the tracts of George Keith, in Sabin, ix. p. 403; Carter-Brown, ii. and iii.; Brinley, ii. 3,406, etc.; Cooke, iii. 1,342, etc.

Mr. C. J. Stillé has printed a paper on “Religious Tests in Provincial Pennsylvania” in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, Jan., 1885.

[542] _Collection of the Epistles and Works of Benjamin Holme, to which is prefixed an account of his life and travels in the work of the ministry, through several parts of Europe and America, written by himself_ (London, 1753). Carter-Brown, iii. no. 1,000.

[543] London, 1779. There were editions in Philad., 1780; York, 1830; and the book makes vol. v. of the Friends’ Library, Philad., 1841. Sabin (vii. 28,825) gives it as earlier printed with _Some brief remarks on sundry important subjects_, London, 1764, 1765; Dublin, 1765; London, 1768; Philad., 1781; London, 1805.

These books do not add much to our knowledge of other than the emotional experiences prevalent among this sect at this period. The _Journals_ of John Woolman reveal the beginnings of the anti-slavery agitation among his people. The journals have passed through numerous editions, and John G. Whittier added an introduction to an edition in 1871 (Boston). Cf. Allibone, iii. 2,834.

[544] _An Account of Two Missionary Voyages by the Appointment of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, etc., by Thomas Thompson, A. M., Vicar of Reculver in Kent_ (London, 1758).

For the history of the Episcopal Church in the middle colonies during the eighteenth century, see Perry’s _Amer. Episc. Church_, i. chapters 9, 11, 12, 13; and for the non-juring bishops, p. 541. Cf. De Costa’s introduction to Bishop White’s _Memoirs of the Prot. Episc. Church_, p.