v. 961 (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a list of Mexican

imprints prior to 1600 (Carter-Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is given in connection with an examination of the subject by Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232. Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives another list (1540 to 1600) in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131, and offers other essays on the subject in the _Historical Magazine_, November, 1858, and February, 1865, and again in the new edition of Thomas’s _History of Printing_ (Worcester, 1875), i. 365, appendix.

The earliest remaining example of the first Mexican press which we have is a fragmentary copy of the _Manual de adultos_ of Cristóbal Cabrera, which was originally discovered in the Library of Toledo, whence it disappeared, to be again discovered by Gayangos on a London bookstall in 1870. It is supposed to have consisted of thirty-eight leaves, and the printed date of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves which remain (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232; _Additions_, no. 123, with fac-similes, of which a part is given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131). Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms (_Ramirez Collection_, 1880, no. 339), in assigning the same date, 1540, to an edition of the _Doctrina Christiana_ found by him at Toledo; and there seem to have been one or two other books issued by Cromberger (_Catalogue Andrade_, nos. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come to an acknowledged edition of the _Doctrina Cristiana_—which for a long time was held to be the earliest Mexican imprint—with the date of 1544. It is a small volume of sixty pages, “impressa en México, en casa de Juan Cromberger” (Rich, 1832, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv, no. 16,777; Carter-Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; _Bookworm_, 1867, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, _sub_ 12,551). Of the same date is Dionisio Richel’s _Compendio breve que tracta a’ la manera de como se hā de hazer las processiones_, also printed, as the earlier one was, by command of Bishop Zumarraga, this time with a distinct date,—“Año de M. D. _xliiij_.” A copy which belonged to the Emperor Maximilian was sold in the Andrade sale (no. 2,667), and again in the Brinley sale (no. 5,317). Quaritch priced Ramirez’ copy in 1880 at £52.

The lists above referred to show eight separate issues of the Mexican press before 1545. Icazbalceta puts, under 1548, the _Doctrina en Mexicano_ as the earliest instance known of a book printed in the native tongue. Up to 1563, with the exception of a few vocabularies and grammars of the languages of the country, of the less than forty books which are known to us, nearly all are of a theological or devotional character. In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga’s Collection of Laws—_Provisiones, cédulas, instrucciones de su Majestad_—was printed (Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_, 1880, no. 236, £30). Falkenstein in his _Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst_ (Leipsic, 1840) has alleged, following Pinelo and others, that a Collection of Laws—_Ordinationes legumque collectiones_—was printed in 1649; but the existence of such a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, _History of Printing_, i. 372; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 288.

[1102] Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_ (1880), no. 28, £15; Sabin, vol. 1. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Rich, _Bibl. Nova Amer._ (1835), p. 95; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 126; Leclerc, no. 50,—400 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79.

[1103] Navarrete first printed it in his _Coleccion_, i. 421; it was included also in Vedia’s _Historiadores primitivos de Indias_ (Madrid, 1852); and Gayangos, in his _Cartas de Hernan Cortés_ (Paris, 1866) does not hesitate to let it stand for the first letter, while he also annotates it. It is likewise printed in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_, vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his _Disertaciones sobre la historia de la República Mejicana_, vol. i., appendix, with a sketch of the expedition. Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 360, iii. 428; H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 169.

[1104] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 170. It is supposed that still a third letter went at the same time, which is now known to us. Three letters of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a library sold in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon the news of Cortés’ discoveries, while one was written by a companion of Cortés shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not seemingly an original, for it is written in German, and the heading runs: _Newzeit wie unnsers aller-gnadigistn hern des Romischn und hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Newe Lanndschafft habn gefundn_, and bears date June 28, 1519. There are some contradictions in it to the received accounts; but these are less important than the mistake of a modern French translator, who was not aware of the application of the name of Yucatan, at that time, to a long extent of coast, and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva’s expedition. The original text, with a modern German and French version, appears in a small edition (thirty copies) which Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam, printed from the original manuscript (cf. his _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the title of _Trois lettres sur la découverte de Yucatan_, Amsterdam, 1871 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 2,296; C. H. Berendt in _American Bibliopolist_, July and August, 1872; Murphy, no. 2,795).

One of the news-sheets of the time, circulated in Europe, is preserved in the Royal Library at Berlin. A photo-lithographic fac-simile was published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called: _Newe Zeittung. von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521. iare genant Iucatan_. It is a small quarto in gothic type, of four unnumbered leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 70, with fac-simile of title; Carter-Brown, i. 69; Muller (1877), no. 3,593; Sobolewski, no. 4,153.

[1105] Prescott used a copy taken from Muñoz’ transcript.

[1106] Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 262; Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 72.

[1107] Cf. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), p. 103; _Historical Collections_, i. 342; and the section on “Early Descriptions of America” in the present work.

[1108] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 179.

[1109] Sabin, vi. 126; Carter-Brown, i. 63.

[1110] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 105.

[1111] _Mexico_, i. 547.

[1112] Cf. Harrisse _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 118; Carter-Brown, i. 71; Brunet, ii. 310; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,933; Folsom, introduction to his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of the various early editions of the Cortés letters.

[1113] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934; Carter-Brown, i. 73; Brunet, ii. 311; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 84; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 120; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 27.

[1114] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 81; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 118, 125; Brunet, ii. 312; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Huth, i. 353; C. Fiske Harris, _Catalogue_, no. 896; _Cooke Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 623; Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,479; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,947; Panzer, vii. 466; Menzel, _Bibl. Hist._, part i. p. 269; Ternaux, p. 32; Heber, vol. vi. no. 2,415 and ix. 910; Murphy Catalogue, no. 676; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85. The book, when it contains the large folding plan of Mexico and the map of the Gulf of Mexico, is worth about $100. The plan and map are missing from the copy in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101., 56, no. 1].

[1115] Cf. Brunet, ii. 312, and _Supplément_, col. 320; Carter-Brown, i. 82, which shows a map with inscriptions in Italian; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 129; Pinart, no. 262; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,951; Panzer, vol. viii. no. 1,248; Court, nos. 90, 91; Heber, vol. vi. no. 1,002, and x. 848; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There are copies with another colophon (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 130), connecting two printers with it,—Lexona and Sabio. F. S. Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy at £52 10_s_., and Dufossé (no. 14,184) at 200 francs.

[1116] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 119; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.

[1117] It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in 1866.

[1118] Annexed herewith in fac-simile.

[1119] Cf. Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (1882) no. 244.

[1120] Cf. the notice of Cortés in R. C. Sands’s _Writings_, vol. i.

[1121] The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to $20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,938, 16,939, and vol. x. p. 462; H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana); Brunet, _Supplément_, i. 321; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no. 155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis (1884), £2 2_s._

[1122] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 549), speaking of Gayangos’ edition, says: “Although a few of Lorenzana’s blunders find correction, others are committed; and the notes of the archbishop are adopted without credit and without the necessary amendment of date, etc.,—which often makes them absurd.”

[1123] The book is variously priced from $20 to $60. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100; _Biblioteca Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart, no. 261; O’Callaghan, no. 683; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949. There were also Latin versions in the _Novus orbis_ of Grynæus, 1555 and 1616.

[1124] The only copy known is noted in Tross’s _Catalogue_, 1866, no. 2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen leaves.

[1125] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953.

[1126] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 297; Ternaux, p. 57; Trömel, p. 14; Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, _Nuggets_, i. 188; O’Callaghan, no. 989; Sobolewski, no. 3,766; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard College Library). It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufossé (1884, no. 14,185) held a copy at 100 francs.

[1127] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,958.

[1128] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959.

[1129] Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113.

[1130] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962.

[1131] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,964.

[1132] Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., ii. 425.

[1133] Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5,—£10 10_s._; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 84; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Panzer, vii. 122; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 121; Carter-Brown, i. 74; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,935.

[1134] Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 18_s._

[1135] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Ternaux, no. 33; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 126; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Brunet, ii. 312; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 87. There is a copy of the 1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56, no. 2].

[1136] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii. 311; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 135; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166.

[1137] The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,937; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 138; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85; Brunet, ii. 312; Panzer, x. 28; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Ternaux, no. 34.

[1138] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940.

[1139] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941; Carter-Brown, i. 84; Court, no. 89; Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 248.

[1140] A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost; Helps, iii. 37.

[1141] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943.

[1142] Cf. H. Vattemare in _Revue contemporaine_, 1870, vii. 532.

[1143] Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 537, 567, 582; ii. 144; and his _Native Races_, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is also the subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_, printed in Kingsborough’s ninth volume.

[1144] _Cartas al Emperador_ (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in _Documentos inéditos_ (_España_), i. 14, 31, and in Kingsborough’s _Mexico_, vol. viii.; _Memorial al Emperador_ (1539) in _Documentos inéditos_, iv. 201. Cf. also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187. His _Última y sentidisima carta_, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in _Documentos inéditos_, i. 41, and in Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 460. Other letters of Cortés are in the Pacheco _Coleccion_ and in that of Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the _Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_ (Mexico, 1871), with the special title of _Escritos sueltos de Cortés_, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbalceta, in the introduction of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his _Coleccion_, gives a list of the _escritos sueltos_ of Cortés in connection with a full bibliography of the series of _Cartas_, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse, in vol. ii. p. lxiii.

[1145] _Mexico_, i. 549, 696. “Ever ready with a lie when it suited his purpose; but he was far too wise a man needlessly to waste so useful an agent.”—_Early American Chroniclers_, p. 16.

[1146] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives numerous references on Cortés. It is somewhat singular that there is no mention of him in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brevoort prepared the article on Cortés in Sabin’s _Dictionary_.

[1147] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 30; Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 474, and _Peru_, ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 314, his _Mexico_, and his _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 21.

[1148] There are curious stories about this book, in which there is not entire accord with one another. The fact seems to be that Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work of Chimalpain, and announced it for publication in a Spanish dress, as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of _Historia de las conquistas de Hernando Cortés_, under which name it appeared in two volumes in Mexico in 1826 (_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 207). Bandelier and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title represented (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new series, i. 84; cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish nevertheless, and is nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface does not satisfy the reader’s curiosity, and this Mexican editor’s conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspicion. Cf. Quaritch’s _Catalogues_, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 315; Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch adds that Bustamante’s text seems rather like a modern improvement of Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different and called Chimalpain’s history was sold in the Abbé Fischer’s sale in 1869.

[1149] It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing, perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression of it. Quaritch in 1883 priced a copy at £75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the other of the Old World (Ternaux, no. 61; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; _Library of an Elizabethan Admiral_, 1883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, £10 10_s._; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; Murphy, no. 1,062).

[1150] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180; Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,725; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort has a copy. Sabin (no. 27,726) notes a _Conquista de México_ (Madrid, 1553) which he has not seen, but describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where the Medina edition has the arms of Cortés, and intimates that this last may have been the cause of the alleged suppression.

[1151] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted another Saragossa edition of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728.

[1152] _Historia de México_, Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero (with his map); _La historia general de las Indias_, Steelsio. These are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732) notes of these Antwerp editions,—_Historia general_, Nucio, Steelsio, and Bellero; _Historia de México_, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio; and _Conquista de México_, Nucio. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (nos. 189-193) shows the _Historia de México_ with the Steelsio and Bellero imprints, and copies of the _Historia general_ with the imprints of Bellero and Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero _México_ at £5 5_s._ Rich priced it in 1832 at £3 3_s._ There is a Steelsio México in the Boston Public Library. Cf. _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 605; Murphy, nos. 1,057-1,059; Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1748-1749) is mutilated; the best is that in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_, published at Madrid in 1852.

[1153] Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College Library; while the two titles are attached to different copies in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 199, 210. The _México_ is also in the Boston Athenæum. Cf. _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 989. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a cancelled one. Mr. Brevoort possesses a _Historia generale delle Indie occidentali_ (Rome, 1556), which he calls a translation of part i. Cf. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,736; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 200. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 111) prices a copy at £2 2_s._ Sabin (no. 27,737) also notes a Gomara, as published in 1557 at Venice, as the second part of a history, of which Cieza de Leon’s was the first part.

[1154] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The _Historia general_ was published in Venice in 1565 as the second part of a _Historie dell’Indie_, of which Cieza de Leon’s _Historie del Peru_ was the first part, and Gomara’s _Conquista di Messico_ (1566) was the third. This Italian translation was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library and in the Boston Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738).

[1155] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371, 375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; Murphy, nos. 1,059, 1,061; O’Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569 edition at £10 10_s._ The 1578 and 1558 editions are in Harvard College Library,—the latter is called _Voyages et conquestes du Capitaine Ferdinand Courtois_. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that Oviedo, as well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also says of the 1606 edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578 edition.

[1156] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323; Menzies, no. 814; Crowninshield, no. 285; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060. There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College Library; and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library and in Mr. Deane’s Collection; cf. Vol. III. pp. 27, 204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in his _Decades_, and in 1577 in Eden’s _History of Travayle_; and his account was later followed by Hakluyt.

[1157] The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was compiled by Mr. Brevoort. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 169) gives a list of editions; cf. Leclerc, no. 243, etc.

[1158] Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the Conquerors and their descendants.

[1159] _Mexico_, ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Early Chroniclers_, p. 14.

[1160] Ibid., ii. 459.

[1161] Ibid., i. 473.

[1162] Bancroft speaks of the account’s “exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and varied version” (_Mexico_, i. 697).

[1163] Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes’ _Las historias del origen de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala_, 1857) says that the text as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript is in the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it there. It is said to have a memorandum to show that it was finished in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz’ death to confirm the impression that he could have lived to the improbable age which this implies. (Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 129, 328-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which have the seal of authenticity. One was dated in 1632; the other, known as the second edition, is without date, and has an additional chapter (numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the Mexicans which preceded the coming of the Spaniards. It is explained that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the personal observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979; Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, nos. 106, 107; Leclerc, no. 1,115. Rich priced it in his day at $10; it now usually brings about $30.) There are later editions of the Spanish text,—one issued at Mexico in 1794-1795, in four small volumes (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,980; Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs); a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,981); and another, published in 1854, in two quarto volumes, with annotations from the Cortés letters, etc. It is also contained in Vedia’s edition of the _Historiadores primitivos_, vol. ii. There are three German editions, one published at Hamburg in 1848, with a preface by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin, vi. no. 19,986-19,987). There are two English versions,—one by Maurice Keating, published at London in 1800 (with a large map of the Lake of Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any explanation, transfers from chap. xviii. and other parts of the text sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation,—_Memoirs of Diaz_,—by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in London in 1844 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also included in Kerr’s _Voyages_, vols. iii. and iv. Munsell issued an abridged English translation by Arthur Prynne at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best annotated of the modern issues is a French translation by D. Jourdanet, _Histoire véridique de la conquête de la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris, 1876. In the following year a second edition was issued, accompanied by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched with notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of the Mexicans. It also contained a modern map of Mexico, showing the marches of Cortés; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction of the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating the operations of Cortés, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero. A list of the _Conquistadores_ gives three hundred and seventy-seven names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the followers of Cortés, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponçe de Leon. This list is borrowed from the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia, ... especialmente sobre la república Mexicana_, 1853-1856. (Cf. _Norton’s Literary Gazette_, Jan. 15, 1835, and _Revue des questions historiques_, xxiii. 249.) This _Diccionario_ was published at Mexico, in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain, but augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable collaborators, while vols. viii., ix., and x. are entirely given to Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The work is worth about 400 francs. The _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877) contained a few unpublished letters of Bernal Diaz.

[1164] Sahagun’s study of the Aztec tongue was a productive one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from a manuscript by Sahagun, an _Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive Mexicanum, ex antiquo codice Mexicano nuper reperto_; and Quaritch in 1880 (_Catalogue_, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various other manuscripts of his _Sermones in Mexicano_, etc. Jourdanet in his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion of Sahagun given by his contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his _Historia eclesiastica Indiana_ (Mexico, 1860) p. 633. There is a likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii.

[1165] A part of the original manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says Brinton (_Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 27), at the Congrès des Américanistes at Madrid in 1881.

[1166] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,348. Stevens (_Historical Collections_, vol. i., no. 1,573) mentions a copy of this edition, which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don J. F. Ramirez. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 316.

[1167] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 208.

[1168] The book was called: _La aparicion de N^{tra}. Señora de Guadalupe de México, comprobada con la refutation del argumento negativo que presenta Muñoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr. Bernardino Sahagun; ó sea: Historia original de este escritor, que altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y original de dicho autor. Publícala, precediendo una disertacion sobre la aparicion guadalupana, y con notas sobre la conquista de México_. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 46.

[1169] _Spanish Conquest_, ii. 346.

[1170] _Magazine of American History_ (November, 1881) p. 378. Cf. other estimates in H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 493, 696; _Native Races_, iii. 231-236; _Early Chroniclers_, pp. 19, 20. Bernal Diaz and Sahagun are contrasted by Jourdanet in the introduction to his edition of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet’s edition of Bernal Diaz and the article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_.

[1171] Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed. ii. 38.

[1172] Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 214.

[1173] Mr. Brevoort reviewed this edition in the _Magazine of American History_.

[1174] Vols. x. and xvi. In one of these is the _Chronica Compendiosissima_ of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), which contains the letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura,—_Recueil des pièces relatives à la Conquête du Mexique_, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994.

[1175] Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. ii. (1865), but less perfectly than in Ternaux. The document was written about 1560.

[1176] Vols. viii., xii., xiii.

[1177] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1540-1541.

[1178] Ibid., no. 767.

[1179] Ibid., no. 766; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Cf. Brinton, _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 15.

[1180] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207; vol. iii. p. 105; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 339, 697; vol. ii. p. 24; Kingsborough, vol. ix.

[1181] Brinton, _Aboriginal American Literature_, p. 24.

[1182] Icazbalceta, in his _Apuntes para un Catálogo de Escritores en lenguas indigenas de America_ (Mexico, 1866), gives a summary of the native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of Spanish.

[1183] Vol. i. p. lxxiv; and on p. lxxviii he gives accounts of various manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by himself. He also traces the rise of his interest in American studies, while official position in later years gave him unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. Bandelier, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 93.

[1184] In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native writers on the Conquest. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii. p. 488) thinks he hardly does Cortés justice, and is prone to accept without discrimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant references; and since the publication of the _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, we have a compact enumeration of his own library.

[1185] He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. lxxvi.

[1186] The list is not found in all copies. _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 300. F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a copy at £2 2_s._

[1187] Born at Puebla 1710; died 1780.

[1188] Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F. Ortega. Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, book i. chap. i. Veytia also edited from Boturini’s collection, and published with notes at Mexico in 1826, _Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos de sus antiguos reyes_ (_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 428).

[1189] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26, where are notices of other manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history.

[1190] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc.

[1191] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. p. 200.

[1192] _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 237.

[1193] Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26. Mr. A. F. Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition of it.

[1194] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1844-1849. Ternaux’s translation is much questioned. Cf. also Kingsborough, vol. ix., and the _Biblioteca Mexicana_ of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra.

[1195] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 28.

[1196] Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given a partial list of the authorities on the conquest of Guatemala in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880; and Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. i. p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his _Spanish Conquest_) complained of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs; but Bancroft makes use of all the varied published collections of documents on Spanish-American history, which contain so much on Guatemala; and to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G. Squier. A _Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala_, published in 1857, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the _Proceso_ against Alvarado, so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all be put under requisition in studying this theme,—Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz, Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio de Remesal’s is the oldest of the special works, and was written on the spot. His _Historia de Chyapa_ is a Dominican’s view; and being a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a _Chronica de la Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala_ in 1714, a promised second volume never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother friars; but enough of historical interest crept into his book, together with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable. He tilts against Remesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misguides him sometimes, when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers the charges of cruelty to be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 736). The _Historia de Guatemala_ of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from a manuscript copy (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 736), but it has since been printed in Madrid in 1882-1883, in two volumes, with annotations by Justo Zaragoza, as one of the series _Biblioteca de los Americanistes_. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he is far from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought into play. The chief modern historian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros, who was born in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His _Compendio de la historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala_ was published there, the first volume in 1808 and the second in 1818; and both were republished in 1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions and inaccuracies,—according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is told in the second volume. Except so far as he followed Fuentes, in his partiality for the conquerors, Juarros’ treatment of his subject is fair; and his industry and facilities make him learned in its details. Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks on his omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly, if Juarros could have known of them.

Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortés, we know only two. Bandelier (_American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October, 1880) says that Squier had copies of them all; but Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier’s papers, makes no mention of any beyond the two,—of April 11 and July 28, 1524,—which are in print in connection with Cortés’ fourth letter, in Ramusio’s version, except such as are of late date (1534-1541), of which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Ternaux, vol. x., and Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Ternaux is said to have translated from Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for word. Herrera is supposed to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by Gonzalo de Alvarado.

[1197] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 165.

[1198] A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of Congress, and another in Mr. Bancroft’s, from whose _Mexico_, vol. i. p. 461, we gather some of these statements.

[1199] Cf. Backer, _Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus_; Markham’s introduction to his edition of Acosta in the Hakluyt Society’s publications.

[1200] The original edition of the _De natura_ is scarce. Rich priced it at £1 1_s._ fifty years ago; Leclerc, no. 2,639, at 150 francs (cf. also Carter-Brown, i. 379; Sabin, i. 111,—for a full account of successive editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at Salamanca in 1595, and at Cologne in 1596. The latter edition can usually be bought for $3 or $4. Cf. Field, no. 9; Stevens, _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. 9; Murphy, no. 11, etc.

[1201] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._; ordinary copies are now worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies in superior binding have reached £12 12_s._ (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5—200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A. Allen, _Bibliography of Cetacea_, p. 24,—where this and other early books on America are recorded with the utmost care.) Other Spanish editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet, Backer); Barcelona, 1591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7); Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, ii, 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and 1610 (Sabin); Lyons, 1670; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice of Acosta.

The French editions followed rapidly: Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597 (Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, no. 10—100 francs; Dufossé, 125 francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet’s copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed by Camus in his book on De Bry); 1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12, 13); 1616 (Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639—50 francs); 1617 (Leclerc, no. 14); 1619 (Sabin); 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 (Leclerc, no. 15).

There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called _Geographische und historische Beschreibung der America_, when printed at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 520. Antonio (_Biblioteca Hispana Nova_) gives the date 1599. At Cologne again in 1600 it is called _New Welt_ (Carter-Brown, i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, _America oder West India_, which is partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives an edition in 1617.

The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9). It is also in Vander Aa’s collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus for De Bry in his _Great Voyages_, part ix.) into German, in 1601; and into Latin, in 1602 and 1603.

The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London, as _The naturall and morall historie of the East und West Indies. Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements, Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the Indians. Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into English by E[dward] G[rimston]._ Rich priced it fifty years ago at £1 16s.; it is usually priced now at from four to eight guineas (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 21; Field, no. 8; Menzies, no. 4; Murphy, no. 8). It was reprinted, with corrections of the version, and edited by C. R. Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880.

[1202] This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 that only three copies had turned up in London in thirty years, prices an imperfect copy at £5. (_Catalogue_, no. 326 _sub._ no. 17,635.)

It is worth while to note how events in the New World, during the early part of the sixteenth century, were considered in their relation to European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa’s _Vita dell’imperator Carlo V._ (Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the _Anales de Aragon_, first and second parts. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ and _Additions_), and the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i.) will lead the student to this examination, in their enumeration of books only incidentally connected with America. To take but a few as representative:

Maffeius, _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, Basle, 1530, with its chapter on “loca nuper reperta.” (Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 93; edition of 1544, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ no. 257, and _Additions_, no. 146. Fabricius cites an edition as early as 1526.)

Laurentius Frisius, _Der Cartha Marina_, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 151; _Addition_s, no. 90.)

Gemma Phrysius, _De Principiis Astronomiæ et Cosmographicæ_, with its cap. xxix., “De insulis nuper inventis.” (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc.

Sebastian Franck, _Weltbuch_, Tübingen, 1533-1534, in which popular book of its day a separate chapter is given to America. The book in this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again 1534. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 174, 197; Sabin, vi. 570; Carter-Brown, i. 111; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151; H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 238; Stevens, _Bbliotheca Historica_, no. 738), and later in Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Leclerc, nos. 212, 217, etc.).

George Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, Nuremberg, 1538, with its “De terris et insulis nuper repertis” (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 119).

Achilles P. Gassarum, _Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes libellus_, Venice, 1538, with its “insulæ in oceano antiquioribus ignotæ.”

Ocampo, _Chronica general de España_, 1543, who, in mentioning the discovery of the New World, forgets to name Columbus (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 242; Sabin, vol. xiii.).

Guillaume Postel, _De orbis terræ concordia_, Basle, about 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 145).

John Dryander, _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 147).

Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the New World (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 274).

Professor J. R. Seeley, in his _Expansion of England_ (p. 78), has pointed out how events in the New World did not begin to react upon European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial aggrandizement in the New World as much a force in the conduct of politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the great religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing commercial interests arising out of trade with the New World.

[1203] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 667. He died in 1604.

[1204] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada’s debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 668.) No author later than Torquemada cites it. Barcia was not able to find it, and it was considered as hopelessly lost. In 1860 its editor was informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers left by D. Bartolomé José Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. José M. Andrade, and given to Icazbalceta, at whose expense it has been published (_Boston Public Library Catalogue_).

[1205] Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some of the bibliographies give the date 1613, and the place Seville. Cf. further on Torquemada, Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 786; _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 23; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.

[1206] Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557; Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. Kingsborough in his eighth volume gives some extracts from Torquemada.

[1207] Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish and Mexican, some of which, like his _Compassionario_ of 1599, are extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, _The Ramirez Collection_, 1880, nos. 25, 26.

[1208] Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 507.

[1209] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300.

[1210] _Mexico_, i. 187.

[1211] _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. no. 196.

[1212] Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. no. 196; Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. iii. p. 208; Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 186, 697; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 22. Editions of Solis became, in time, numerous in various languages. Most of them may be found noted in the following list:—

_In Spanish._ Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels, 1741, with Goyeneche’s Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected by the author’s manuscript; Barcelona, 1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid, 1763; Barcelona, 1771; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1783-1784,—a beautiful edition, called by Stirling “the triumph of the press of Sancha” (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791, 1798, 1819, 1822; Paris, 1827; Madrid, 1828, 1829, 1838; Barcelona, 1840; Paris, 1858, with notes. Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged editions,—Barcelona, 1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is “Corregida por Augustin Luis Josse,” and is included in the _Biblioteca de autores españoles_, in 1853.

_In French._ The earliest translation was made by Bon André de Citri et de la Guette, and appeared with two different imprints in Paris in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions followed,—La Haye, 1692, in 12mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and engravings reduced from the Spanish editions; Paris, 1714, with plates; Paris, 1730, 1759, 1774, 1777, 1844, etc.; and a new version by Philippe de Toulza, with annotations, published in Paris in 1868.

_In Italian._ The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with portraits of Solis, Cortés, and Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in 1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733.

_In Danish._ Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859).

_In English._ Thomas Townsend’s English version was published in London in 1724, and was reissued, revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having a portrait of Cortés, by Vertue, copied “after a head by Titian,” with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753.

It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first lesson in Spanish history in reading Solis, at Ticknor’s recommendation.

[1213] The story as the English had had it up to this time—except so far as they learned it in translations of Solis—may be found in Burke’s _European Settlements in America_, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166.

[1214] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but translated into Italian for publication. A Spanish version, _Historia Antigua de Mégico_, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in 1826, and reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, 1,104, 2,712). A German translation, _Geschichte von Mexico_, was issued at Leipsic in 1789-1790, with notes. This version is not made from the original Italian, but from an English translation printed in London in 1787 as _The History of Mexico_, translated by Charles Cullen. It was reprinted in London in 1807, and in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 326).

[1215] _Early American Chronicles_, p. 24.

[1216] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 697; also Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53.

[1217] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 700; Leclerc, no. 846.

[1218] _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. 377.

[1219] There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii.

[1220] _Voyageurs_, iii. 422.

[1221] Mr. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i, p. 7, _note_), however, charges his predecessor with parading his acquisition of this then unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and more accessible chroniclers. He also speaks (_Mexico_, i. 701) of an amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to effect, and to a style which he calls “magnificent,” and to a “philosophic flow of thought,”—the latter trait in Prescott being one of his weakest; nor is his style what rhetoricians would call “magnificent.”

[1222] Mr. R. A. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in affirming that “Prescott’s inability to make a personal research” deprives us of the advantage of his integrity and personal character (_New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 312).

[1223] Ticknor’s _Prescott_, quarto edition, pp. 167-172.

[1224] It was soon afterward reprinted in London and in Paris.

[1225] Cf. the collation of criticisms on the _Mexico_, given by Allibone in his _Dictionary of Authors_, and by Poole in his _Index to Periodical Literature_. Archbishop Spalding, in his _Miscellanea_, chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the Catholic view of his labors; and Ticknor, in his _Life of Prescott_, prints various letters from Hallam, Sismondi, and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book the reader may trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily as one might wish however, for in his diaries and letters the historian failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. It is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which might be used by Ticknor in his Life of the historian, somewhat rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth preserving. Prescott’s library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave some part of it to Harvard College, including such manuscripts as he had used in his _Ferdinand and Isabella_; and some years after his death a large part of it was sold at public auction. It was then found that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts and his noctograph were then sold, perhaps through inadvertence, for the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society (cf. _Proceedings_, vol. xiii. p. 66), and other manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library (_Bulletin of Boston Public Library_, iv. 122). A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis, written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the same volume (Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which Prescott was held by his associates of that Society may be seen in the records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859 (_Proceedings_, iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George Bancroft in the _Historical Magazine_, iii. 69. Cf. references in Poole’s _Index_, p. 1047.

[1226] Philadelphia and London, 1859.

[1227] This correspondence was civil, to say the least. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, calls Wilson “a fool and a knave.”

[1228] _American Ethnological Society Transactions_, vol. i.

[1229] Also in _Boston Daily Courier_, May 3, 1859. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ v. 101; _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by John Foster Kirk; Allibone’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer, in his _Life of De Soto_ (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn on the failure of Wilson’s arguments to convince, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October 21, 1879, p. 18.

[1230] Edition of 1874, ii. 110.

[1231] Page 147.

[1232] Born about 1817, and knighted in 1872.

[1233] _Indian Bibliography_, no. 682.

[1234] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 488.

[1235] Cf. _Revue des deux mondes_, 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book was later translated into English. He also published in 1863 and in 1864 _Le Mexique ancien et moderne_, which was also given in an English translation in London in 1864. Cf. _British Quarterly Review_, xl. 360.

[1236] Ruge, in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, tells the story with the latest knowledge.

[1237] Both books command good prices, ranging from $25 to $50 each.

[1238] _Mexico_, i. 697; ii. 788,—where he speaks of N. de Zamacois’ _Historia de Méjico_, Barcelona, 1877-1880, in eleven volumes, as “blundering;” and Mora’s _Méjico y sus Revoluciones_, Paris, 1836, in three volumes, as “hasty.” Bancroft’s conclusion regarding what Mexico itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest is “that no complete account of real value has been written.” Andrés Cavo’s _Tres siglos de México_ (Mexico, 1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 508). It was reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part of the _Biblioteca Nacional y Extranjera_, and again at Jalapa in 1860.

[1239] Vol. ii. chaps. xxi. and xxx., p. 648.

[1240] _Mexico_, ii. 455-456.

[1241] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350.

[1242] Rich, 1832, no. 422; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 650. It was reprinted at Mérida in 1842, and again in 1867.

[1243] Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandelier’s partial bibliography of Yucatan.

[1244] Cf. Field. 1605; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is sometimes claimed; Quaritch usually prices copies at from £2 to £5.

[1245] Field, p. 522.

[1246] The _Registro Yucateco_, a periodical devoted to local historical study, and published in Mérida, only lived for two years, 1845-1846.

[1247] Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College Library. A portrait of him is given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.

[1248] It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez’ copy at £12. It was printed, “Mexici in Ædibus Authoris.”

[1249] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xiii.

[1250] It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or its press. Another collection, gathered by a gentleman attached to Maximilian’s court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another, partly the accumulation of Père Augustin Fischer, the confessor of Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a _Biblioteca Mejicana_. Cf. Jackson’s _Bibliographies Géographiques_, p. 223.

[1251] Many of these afterwards appeared in B. Quaritch’s _Rough List_, no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a sale which included the libraries of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions.

[1252] Cf. for instance his _Native Races_, iv. 565; _Central America_, i. 195; _Mexico_, i. 694, ii. 487, 784; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 19, etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to excerpt and abstract from books, and make references. These slips are put in paper bags according to topic. Such of these memoranda as are not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed in a concluding note.

[1253] The general bibliographies of American history are examined in a separate section of the present work and elsewhere in the present chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various other phases of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, touching Mexico, however, only incidentally, in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880. Harrisse, in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 212, has given a partial list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others will be found in the _Chronological List of Historical Fiction_ published by the Boston Public Library. Among the poems are Gabriel Lasso de la Vega’s _Cortés Valeroso_, 1588, republished as _Mexicana_ in 1594 (Maisonneuve, no. 2,825—200 francs); Saavedra Guzman’s _El Peregrino indiano_, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, £4 4_s._); Balbuena’s _El Bernardo_, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one book to the Conquest by Cortés (Leclerc, no. 48—100 francs); Boesnier’s _Le Mexique Conquis_, Paris, 1752; Escoiquiz, _México Conquistada_, 1798; Roux de Rochelle, _Ferdinand Cortez_; P. du Roure, _La Conquête du Mexique_.

Among the plays,—Dryden’s _Indian Emperor_ (Cortés and Montezuma); Lope de Vega’s _Marquez del Valle_; Fernand de Zarate’s _Conquista de México_; Canizares, _El Pleyto de Fernan Cortes_; F. del Rey, _Hernand Cortez en Tabasco_; Piron, _Cortes_; Malcolm MacDonald, _Guatemozin_ (Philadelphia, 1878), etc.

[1254] Dr. Kohl’s studies on the course of geographical discovery along the Pacific coast were never published. He printed an abstract in the _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1855, pp. 374, 375. A manuscript memoir by him on the subject is in the library of the American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7, 26) at Worcester. So great advances in this field have since been made that it probably never will be printed. There is a chronological statement of explorations up the Pacific coast in Duflot de Mofras’ _Exploration du territoire de l’Orégon_ (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap. iv.; but H. H. Bancroft’s _Pacific States_, particularly his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., embodies the fullest information on this subject. In the enumeration of maps in the present paper, many omissions are made purposely, and some doubtless from want of knowledge. It is intended only to give a sufficient number to mark the varying progress of geographical ideas.

[1255] See _ante_, pp. 106, 115.

[1256] Cf. maps _ante_, on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127.

[1257] This map is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and is portrayed in Kunstmann’s _Atlas_, pl. iv., and in Stevens’s _Notes_, pl. v. Cf. Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_ (for a part), no. 10; and Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 167.

[1258] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 131.

[1259] A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, pl. xlvi.

[1260] The _Novus Orbis_ (Paris) has sometimes another map; but Harrisse says the Finæus one is the proper one. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 172, 173.

[1261] Vol. III. p. 11. This reduction, there made from Stevens’s _Notes_, pl. iv., is copied on a reduced scale in Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is given in Daly’s _Early Cartography_. Its names, as Harrisse has pointed out (_Cabots_, p. 182), are similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529. The bibliography of this Paris Grynæus is examined elsewhere.

[1262] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 127.

[1263] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps_, 1844, p. 22.

[1264] Vol. for 1877, p. 359. Cf. the present History, Vol. I. p. 214; IV. 81.

[1265] See Vol. III. p. 18.

[1266] _Epilogue_, p. 219.

[1267] This edition was in small octavo, with sixty maps, engraved on metal, of which there are seven of interest to students of American cartography. They are of South America (no. 54), New Spain (no. 55), “Terra nova Bacalaos” or Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57), and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in America which have fallen under the Editor’s observation are those in the Library of Congress, in the Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the collections of Mr. Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in Cambridge. There was one in the Murphy Collection, no. 2,067. It is worth from $15 to $25. Cf. on Gastaldi’s maps, Zurla’s _Marco Polo_ ii. 368; the _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_, Torino, 1881; Castellani’s _Catalogo delle più rare opere geografiche_, Rome, 1876, and other references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1548; and Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History.

[1268] This edition is in small quarto and contains six American maps:

no. 1, “Orbis Descriptio;” no. 2, “Carta Marina;” no. 3, a reproduction of the Zeni map; no. 4, “Schonlandia” (Greenland region, etc.); no. 5, South America; no. 6, New Spain; no. 7, “Tierra nueva,” or eastern coast of North America; no. 8, Brazil; no. 9, Cuba; no. 10, Hispaniola.

These maps were repeated in the 1562, 1564, and 1574 editions of Ptolemy. The copies in America of these editions known to the Editor are in the following libraries: Library of Congress, 1561, 1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 1561; Harvard College Library, 1562; Carter-Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Philadelphia Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. L. M. Barlow’s, 1562, 1564; James Carson Brevoort’s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull’s, 1561; Trinity College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Baldwin’s (Cleveland) 1561; Murphy Catalogue, 1561, 1562, 1574,—the last two bought by President A. D. White of Cornell University. These editions of Ptolemy’s _Geographica_ are described, and their American maps compared with the works of other contemporary cartographers, in Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s Geography_ (1884).

[1269] _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, pages 62; plates vi., vii., ix.

[1270] These and other maps of the Palazzo are noted in _Studi biografici e bibliografici della società geografica italiana_, Rome, 1882, ii. 169, 172.

[1271] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 209; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 240; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,047. The map is very rare. Henry Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. This and a fac-simile of the title of the book are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra, _Cartografia Mexicana_, 37.

[1272] Sabin, _Dictionary of books relating to America_, vii. 27,504; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 2,413 (books sold in London, July, 1881). The Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Brevoort’s copy has the map, and that gentleman thinks it belongs to this edition as well as to the other.

[1273] The Catalogue of the British Museum puts under 1562 a map by Furlani called _Univerales Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta da Paulo di Forlani_. A “carta nautica” of the same cartographer, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarem’s _Atlas_. (Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1839; and _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, ii. p. 142). Thomassy in his _Papes géographes_, p. 118, mentions a Furlani (engraved) map of 1565, published at Venice, and says it closely resembles the Gastaldi type. Another, of 1570, is contained in Lafreri’s _Tavole moderne di geografia_, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572 (cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Gastaldi_, 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237). Furlani, in 1574, as we shall see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to Diego Hermano, cf. Willes’ _History of Trauvayle_ (London, 1577) fol. 232, _verso_.

[1274] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Library. Dufossé recently priced it at 25 francs.

[1275] Morton’s _New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 126.

[1276] See _ante_, p. 104.

[1277] Magellan and his companions seem to have given the latter name, according to Pigafetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted the name. (Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the present volume, _ante_, p. 196).

[1278] Brevoort (_Verrazano_, p. 80) suspects that the Vopellio map of 1556 represents the geographical views of Cortés at this time. Mr. Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. See _ante_, p. 436, for fac-simile.

[1279] Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, _No. Mexican States_, i. 18; _Northwest Coast_, i. 13.

[1280] Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxiii. 366.

[1281] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258.

[1282] These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. other references in Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258, where his statements are at variance with those in his _Central America_, i. 143.

[1283] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 65, where a report describes this preliminary expedition.

[1284] In 1524 Francisco Cortés in his expedition to the Jalisco coast heard from the natives of a wooden house stranded there many years earlier, which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese voyage. H. H. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 15.

[1285] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 180, and references.

[1286] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. iii., on this voyage, with full references.

[1287] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. ii., with references; p. 29, on Guzman’s expedition, and a map of it, p. 31.

[1288] The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy of this when in Spain in 1883, and from his copy the annexed woodcut is made. Cf. Gomara, folio 117; Herrera, Decade viii. lib. viii. cap. ix. and x. Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 150) writes without knowledge of this map.

[1289] The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 190.

[1290] This expedition of Cortés is not without difficulties in reconciling authorities and tracing the fate of the colonists which he sought to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined the various accounts (_North Mexican States_, i. 52, etc.).

[1291] Cortés had called California an island as early as 1524, in a report to the Emperor, deducing his belief from native reports. De Laet in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish maps showing it of insular shape.

[1292] Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 322; Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 425; _Central America_, i. 152, and _North Mexican States_, i. 79, with references. The accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would seem probable that Ulloa’s own ship was never heard from. Ramusio gives a full account (vol. iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, on another ship.

[1293] At least so says Herrera (Stevens’s edition, vi. 305). Castañeda defers the naming till Alarcon’s expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the name as of well-known application. The origin of the name has been a cause of dispute. Professor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a bay on the coast, and so was made to include the whole region. He claims that it was simply a designation used by Cortés to distinguish a land which we now know to be the hottest in the two Americas,—Tierra California, derived from “calida fornax,” fiery furnace. (Cf. _Annual Report of the Survey west of the hundredth Parallel_, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and _Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers_, U.S.A., 1878, appendix, also printed separately as _Notes upon the First Discoveries of California and the Origin of its Name_, by Jules Marcou, Washington, 1878.) Bancroft (_California_, i. 65, 66) points out a variety of equivalent derivations which have been suggested. The name was first traced in 1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance published, it is supposed, in 1510,—_Las Sergas de Esplandian_, by Garcia Ordoñez de Montalvo, which might easily enough have been a popular book with the Spanish followers of Cortés. There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526. In this romance Esplandian, emperor of the Greeks, the imaginary son of the imaginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against the infidels of the East. A pagan queen of Amazons brings an army of Amazons to the succor of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named Calafia, and her kingdom is called “California,”—a name possibly derived from “Calif,” which, to the readers of such a book, would be associated with the East. California in the romance is represented as an island rich with gold and diamonds and pearls. The language of the writer is this:—

“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise; and it was peopled by black women, without any man among them, for they lived in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strongest in all the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed to ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. They lived in caves wrought out of the rock with much labor. They had many ships, with which they sailed out to other countries to obtain booty.”

That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck the fancy of Cortés is the theory of Dr. Hale, who adds “that as a western pioneer now gives the name of ‘Eden’ to his new home, so Cortés called his new discovery ‘California.’” (Cf. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April 30, 1862; in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 312, Oct. 1862; in _His Level Best_, p. 234; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; J. Archibald in _Overland Monthly_, ii. 437, Prof. J. D. Whitney in article “California” in _Encyclopædia Britannica_.) Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 82; and _California_, vol. i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use of the name known to us was in Preciado’s narrative (Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 343) of Ulloa’s voyage; and that there is no evidence of its use by Cortés himself. It was applied then to the bay or its neighborhood, which had been called Santa Cruz or La Paz.

[1294] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 58.

[1295] Cf. _post_, chap. vii.

[1296] _Notes_, etc., p. 4.

[1297] We have Alarcon’s narrative in Ramusio, iii. 363; Herrera, Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 425, 505; Ternaux-Compans’ _Voyages_, etc., ix. 299. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 93) gives various references. An intended second expedition under Alarcon, with a co-operating fleet to follow the outer coast of the peninsula, failed of execution. The instructions given in 1541 to Alarcon for his voyage on the California coast, by order of Mendoza, are given in B. Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 1.

[1298] These are the ship’s figures; but it is thought their reckoning was one or two degrees too high.

[1299] Attempts have been made. Cf. Bancroft, _California_, i. 70; _Northwest Coast_, i. 38.

[1300] The source of our information for this voyage is a _Relacion_ (June 27, 1542, to April 14, 1543) printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xiv. 165; and very little is added from other sources, given in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 133. Buckingham Smith gave the _Relacion_ earlier in his _Coleccion de varios Documentos para la historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes_ (Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). A translation is contained in Wheeler’s _United States Geological Survey_, vol. vii., with notes, and an earlier English version by Alexander S. Taylor was published in San Francisco in 1853, as _The First Voyage to the Coast of California_. Cf. also Bancroft’s _California_, i. 69; _Northwest Coast_, i. 137. It is thought that Juan Paez was the author of the original, which is preserved among the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems to have used it, omitting much and adding somewhat, thus making the narrative which, till the original was printed, supplied the staple source to most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navarrete summarized the story from this _Relacion_ in vol. xv. of his _Documentos inéditos_. Bancroft (vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant references.

[1301] _Nouvelle Espagne_ (i. 330), where, as well as in other of the later writers, it is said the name “Anian” came from one of Cortereal’s companions. But see H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 36, 55, 56, where he conjectures that the name is a confused reminiscence at a later day of the name of _Anus_ Cortereal, mentioned by Hakluyt in 1582.

[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name (cf. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of chap. vii.

It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 55) that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects, of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect. Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian” was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi (1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others.

[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46.

[1304] Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 193) places it about 1542.

[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library. A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas.

[1306] Repeated in 1545.

[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41.

[1308] See _ante_, p. 177.

[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed by Münster, two of which have American interest:—

_a._ _Typus universalis_,—an elliptical map, showing America on the left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating America from India superior on the northwest.

_b._ _Novæ insulæ_,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41.

There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library, in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_. The same maps were also used in the Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J. H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The _Murphy Catalogue_ shows another, no. 2,066.

[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ in 1554.

There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,078.

Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy copy is no. 2,065 of the _Murphy Catalogue_.

The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555.

[1311] _Ante_, p. 435.

[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870.

[1313] Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 137.

[1314] See _ante_, p. 436.

[1315] See _ante_, p. 228.

[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem, who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures, Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage.

[1317] See _ante_, p. 438.

[1318] See _post_, p. 451.

[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an _Atlante maritimo_, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. _Katalog der Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden_, 1882, vol. i. p. 369.

[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, _post_, p. 470.

[1321] See p. 452.

[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s _Monuments de la Géographie_, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets; in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol. ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s _Early Cartography_, p. 38.

[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, _post_, p. 471.

[1324] See the map, _post_, p. 453.

[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College, Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted in the text. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 648; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, _Catalogue_ (1832), nos. 51, 55, etc.

Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast, while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_. Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller (1872), no. 1,255.

Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. _Boston Public Library Catalogue_, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no. 2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps); in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241; Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165), Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde (p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686, with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously.

[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared.

[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and “Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius. Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse.

[1328] See p. 454.

[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage. Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24.

[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102.

[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol. III. p. 80.

The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place (Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft has published vol. i. of his _History of California_; and after giving a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s Bay, and in a volume previously issued (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name (p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at Manilla in 1734 as _Navegacion Especulation_, being used to set this point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants wrote a paper in the _Overland Monthly_ in 1874. The book is not very scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106) seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI_, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc.

[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98.

[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention of Popellinière’s _Les Trois Mondes_. The third world is the great Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time.

[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ is given in fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 151, and in his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 65.

[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is discussed in Vol. I.

[1336] Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C. Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, vol. i. p. 250; Burney, _Voyages_, vol. i., and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 139, where there are references and collections of authorities.

[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, _California_, vol. i. p. 94. The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that prominent point was first named.

[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42.

[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One, of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz), and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in Barrow’s _Chronological History of Voyages_, etc. Another manuscript was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan as _Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico_, translated from a Spanish manuscript (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,746), and again in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti, who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library, no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the _Quarterly Review_, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s _Voyages_, vol. v. p.167. A memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,” is printed in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, vol. xi. (1821). Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave his view of the question in vol. xv. of his _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ in the volume specially called _Examen historico-critico de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D. Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete_. Bancroft calls it an elaboration of the voyage of the _Sutil y Méxicana_. (Cf. Arcana, _Bibliographia de obras anonimas_, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his _Memoir on the Straits of Anian_ places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the story and cites the examiners of it, _pro_ and _con_, and gives (p. 96) Maldonado’s map of the strait.

[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849.

[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii.

[1342] Greenhow in his _Oregon_ contends for a certain basis of truth in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. xv., and Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 146, and _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure fiction, and in a long note gives the writers _pro_ and _con_.

[1343] In his _Speculum Orbis Terræ_. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437, and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application of the name that Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 84) finds no earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597.

[1344] _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18.

[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no. 19.

[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of 1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the Hakluyt of 1589.

[1347] _Mapoteca Colombiana_, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol. IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4].

[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan, born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, 219.) The maps showing America are,—

No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work.

Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores.

Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection. (Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v. p. 502.)

This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.)

An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland.

The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in 1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps. There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries.

[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4]

[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions, in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in that language; the first part being without date, while the second and third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, _Bibliographie sur les journaux des navigateurs_, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503, vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,148; Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos. 1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884.

The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p. 206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8_s._; and yet Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50. The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15_s._, and the Jadis copy the same. Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15_s._ 6_d._ The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 1,498.

The first Latin edition, _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, was printed in 1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare; but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150 francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196; 1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks.

The earliest French edition, _Histoire de la Navigation_, etc., bears two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam, 1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii. and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to it a _Description de l’Amérique_ (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map. America is also described in the _Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen_ (Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130 francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no. 2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638 edition), no. 219—£1 10_s._; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638 edition)—£8 10_s._

There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals. The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p. 189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (_Dictionary_, vol. x. p. 375) gives the bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s _Levens van beroemde Nederlanders_, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. _Voyagie ofte Schipvaert by Noorden_, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no. 1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are included in _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, Amsterdam, _circa_ 1663.

[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170.

[1352] Vol. III. p. 80.

[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the following American maps:—

Page 2. The two Americas.

Page 7. The West India Islands.

Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain.

Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala.

Page 38. South America.

Page 47. Audiencia of Quito.

Page 63. The Chile coast.

Jefferys, in his _Northwest Passage_, gives a fac-simile of the American hemisphere.

The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched in Vol. IV. p. 101.

The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn between 1580 and 1600.

[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called.

[1355] Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 89; Bancroft doubts Viscaino’s presence (_North Mexican States_, i. 148).

[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 151) cites other writers.

[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it, and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos_, viii. 539. Torquemada used it, and so did Venegas in his _Noticia de la California_ (Madrid, 1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767; German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172, 1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,599, 1,600; Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 281. An abridged narrative from Lorenzana is given in the _Boletin_ of the Mexican Geographical Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his _Coleccion_, xv. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 154-155, and _California_, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort in the _Magazine of American History_, i. 124.

[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line (42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George (_History of California_, i. 104; _Northwest Coast_, i. 84).

[1359] Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 3; _California_, ii. 97; _North Mexican States_, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published, as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the _Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca_ (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s _Northwest Coast_ (1840), p. 131; Burney’s _South Sea Voyages_ (1806), vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 156; _California_, i. 97, and _Northwest Coast_, i. 101, 146.

[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iv. 184, 185.

[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum_ (1844), i. 33.

[1362] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their part no cartographical expression of the idea.

[1363] In Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, i. 169.

[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 103)—to Jannson’s _Monde Maritime_. If by this is meant Jannson’s _Orbis Maritimus_, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to his edition of the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. Carpenter’s _Geography_ (Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the Amsterdam _Herrera_ of 1622.

[1365] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 104) sketches a similar map which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s _West Indische Spieghel_. Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561.

[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map of 1630.

[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, xv. 215; Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his _Northwest Coast_, i. 107.

[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his _Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_, in 1744,—according to Bancroft.

[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time, and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, February, 1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his _History of Boston_ (p. 89), and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_ (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an _alibi_ for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616.

[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in _Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60° is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some _Observations critiques_, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’ _California_, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s _Great Probability of a Northwest Passage_, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north. Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his _Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas_, vol. iii. (1813). William Goldson, in his _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte_ (Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his _Documentos inéditos_, xv., as he had done at less length in his _Sutil y Méxicana_ in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his _Northwest Coast_, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe, _Abrégé des Voyages_ (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in _An Account of a Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage_, by Theodore Swaine Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii.

[1372] _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s _Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific_, 1803.

[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s _Zee Atlas_ of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,” it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called “Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also gives it.

Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his _Description_ (1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later, in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his _Nya Swerige_, p. 10, as shown herewith (p. 464).

It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg. The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy; and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the Asiatic shore of this region.

[1374] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. and _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the _Arcano del Mare_ is sometimes mentioned.

[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s _Amye Robsart and Leicester_, 1870; _Warwickshire Historical Collections_; Dugdale’s _Warwickshire_, p. 166.

[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi., xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661.

[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in 1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747.

[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia, given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852), where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.”

[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.”

[1380] Born 1600; died 1667.

[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 115) is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s _Collection of Voyages_ (1699), thirty years after he had published his own map in 1669.

[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 110.

[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.

[1384] Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5.

[1385] _New Voyage round the World._ The map is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 112, 119, for other data.

[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache, and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the first discoverers of California, appended to the _Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers, U. S. A._, 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of his associates, Luis Velarde (_Documentos para la historia de México_, ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E. L. Berthoud in the _Kansas City Review_ (June, 1883), that a large area between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level, was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115.

[1388] _Recueil des Voyages au Nord_, vol. iii. p. 268.

[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (_Oregon Question_, 1846) as quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula.

[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ p. 423.

[1391] _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in Bancroft, _Northw. Coast_, i. 123.

[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide himself.

[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123.

[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 463; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 125, 126.

[1396] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755 Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the _island_ in his map.

[1397] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in the insularity of California.

[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from 1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are found in William Doyle’s _Account of the British Dominions beyond the Atlantic_ (London, 1770), and in the _Mémoires sur la situation des pays septentrionaux_, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in 1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book published in 1772, and in his _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique_, also published at Lausanne in 1779.

[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s _Mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans les parties septentrionales_ (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and Dobbs’s _Northwest Passage_ (1754).

[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) _Voyages from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr. from the high Dutch of S. Muller_ [should be G. F. Muller], _with 3 maps_: (1) _Part of Japanese map_ [this is sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. p. 130]. (2) _Delisle and Buache’s fictitious map._ (3) _New Discoveries of Russians and French._

Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf. also William Coxe’s _Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia and America_ (2d ed. rev.), _London_, 1780, and later editions in 1787 and 1803; also, see Robertson’s _America_, note 43.

[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, Vol. i. p. 131.

[1402] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian archives.

[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the Oregon question. It is called _Viages de los Españoles a la costa norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790_. My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that department.

[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with references in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 151 _et seq._ Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present paper.

[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in 1802. Cf. Navarrete, _Sutil y Mexicana_.

[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 135.

[1407] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part of his map.

[1408] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map.

[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map.

[1410] Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Historical Magazine_, vol. xviii. p. 155; _Harper’s Magazine_, December, 1882; Bulfinch, _Oregon and El Dorado_, p. 3. The report on the claims of the heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the _Historical Magazine_, September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved in Bulfinch. Cf. also _American Journal of Numismatics_, vi. 33, 63; vii. 7; _Coin-Collectors Journal_, vi. 46; _Magazine of American History_, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 185 _et seq._ He had the help of a journal kept on one of the ships.

[1411] Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., must be consulted for these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages.

[1412] _Relation de Castañeda_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages_, etc., ix. i.

[1413] _Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman_, in Icazbalceta, _Coll. de Docs._, ii. 303; _Quarta relacion_, in Ibid., p. 475; _García de Lopez’ Relacion_, in Pacheco’s _Coll. Doc. Inéd._, tom. xiv. pp. 455-460.

[1414] [See _ante_, p. 391.—ED.]

[1415] _Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca_, translated by Buckingham Smith (chap. xxxi. p. 167).

[1416] [See _ante_, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient Florida.”—ED.]

[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249.

[1418] _A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola_ in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810).

[1419] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 9.

[1420] [See _ante_, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—ED.]

[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona, somewhat west from Tucson.” _Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 8.

[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—ED.]

[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men, who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were sent back, to the number of sixty. (_Relation_, p. 12.) This latter statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. _Relation_; Hakluyt’s _Collection of Voyages (Principall Navigations)_, iii. 454.

[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290.

[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen, was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage, containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio, _Navigationi_, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula, and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 173; and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr. H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of _United States Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian_. [See also the present volume, p. 443.—ED.]

[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V., dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290.

[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be the ruined structure, called _Casa Grande_, in southern Arizona, near Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol. I. of the present History.—ED.]

[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march, describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito.

[1429] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca.

[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, _Collection of Voyages_, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810).

[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present Moqui villages. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15.

[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon, the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50.

[1433] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.”

[1434] Davis (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 160) suggests that he should have written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.”

[1435] [See _ante_, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast.”—ED.]

[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant Abert’s report, _Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session_, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco.

[1437] Davis (_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 185, note) places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But Mr. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, pp. 20-22), from documentary evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182).

[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion de documentos_, p. 65; Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.”

[1439] General J. H. Simpson, _Coronado’s March_, p. 335, has identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s _Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins in the Valley of Pecos_, p. 113.

[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s _Visit_, pp. 39, 115.

[1441] Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 22) places Tutahaco in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to Davis’s opinion (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 180) that it was at Laguna. Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro. (_Ibid._, p. 24.) General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 323, note) discusses the question of the disappearance of the river.

[1442] Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that it must have been early in 1541.

[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc.

[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth; Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 113) says it was on May 5.

[1445] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 336) has given the reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary of the Pecos.

[1446] Jaramillo (_Relation_ p. 374) says that this was “much nearer New Spain;” but Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 120) makes them to have passed by this very village.

[1447] In his _Letter to Charles V._ (p. 358), Coronado states that having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359). This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda (_Relation_, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a day, as measured by counting their steps.

[1448] _Letter to Charles V._, p. 360. There is a great difference of opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin, Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission founded subsequently to 1629. See _Diary of an excursion to the ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico_, 1853, by Major J. H. Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however, (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon the Platte River. _Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society_, April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (_History of New Mexico_, p. 141) thinks that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira with certainty. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 25) is not satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states, and believes that he moved more in a circle.

[1449] Jaramillo (_Relation_, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of August;” but according to Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 141), Coronado got back to Tiguex in August.

[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc., north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 23.

[1451] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) has identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this, Gregg, in his _Commerce of the Prairies_, had given a description corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s _Relation_, p. 139.

[1452] _Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos_, tom. xv. p. 180; Hakluyt, _Voyages_, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810).

[1453] _Coronado’s March_, p. 324.

[1454] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1455] [See _ante_, p. 290.—ED.]

[1456] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.]

[1457] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vii. The latest volumes read on the titlepage: _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada._—ED.]

[1458] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vi.—ED.]

[1459] [For bibliography of this _Relacion_ see _ante_, p. 286.—ED.]

[1460] [See _ante_, p. 287.—ED.]

[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session, 1848.

[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session, 1850.

[1463] Cf. also _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, vol. v. p. 194, and _Geographical Magazine_ (1874), vol. i. p. 86.

[1464] This is his _North Mexican States_, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76, 82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He touches it incidentally in his _Central America_, vol. i. p. 153; _Mexico_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; _California_, vol. i. p. 8; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed treatment in his volumes on _New Mexico and Arizona_, which are yet to be published.

[1465] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1857, and October, 1878.

[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent compendium, Shipp’s _De Soto and Florida_ ch. vii.

[1467] [Cf. Markham’s _Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega_, vol. i. chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—ED.]

[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the chief port on the Atlantic side.

[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 317.—ED.]

[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine. Prescott, i. 211.—ED.]

[1471] Helps translates them:—

“My good Lord Governor, Have pity on our woes; For here remains the butcher, To Panamá the salesman goes.”

Prescott (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 257) has thus rendered them into English:—

“Look out, Señor Governor, For the drover while he’s near; Since he goes home to get the sheep For the butcher, who stays here.”

[1472] (_a_) Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot.

(_b_) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge of Pizarro’s artillery, consisting of two falconets; an able and experienced officer. After the death of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, suspecting him of treachery, ran him through at the battle of Chupas. He left a half-caste son, who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de la Vega.

(_c_) Cristóval de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in Andalusia. He was one of the first citizens of Lima when that city was founded,—in 1535.

(_d_) Alonzo Briceño, a native of Benavente. He was at the division of Atahualpa’s ransom, and received the share of a cavalry captain.

(_e_) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one of the first citizens of Lima in 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to the side of the president, Gasca, and was afterwards captain of the Guard of the Royal Seal. He is said to have founded the port of San Gallan, the modern Pisco. Ribera was born at Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He eventually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving children to inherit his estates.

(_f_) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente, in Old Castile. He was a stanch adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Anaquito, where he showed ferocious enmity against the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco Nuñez de Vela. He married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the battle of Sacsahuana, in 1548, he was hanged by order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen of Arequipa, and left descendants there.

(_g_) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar; but nothing more is known of him.

(_h_) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards landed at Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain until Pizarro’s return; but he died in the interval.

(_i_) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the Basque Provinces, probably of Guipuzcoa; but nothing more is known of him.

(_j_) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru, fell in love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board again. So the pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down with an oar, and he was put in irons on the lower deck. Nothing more is known of him.

(_k_) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a statement on the subject of the heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. 3, 1529, at Panamá. _Documentos inéditos, tom._ xxvi. p. 260, quoted by Helps, vol. iii. p. 446.

(_l_) Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of him.

(_m_) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known of him.

(_n_) Diego de Truxillo (Alonzo, according to Zarate). He was afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to have written an account of the discovery of Peru, which is still in manuscript. _Antonio_, ii. 645; also, _Leon Pinelo_.

(_o_) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled at Lima, where he had children.

(_p_) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was the first to cross the line drawn by Pizarro. He was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having been present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at the battle of Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cusco to Quispicanchi, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring life. He was still living at Cusco in 1560, a rich and influential citizen. [Mr. Markham has given the number as sixteen in his _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, p. 8, together with his reasons for it, which do not commend themselves, however, to Kirk, the editor of Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, edition of 1879, i. 303). Helps dismisses the story of the line as the melodramatic effort of a second-rate imagination. Cf. also Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, p. 419.—ED.]

[1473] See the section on “El Dorado,” _post_.

[1474] [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. Cf. Prescott’s _Peru_, i. 422; Humboldt’s _Views of Nature_ (Bohn’s ed.), 410, 430.—ED.]

[1475] [Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, i. 453) enters into an explanation of his conversion of the money of Ferdinand and Isabella’s time into modern equivalents, and cites an essay on this point by Clemencin in vol vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid.—ED.]

[1476] [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the charge of assassinating Huascar and conspiring against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the “villany” of the transaction. Cf. Prescott, _History of the Conquest of Peru_, vol. i. p. 467. Pizarro’s secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime as being committed upon “the greatest butcher that the world ever saw.”

Prescott (_Peru_, ii. 473, 480) prints several of the contemporary accounts of the seizure and execution of Atahualpa. He says that Garcilasso de la Vega “has indulged in the romantic strain to an unpardonable extent in his account of the capture; ... yet his version has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has ever found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious and sceptical Robertson.” There are the usual stories of a comet at the time of the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, pp. 421, 429.—ED.]

[1477] They are as follows:—

(_a_) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of Florida and discoverer of the Mississippi.

(_b_) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. He was murdered at Lima, in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against the assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was the most important personage in Peru, next to Pizarro.

(_c_) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, whose wife, Maria de Escobar, introduced the cultivation of wheat into Peru.

(_d_) Francisco de Fuentes, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(_e_) Pedro de Ayala. Diego de Mora, afterwards settled at Truxillo on the coast of Peru. The president, Gasca made him a captain of cavalry, and he was subsequently corregidor of Lima.

(_g_) Francisco Moscoso.

(_h_) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by the Ynca Titu Atauchi, but treated kindly.

(_i_) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those who shared the ransom.

(_j_) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of Almagro. He accompanied his chief on his expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by the assassination of Pizarro.

(_k_) Alonzo de Avila.

(_l_) Blas de Atienza was the second man who ever embarked on the Pacific, when he served under Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa in 1513. He settled at Truxillo; and his daughter Inez accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560 in his ill-fated expedition to discover El Dorado. His son Blas was a friar, who published a book called _Relacion de los Religiosos_, at Lima, in 1617.

[Cf. also note in Markham’s _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, p. 104.—ED.]

[1478] There is no record, however, that a special designation for the marquisate was ever granted to Pizarro. It is therefore an error to call him Marquis of Atabillos, as he is sometimes designated. He signed himself simply the Marquis Pizarro.

[1479] [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, as it is now or was recently existing, is shown in Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol, i. p. 311.—ED.]

[1480] [See chap. v.—ED.]

[1481] For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the “Critical Essay,” _post_.

[1482] [See Vol. III. p. 66—ED.]

[1483] [A life of Santa Rosa, by Léonard de Hansen, was printed at Rome in 1664. A Spanish translation, _La bienaventurada Rosa_, etc., by Father Iacinto de Parra, was published at Madrid in 1668. It is enlarged upon the original from documents gathered to induce the Pope to canonize her. De Parra, in his _Rosa Laureada_ (Madrid, 1670), gives an account of the movement to effect her canonization; and an account of the solemnities on the occasion of its consummation is printed in the _Mercure de France_ (1671). A Spanish translation of Hansen, by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 1671; and a Portuguese version appeared at Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by Acuña, bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome in 1665. A metrical _Vida de Santa Rosa_, by Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid, 1711. (Cf. Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812-1813.)—ED.]

[1484] [See Introduction (p. i) and p. 67.—ED.]

[1485] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[1486] [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a note following the chapter on Las Casas. Prescott has measured him as an authority in his _Peru_ (Kirk’s edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps speaks of his history as a “mass of confusion and irrelevancy; but at the same time,” he adds, “it is a most valuable mine of facts.” A paper, appended to the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice in 1534, seems to have been enlarged upon a tract _La Conquista del Peru_, published at Seville in 1534 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 199), and is thought to bear some relation to the “Relatione d’un Capitano Spagnuolo” given in Ramusio, vol. iii. (_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, no. 61,097).—ED.]

[1487] _Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos_, vol. iii. no. vii. p. 393.

[1488] [_Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla, and of the Discovery of the South Sea and Coasts of Peru_, etc.—ED.]

[1489] [Oviedo traces Andagoya’s career in vol. iv. p. 126. Cf. Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426; and the notice in Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. xxxix. p. 552.—ED.]

[1490] [_Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru._ There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 198.—ED.]

[1491] [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Quaritch in 1873 priced it at £35; Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 277; Ternaux, no. 54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is sometimes bound with Oviedo’s _Coronica_, and F. S. Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the combined edition at £105. The _Huth Catalogue_, vol. v. p. 1628, shows an edition, _Conquista del Peru_, black-letter, without place or date, which Harrisse thinks preceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the only one known.—ED.]

[1492] [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was made by Domingo de Gazlelu, and appeared at Venice; and a fac-simile of the title is given here with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich (no. 11) in 1832 priced it at £1 4_s._; Quaritch of late years has held it at £5 and £7; F. S. Ellis (1884) at £12, 12_s._; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 750 francs. There are copies in the Lenox, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at Milan the same year in an inferior manner, and a copy of this edition is in the British Museum. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 200, 201; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 818; Huth, p. 1628; Court, no. 376. What is said to be a translation of this Italian version into French, _L’histoire de la terre neuve du Peru_, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques Gohory), purports to be an extract from Oviedo’s _Historia_, Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 264; _Court Catalogue_, no. 175.—ED.]

[1493] [Vol. iii. p. 378.—ED.]

[1494] [_Voyages_, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth about eight francs. A German edition is recorded as made by Külb at Stuttgard in 1843.—ED.]

[1495] [Prescott says (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 385) “Allowing for the partialities incident to a chief actor in the scenes he describes, no authority can rank higher.”—ED.]

[1496] Chap. xv. lib. 43.

[1497] Paris, 1845, p. 180.

[1498] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 109, notes, but not _de visu_, a plaquette enumerating the treasure sent to Spain by Pizarro in 1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at £21 a second copy of the tract mentioned by Harrisse (no. 108) as known only in a copy in a private library in New York, entitled _Copey etlicher brieff so auss Hispania Kummen seindt_, 1535, which purports to be translated through the French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it a version of Harrisse’s no. 109, the only copy known of which was, as he says, lost in a binder’s shop. Cf. the _Libro ultimo de le Indie occidentale intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del Peru_, published at Rome, May, 1535 (Sunderland, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of Peruvian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. iii.—ED.]

[1499] [It would seem to have been used by Herrera. Navarrete communicated a copy to Prescott, who characterizes it in his _Conquest of Peru_, ii. 72.—ED.]

[1500] _Papeles Manuscripts Originales y Ineditos_, G. 127.

[1501] Lima, 1880.

[1502] [The author of the _Varones_ was a grandson of the daughter of Francisco Pizarro (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 273.—ED.]

[1503] [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, and at Paris in 1845.—ED.]

[1504] [Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet._, 132) quotes from Asher’s Catalogue, 1865, a _Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 1525, without place, which he supposes to refer to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and Luque.—ED.]

[1505] [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references, given in the Introduction.—ED.]

[1506] [Prescott, ii. 494.—ED.]

[1507] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, no. 207). Quaritch priced it in 1879 at £9.—ED.]

[1508] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (no. 316); and others were sold in the Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808) sales, as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and the Old Admiral’s sales (no. 329) in England. Quaritch priced a copy at £16 10s. in 1883,—a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded in 1884 by F. S. Ellis (£21). Leclerc (giving the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400 francs (no. 1,862).—ED.]

[1509] [Zarate was early translated into other languages. An Italian version appeared at Venice in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa (Carter-Brown, i. 246; Leclerc, 1865—100 francs; Stevens—£3 3_s._). Muller (_Books on America_ (1872), nos. 1,231, etc.) enumerates five Dutch editions, the earliest edited by Willem Silvius, Antwerp, 1564 (the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, _Catalogue_, no. 245). In 1573 a new title and preface were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596, 1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amsterdam. There were French versions published at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719, and at Paris in 1706, 1716, 1742, 1752-54, 1830. An English translation, made by T. Nicholas, was published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. 285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy in 1884 at £28.—ED.]

[1510] [For a detailed bibliography of the manuscripts and editions of Cieza de Leon, with various references, see the Editorial Note following this chapter.—ED.]

[1511] [In his _Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros documentos inéditos concernientes a este conquistador, reunidos i anotados por Diego Barros Arana_, Santiago de Chile (1873), 80 pp. 392.—ED.]

[1512] [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. p. 406.—ED.]

[1513] The historiographer Juan Bautista Muñoz intended to have written an exhaustive history of America, but he only completed one volume. He however made copies of documents from the Seville Archives in 1782 and 1783, which form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are now in various libraries, but the greater part belongs to the Real Academia de la historia de Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present volume, p. iii.—ED.]

[1514] Prescott’s copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. p. 471) unfortunately contains various inaccuracies.

[1515] _Ubi supra._

[1516] [Helps speaks of these family papers as in the possession of the Counts of Cancelada, and he used copies which were procured for him by Gayangos. _Spanish Conquest_, New York edition, iv. 227.—ED.]

[1517] [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 at £5 5_s._; Leclerc (no. 1,733) in 1878 at 800 francs. The Council of the Indies is said to have tried to check its circulation. A copy is in the Carter-Brown (i. 282) Collection; and another was sold in the Court sale recently (no. 128).—ED.]

[1518] [A view of what is called the house of Garcilasso de la Vega is given in Squier’s Peru, _Land of the Incas_, p. 449.—ED.]

[1519] [A detailed bibliographical note of Garcilasso de la Vega’s works on Peru is given in Note B, following the present chapter.—ED.]

[1520] [Prescott, who had copies of both manuscripts, speaks of the opportunities which Montesinos enjoyed in his official visits to Peru, of having access to repositories, and of making an inspection of the country. He adds that a comparison of his narrative with other contemporary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust him. “His writings seem to me,” he says, “entitled to little praise, either for the accuracy of their statements or the sagacity of their reflections.”—ED.]

[1521] [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 10_s._; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,870; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450; Dufossé, no. 11,818,—2,180 francs. A second part was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y Salinas, the same who published a Life of Francisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima in 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de Mendieta, at Madrid in 1643 (Leclerc, nos. 1,714. 1,731).—ED.]

[1522] Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585.

[1523] [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The originals are in the Escurial; copies are at Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough, became Prescott’s, who records his estimate of it (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 181). It is said that Herrera made use of Ondegardo’s manuscript.—ED.]

[1524] Quarto on parchment, B. 135.

[1525] Additional Manuscripts, 5,469.

[1526] [Cf. notes to chap. on Las Casas.—ED.]

[1527] [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was printed at Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged with a second part when issued at Antwerp in 1575; again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, in 1581-88. A third part was printed at Madrid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597; and the three parts, with a general title, appeared at Madrid in 1590,—the first complete edition as Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared at Barcelona in 1592, and at Perpignan in 1596. A fourth and a fifth part were added by Osorio after Ercilla’s death, and appeared at Salamanca, 1597, and at Barcelona, 1598. There were later complete editions at Madrid, 1633, 1776, 1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 1840. Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 465; Hallam, _Literature of Europe_, ii. 284; Sismondi, _Literature of South of Europe_, ii. 271.—ED.]

[1528] [“A military journal done into rhyme,” as Prescott calls it,—_History of the Conquest of Peru_, ii. 108.—ED.]

[1529] [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 469; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,300; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 506.—ED.]

[1530] [This was reissued in 1616. Rich, no. 143—£1 4_s._—ED.]

[1531] [The _Descubrimiento i Conquista de Chile_ of Miguel Luis Amunátegui, published at Santiago de Chile in 1862, was a work presented to the University of Chili in 1861.—ED.]

[1532] Cf. Rich, no. 24; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176; Murphy, no. 462; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,044.

[1533] Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27—£1 1_s._ and £1 10_s._; Sabin, 13,045-13,046; Cooke, no. 523; Carter-Brown vol. i. nos. 185, 186; Court, no. 63; Ternaux, no. 66; Brinley, no. 5,345; Leclerc, no. 1,706,—200 francs; Quaritch, £5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) £7 10_s._ The latest Spanish edition, _Crónica del Peru_, constitutes vol. xxvi. of the _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, published at Madrid in 1852.

[1534] Sabin, no. 13,047; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198.

[1535] There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208) libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; Leclerc, no. 1,707; Tröwel, no. 19.

[1536] There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A set is worth about $20. (Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315; Rich, no. 39—10_s._; Court, no. 64; Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufossé, no. 8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 1560 and 1564 are on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts were again reprinted at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054; Leclerc, no. 1,709; Cooke, no. 524).

[1537] Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672; _Coleccion de documentos inéditos (España)_ vol. lxviii.

[1538] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._, and Leclerc in 1878 (no. 1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries; and others were sold in the Murphy (no. 2,589) and O’Callaghan (no. 963) collections. Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358; vol. v. no. 12,814; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 146.

[1539] There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._; Leclerc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs. Cf. Murphy, no. 2,590; Huth, vol. ii. p. 574.

[1540] Leclerc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Field, 589.

[1541] Cf. Prescott’s _Peru_, vol. i. p. 294; Field, 592.

[1542] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405; Leclerc, no. 1,745.

[1543] Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842; Leclerc, no. 1,744.

[1544] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82.

[1545] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205.

[1546] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561; Field, no. 591.

[1547] Leclerc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 768.

[1548] Ibid., no. 1,747.

[1549] Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 188.

[1550] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 102; _Additions_, no. 65.

[1551] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 193; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537; _Bibliotheca Heberiana_, vol. i. no. 1,961.

[1552] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 195; _Libri Catalogue_ (reserved part), no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[1553] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 196; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537.

[1554] _Spanish Literature_, ii. 40.

[1555] Cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 54,945.

[1556] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111, 113; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 191, 206; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs.

[1557] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, nos. 124, 153, 157.

[1558] Leclerc, no. 1,689.

[1559] Cf. Rich, no. 44—£1 4s.; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3s.; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761; Huth, i. 41; Cohn (1884), no. 113, at 75 marks. The _Catalogue de M. A. Chaumette des Fossé’s_, Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru.

[1560] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 67.

[1561] Leclerc, no. 1,808.

[1562] Rich, no. 253—£3 3s.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972; Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6_s._; Sunderland (1883), £5; Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks.

[1563] Leclerc, no. 3,029.

[1564] Leclerc, no. 2,928.

[1565] _Boston Public Library Catalogue._

[1566] _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 1,687.

[1567] Cf. Karl Klüpfel, in the _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, no. xlvii. (1859); Karl Klunzinger, _Antheil der Deutschen an der Entdeckung von Südamerika_, Stuttgart, 1857; and K. von Klöoen’s “Die Welser in Augsburg als besitzer von Venezuela,” in the _Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, v. 441.

[1568] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, p. 17. Raleigh’s enumeration of the various searches for Eldorado in this book are annotated by Schomburgk.

[1569] An account of an earlier expedition by Federmann in this region, _Indianische Historia_, recounting experiences in 1529-1531, was printed in 1557 at Hagenaw. Ternaux, in the first volume of his _Voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1837), gave a translation of it, with an introduction. His route, as marked by Klunzinger in the book already cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Moritz Weinhold, in _Uber Nicolaus Federmann’s Reise in Venezuela_, 1529-1531, printed in the _Dritter Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, 1866, Anhang_, p. 93; also in 1868.

[1570] Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 213.

[1571] He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc.

[1572] Introduction of his _Search for Eldorado_.

[1573] Manuscript copies of these parts are in the Lenox Library.

[1574] Cf. Markham’s introduction to this volume; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, ii. 61. _The Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of Aguirre_, by Robert Southey, was published at London in 1821. This was written for Southey’s _History of Brazil_, but was omitted as beyond its scope, and first published in the _Edinburgh Annual Register_, vol. iii. part 2, and then separately.

[1575] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 471. There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.

[1576] Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,364. There are copies in Harvard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 62. The book is worth £5 to £10. Only the _Parte primera_ was printed; it comes down to 1563.

[1577] There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College libraries.

[1578] _Search for Eldorado_, p. xliii.

[1579] Schomburgk, in his _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_ (p. lvi), enumerates the various references to the Amazon story among the early writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, _Eldorado_, chaps. vii. and viii. Acuña’s account in 1641 is translated in Markham’s _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_, sect. 71; and also p. 123, Note.

[1580] Vol. III. p. 117, etc. One of the latest accounts is contained in P. G. L. Borde’s _Histoire de l’ile de la Trinidad sous le gouvernement espagnol_, 1498, etc, (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). Abraham Kendall, who had been on the coast with Robert Dudley, and is the maker of one of the portolanos in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_, was with Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collection, no. 374) gives us from the British Museum a map which he supposes to be Raleigh’s.

[1581] _Personal Narrative_, chap. 17.

[1582] _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by Hakluyt Society (1848), p. li.

[1583] Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius availed himself of this map in constructing his _Americæ pars Australis_, which accompanies the _Vera Historia_ of Schmiedel, published at Nuremberg in 1599. Cf. Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, p. 90, no. 5.

[1584] He was in the boundary expedition of Solano. Humboldt calls this map the combination of two traced by Caulin in 1756.

[1585] This enumeration has by no means mentioned all the instances of similar acceptance of the delusion.

[1586] Cf. his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., p. 159; _Views of Nature_, p. 188. He asks: “Can the little reed-covered lake of Amuca have given rise to this myth?... It was besides an ancient custom of dogmatizing geographers to make all considerable rivers originate in lakes.” Cf. also Humboldt’s _Personal Narrative_ and Southey’s _History of Brazil_.

[1587] Markham’s _Valley of the Amazons_, p. xlv.

[1588] This book is rare. It was priced by Rich in 1832 (no. 234) at £8 8_s._ The unsatisfactory French translation by De Gomberville was printed at Paris in 1682. Dufossé recently priced this edition at 150 francs. The original Spanish is said to have been suppressed by Philip IV. but such stories are attached too easily to books become rare. There was a copy in the Cooke sale (1884, no. 10). The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy.

[1589] It can be found in Stocklein’s _Reise Beschreibungen_, a collection of Jesuit letters from all parts of the World. Markham’s _Valley of the Amazons_, p. xxxiii.

[1590] On Faleiro’s contributions to the art of navigation, see Humboldt’s _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672.

[1591] [It will be remembered that the original Bull of 1493 fixed the meridian 100 leagues (say 400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape De Verde Islands, supposing them to lie north and south of each other; whereas the limit in force after June 7, 1494, was 370 leagues (say 1,080 miles) west of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining of the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a new limit, the Pope assenting; and this final limit was confirmed by a convention at Tordesillas at the date above given. Cf. Popellinière, _Les trois mondes_, Paris, 1582; Baronius, _Annales_ (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol. xix.; Solorzano, _Politica Indiana_.—ED.]

[1592] [See note, Vol. II., p. 7.—ED.]

[1593] But the word _hamac_ is Haytian, not Brazilian. The hammock itself had been noticed by Columbus. Peter Martyr describes it, and Oviedo figures it in narrating the second voyage. [Cf. Schomburgk’s _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, pp. 40, 65.—ED.]

[1594] [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary drawing of a canoe.—ED.]

[1595] Which they called _boi_, according to Pigafetta; but this name has not been traced since his time. The Brazilian name of house was _oca_. Of twelve “Brazilian” words given in Pigafetta, five found their way into European languages. But, oddly enough, three of these were not Brazilian, but were “ship-language,” and borrowed from the West Indies. These are _cacich_ for “king,” _hamac_ for “bed,” _maiz_ for “millet;” perhaps _canot_ is to be added. But _Setebos_, the name of their god or devil, is Pigafetta’s own. Shakspeare was struck by it, and gives it to Caliban’s divinity.

[1596] Jatropha manihot.

[1597] Sus dorso cistifero (Linnæus).

[1598] Anas rostro plano ad verticem dilatato (Linnæus).

[1599] O’Brien, the Irish giant, was eight feet four inches high. His skeleton is in the College of Surgeons in London.

[1600] [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Patagonians in Thevet’s _La France antarctique_, Gaffarel’s ed., p. 287. Schouten testifies to finding bones in a grave ten feet and more of stature; and Pernetty’s _Voyage aux Isles Malonines_ (Paris, 1770) gives the testimony of an engraving to their large stature (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,200). There is a cut of two enormous Patagonians standing beside a European in Don Casimiro de Ortega’s _Resumen histórico del primer viage hecho al rededor del mundo, emprendido por Hernando de Magallanes_ (Madrid, 1769). Statements of their unusual height have been insisted upon even in our day by travellers. One of the most trustworthy of recent explorers (1869-1870) of Patagonia, Lieutenant G. C. Musters, says that the men average six feet, some reaching six feet four inches; while the average of the women is five feet four.—ED.]

[1601] Herrera gives the observation in some detail; but M. Charton says it was not visible there.

[1602] [See the section on “The Historical Chorography of South America.”—ED.]

[1603] [For Gomez’ subsequent career see Dr. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient Florida,” in Vol. II., and- chapter i. of Vol. IV.—ED.]

[1604] Juan de Barros.

[1605] Apium dulce.

[1606] See Cook’s _First Voyage_, i. 70, 74.

[1607] Pigafetta has preserved the vocabulary of ninety words which in this way he made. The words, he says, are to be pronounced in the throat. A few of the words are these: Ears, _sanc_; eyes, _ather_; nose, _or_; breast, _othey_; eyelids, _sechechiel_; nostrils, _oresche_; mouth, _piam_; a chief, _hez_.

[1608] This might have been inferred from Pigafetta’s map of the strait, in which the western shore of Patagonia and Chili are well laid in; but that inference seems to have escaped the globe-makers.

[1609] Most observers forget, however, when they look upon a map of this ocean, that the name of an island or group upon the map may cover a hundred, not to say a thousand, times as much space on the paper as the island or group takes up on the surface of the world. Dr. Charles Darwin calls attention to such forgetfulness, in the _Voyage of the Beagle_.

[1610] The identification attempted on the map (taken from the Hakluyt Society’s volume on Magellan) is one of many conjectures.

[1611] He died in 1534. A brother-in-law of Magellan, Duarte Barbosa, who was killed at the same time with his chief, prepared a manuscript in 1516, which was printed by Ramusio in Italian as _Sommario di tutti li regni dell’Indie orientali_. This paper, describing from such sources as were available the eastern regions, had not a little influence on Magellan. The original Portuguese was printed by the Lisbon Academy in their _Noticias Ultramarinhas_, in 1813.

[1612] _Bulletin de in Société de Géographie_, September, 1843.

[1613] Pigafetta himself mentions a manuscript, _Uno libro scripto de tutti le cose passate de giorno in giorno nel viaggio_, written by his own hand, and presented by him to Charles the Fifth. Harrisse thinks it was written in French, and describes the manuscripts, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, pp. xxx-xxxiii.

[1614] This petition is given in Stanley’s _Magellan_, and in Harrisse’s _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, p. xxviii.

[1615] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 134; Carter-Brown, no. 86; Brunet, iv. 650; Des Brosses, _Navigations aux terres Australes_, i. 121; Panzer, viii. 217; Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, ii. 376.

[1616] On the strength of _Livres Curieux_, p. 29.

[1617] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 192.

[1618] Ramusio included it in his _Viaggi_ in 1554, with annotations.

[1619] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 215; _Bibliotheca Hebernana_, ix. 3,129; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, no. 548; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,753; Libri, 1861, no. 288; Carter-Brown, i. 118; Court, no. 372. There is also a copy in the Lenox Library. Wiley, of New York, priced a copy in 1883, at $145.

[1620] A French version of this text was issued at Paris in 1801; and the Italian text was again printed in 1805. Pigafetta’s story is given in English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, i. 188; in German in Sprengel’s _Beyträgen_, and in Kries’s _Beschreibung von Magellan-Reise_, Gotha, 1801. Cf. a bibliography of the manuscript and printed editions of Pigafetta in the _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, published by the Società Geografica Italiana (2d ed., 1882), i. 262.

[1621] The date in Navarrete is October 5.

[1622] All three of these editions are in the Lenox Library, and the first two are in the Carter-Brown. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 122, 123, 124. Leclerc priced the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and the Rome (1523) at 350. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ nos. 376, 377. Dufossé (nos. 11,003, 12,348) puts the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and again (no. 14,892) at 380. The _Court Catalogue_ (Paris, 1884) shows the Cologne edition (no. 220) and the Rome (1524) edition (no. 221). Brunet is in error in calling the Roman edition the earliest. A Cologne copy in the Murphy sale (1884) brought $75; _Catalogue_, no. 2,519. One in F. S. Ellis’s _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 188, is priced at £42. Cf. Sabin, xi. 47,038-47,042; Carter-Brown, no. 75; Graesse, iv. 451; Ternaux, no. 129. It was also inserted in Latin in the _Novus Orbis_ of 1537 (p. 585), and of 1555 (p. 524), and in Johannes Bœmus’s _Omnium gentium mores_, etc., Antwerp, 1542; in Italian in Ramusio (i. 347); in Spanish, in Navarrete (iv. 249, dated October 5, and not 24). The narrative in Hulsius (no. xxvi.) is taken from Ortelius and Chauveton. Cf. Panzer, vol. vi., no. 375; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 1,868; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 454; Ternaux, nos. 29, 30; Graesse, iv. 451, 452; _Bibliotheca Heberiana_, i. 4,451; ii. 3,687; vi. 2,331; vii. 4,123; Leclerc, no. 69; _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 136.

[1623] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229, where other missing accounts are mentioned.

[1624] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229.

[1625] Cf. J. A. Schmeller’s _Über einige älten handscriftliche Seekarten_, Munich, 1844, which is an extract from the _Abhandlungen d. Baier. Akad. d. Wissensch._, iv. 1. It is announced (1884) that Harrisse is preparing an annotated edition of the letter.

[1626] Cf. Reclus, _Ocean_, bk. i., chap. ix. and Chart.

[1627] Cf. _Bibl. Am. Vet._, nos. 80, 81, 132, 133, 161; Carter-Brown, i. 212, 283, 336; ii. 221; Sabin, xii. p. 90; _Ticknor, Catalogue_, p. 226.

[1628] Among them may be mentioned, for instance, such books as Argensola’s _Conquista de las islas Malucas_, Madrid, 1609, which a hundred years later was made familiar to French and English readers by editions at Amsterdam in 1707, and by being included in Stevens’s _Collection of Voyages_ in 1708, while the German version appeared at Frankfort in 1711 (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 77; iii. 92, 104, 119, 147); Gotard Arthus’s _India Orientalis_, Cologne, 1608; Farya y Sousa’s _Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666-1675. The final conquest of the Philippines was not accomplished till 1564, when by order of Philip II., Miguel Lopez de Legaspi led a fleet from Navidad in New Spain. For this and the subsequent history of the island see Antonio de Morga’s _Philippine Islands_ (Mexico, 1609) as translated and annotated for the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, 1868. Cf. Pedro Chirino’s _Relacion de las islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604 (Rich, _Catalogue of Books_ (1832), no. 99; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 12,836).

[1629] Cf. also a notice by Navarrete in his _Op[usculo]s_, i. 143, with (p. 203) an appendix of “Pruebas, ilustraciones y documentos.”

[1630] Sabin, iii. 9,208.

[1631] Wieser has also drawn attention in the _Mittheilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung_, v. (heft iii.) to “ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von der Magalhâes’schen Expedition,” with ample annotation.

* * * * * *

Transcriber’s note:

—Obvious errors were corrected.