chapter iv. settle the point. The _Capitulacion_ under which Ponce de

Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico, was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had sailed in that year.

[912] _Coleccion_ (_Viages minores_), iii. 50-53.

[913] _Historia verdadera_ (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, _verso_.

[914] Duro, _Colon y Pinzon_, p. 268.

[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii. p. 139; Herrera, _Historia general_, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 53; Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 3; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta, _Coleccion_, i. 338.

[916] _Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in provincia de Amichel en la costa firme_, Burgos, 1521.

[917] _Coleccion_, iii. 147-153.

[918] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, ii. 558-567.

[919] _Decades_, dec. v. cap. 1.

[920] In his _Historia_.

[921] _Historia_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18.

[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_ are a good guide to the study of the various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—ED.]

[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.]

[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135.

[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in _Opus epistolarum_, pp. 471-476.

[926] _Historia_, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263.

[927] _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153.

[928] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516.

[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562.

[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers (Stevens, _Notes_, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the landfall, conjecture is idle.

[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many writers since.

[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586.

[933] Gomara, _Historia_, cap. xlii.; Herrera, _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5.

[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9.

[935] Ecija, _Relacion del viage_ (June-September, 1609).

[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another view. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 70; Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 123.

[937] _Historia_, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633.

[938] _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 347.

[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account of his day.

[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The _capitulacion_ is given in the _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 74.

[941] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the _Relacion_ as given in the _Documentos inéditos_, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the “Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p. 224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness of this narrative; cf. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, iv. 397, and Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is confused.”—BANCROFT: _History of the United States_, revised edition, vol. i. p. 31.—ED.]

[942] The _Comentarios_ added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez, and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America.

[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441), Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (_Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4_s._ Leclerc (no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been reported at £21, £25, £39 10_s._, and £42.—ED.]

[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79.—ED.]

[945] [_Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis_, 1621. Ardoino’s _Exámen apologético_ was first published separately in 1736 (_Carter-Brown_, iii. 545).—ED.]

[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330.

[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his _Voyages_, at Paris.

[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556.

[949] [_Menzies Catalogue_, no. 315; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 227-229.—ED.]

[950] [Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 364.,—ED.]

[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W. Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.]

[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett, the editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (see vol. i. p. 188), who has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them. Davis, in his _Conquest of New Mexico_, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s route. H. H. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 63) finds no ground for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s _New Mexico_ (1883), p. 89.—ED.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing the limits of his route.

[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, second series, ii. 153; _Historical Magazine_, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867.

[954] Smith’s _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 100; Torquemada (_Monarquia Indiana_, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop, but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops. We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region and this time, in a _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_,—only vol. i. of the contemplated work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of Ferdinand V., which is reproduced _ante_, p. 85. Various manuscripts of Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society.

[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the _Historical Magazine_, xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i. 62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp. 582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his _Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also L. P. Fisher’s paper in the _Overland Monthly_, x. 514. Galvano’s summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p. 170.—ED.]

[956] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 27.

[957] _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s _Florida_, chap. ii.

[958] _Cabeça de Vaca_, pp. 20, 204.

[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 113).—ED.]

[960] B. Smith’s _De Soto_, pp. 47, 234.

[961] _Nouvelle France_, iii. 473.

[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz, _Geographia de la America_ (1758).

[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas narrative. Cf. Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 266-272; _Historical Magazine_, v. 42; _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the _Historical Magazine_ (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (_ante_, p. 253).—ED.]

[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10_s._, which at that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s _Letter of De Soto_, p. 66). It was reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy, no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled _A Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards_ (see Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard College Library. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 844; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 20). There is a Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-und Landreizen_ (1727), vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—ED.]

[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[966] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,338.

[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s _Versameling_ (Leyden, 1706). The _Relaçam_ of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day, contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title of _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_ (Rotterdam, 1658), passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in 1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version, entitled _History of the Caribby Islands_, was printed in London in 1666. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyclopædia of American Literature_, supplement, p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—ED.]

[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox Library.—ED.]

[969] _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride._

[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, apparently from the same source.

[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an illiterate soldier.” Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 414.

[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815; Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_ no. 587; Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.]

[973] [Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (_Marquette_, in _American Biography_, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written source.—ED.]

[974] [Theodore Irving, _The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto_, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence on Garcilasso (cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 765), whom its author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas. Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (_Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De Soto.—ED.]

[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in 1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, _Histoire de la conquête de la Floride_, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731, 1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132, 470; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 965). A German translation by H. L. Meier, _Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida_, was printed at Zelle in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in Bernard Shipp’s _History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_ (p. 229, etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses, not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711, and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one mainly of compilation.—ED.]

[976] _Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante Fontaneda._ [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz “as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his _Historia general_] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s _Historical Collection of Louisiana_ (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux; cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 26. The Editor appends various notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the will of De Soto in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1861), v. 134.—ED.]

[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is translated in the _Historical Magazine_ (September, 1860), iv. 257.—ED.]

[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his _Letter of De Soto_ (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—ED.]

[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii. of his _History of Georgia_ (Boston, 1883). In the _Annual Report_ of the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped (June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer. Stevens (_History of Georgia_, i. 26) thinks but little positive knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—ED.]

[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his proposed work in a tract called, _Invasion of the Territory of Alabama by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540_ (Montgomery, 1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—ED.]

[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla” by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The _u_ and _v_ were interchangeable letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to _b_. (Irving, second edition, p. 261).

[982] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.; Martin’s _Louisiana_, i. 12; Nuttall’s _Travels into Arkansas_ (1819), p. 248; Fairbanks’s _History of Florida_, chap. v.; Ellicott’s _Journal_, p. 125; Belknap, _American Biography_, i. 192. [Whether this passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute, even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_; Sparks’s _Marquette_; Gayarré’s _Louisiana_; Theodore Irving’s _Conquest of Florida_; Gravier’s _La Salle_, chap. i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in _Congrès des Américanistes_ (1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s _Commercial Review_, 1849 and 1850; _Southern Literary Messenger_, December, 1848; _North American Review_, July, 1847.—ED.]

[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 160.

[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—ED.]

[985] _Pioneers of France in the New World_; cf. Gaffarel, _La Floride Française_, p. 341.

[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ _Recueil de la Floride_, and an English one in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is minute upon interesting points.

[987] Cf. Sparks, _Ribault_, p. 155; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 20. Fairbanks in his _History of St. Augustine_ tells the story, mainly from the Spanish side.

[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20, 195, 213.

[989] _Life of Ribault_, p. 147.

[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library, and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no. 40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the _Divers Voyages_, is reprinted in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 110; Hakluyt, _Divers Voyages_, edition by J. W. Jones, p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—ED.]

[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,236)—ED.]

[992] [Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 39. The original French text was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne;_ and this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced by Rich in 1832 at £5 5_s._, and has been sold of late years for $250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no. 1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. 24. Gaffarel in his _La Florida Française_ (p. 347) gives the first letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586 edition.—ED.]

[993] Cf. Stevens _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870,) p. 224; Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 32.

[994] _Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ. Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum. Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea Navigatione Sequnto._ [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609) and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii, no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about 100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692).

The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875 as the _Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière_, 1564. These engravings have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in the _Magazin pittoresque_, in _L’univers pittoresque_, in Pickett’s _Alabama_, etc.—ED.]

[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262.

[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London in 1566 as _A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of Ribaut_, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ _Reçueil de pièces sur la Floride_ and in Gaffarel’s _La Floride Française_, p. 457 (cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France_ (Paris, 1835), vi. 200. The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title: _Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé d’une notice historique et bibliographique_. Cf. Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 30.—ED.]

[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii. 123). Sparks (_Life of Ribault_, p. 152) reports a _De navigatione Gallorum in terram Floridam_ in connection with an Antwerp (1568) edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 36)—ED.].

[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853.

[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330; Dufossé, no. 4,211.

[1000] This petition is known as the _Epistola supplicatoria_, and is embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni. It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses_, vi. 232, and in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, p. 477; and in Latin in De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s _Ribault_, appendix). [There are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted, and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used by Du Prat in his _Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois_ (1859), and some of which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts of Popellinière in his _Trois mondes_ (1582) and in the _Histoire universelle_ of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The volume of Ternaux’ _Voyages_ known as _Recueil de pièces sur la Floride inédites_, contains, among eleven documents, one called _Coppie d’une lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort que les François y ont faict_ (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, vol. iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, _recto_, was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—ED.]

[1001] _Ensayo cronológico._

[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—ED.]

[1003] Page 340. Cf. _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, iv. 72.

[1004] [They are: _a._ Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages.

_b._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by Ternaux-Compans in his _Recueil_, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p. 483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 267. This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142).

_c._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in 1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving also the text marked _e_ below.

_d._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in the _Revue rétrospective_ (1835), ii. 321.

_e._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See _c_ above.

The account in the _Histoire notable_ is called an abridgment by Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part ii.,—_De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio_. See other abridgments in Popellinière, _Histoire des trois mondes_ (1582), Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.]

[1005] _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 35.

[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s _Histoire des Indes_; D’Aubigné’s _Histoire universelle_ (1626); De Laet’s _Novus orbis_, book iv.; Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_; Champlain’s _Voyages_; Brantôme’s _Grands capitaines François_ (also in his _Œuvres_). Faillon (_Colonie Française_, i. 543) bases his account on Lescarbot.

[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé du Fresnoy, in his _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_, falls into some errors.

[1008] _American Biography_, vol. vii. (new series).

[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in the _Atlantic Monthly_, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530.

[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events.

[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s _United States_, chap. ii.; Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, chap. viii.; Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in the West_, ii. chap. xvii. _et seq._; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; Fairbanks’s _Florida_; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,—among American writers; and among the French,—Guérin, _Les navigateurs Français_ (1846); Ferland, _Canada_; Martin, _Histoire de France_; Haag, _La France protestante_; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in _Le tour du monde_, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344.

There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the _Catholic World_, xxi. 701.

[1012] _The Acts of the Apostles_, xxviii. 2-6.

[1013] [See Chapter I.—ED.]

[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII.

[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving, following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498, having become rich (_Columbus_ iii. 415). He also says that Llorente is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca. Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502, at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance with the scenes which he describes.

[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information, petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted “Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great admiral. (Irving’s _Columbus_, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of a _repartimiento_ in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves.

[1017] There is an extended Note on Las Casas in Appendix XXVIII. of Irving’s _Columbus_. That author most effectively vindicates Las Casas from having first advised and been instrumental in the introduction of African slavery in the New World, giving the dates and the advisers and agents connected with that wrong previous to any word on the subject from Las Casas. The devoted missionary had been brought to acquiesce in the measure on the plausible plea stated in the text, acting from the purest spirit of benevolence, though under an erroneous judgment. Cardinal Ximenes had from the first opposed the project.

[1018] As will appear farther on in these pages, Las Casas stands justly chargeable with enormous exaggerations of the number or estimate of the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not met with a single case in any contemporary writer, nor in the challengers and opponents of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which his hideous portrayal of the forms and methods of that cruelty, its dreadful and revolting tortures and mutilations, have been brought under question. Mr. Prescott’s fascinating volumes have been often and sometimes very sharply censured, because in the glow of romance, chivalric daring, and heroic adventure in which he sets the achievements of the Spanish “Conquerors” of the New World he would seem to be somewhat lenient to their barbarities. In the second of his admirable works he refers as follows to this stricture upon him: “To American and English readers, acknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the sixteenth century, I may possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the Conquerors;” and he urges that while he has “not hesitated to expose in their strongest colors the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested by the circumstances and the period in which they lived” (Preface to the _Conquest of Mexico_).

It is true that scattered over all the ably-wrought pages of Mr. Prescott’s volumes are expressions of the sternest judgment and the most indignant condemnation passed upon the most signal enormities of these incarnate spoilers, who made a sport of their barbarity. But those who have most severely censured the author upon the matter now in view have done so under the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and unrelieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a feature in every stage and incident of the Spanish advance in America, that no glamour of adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least lighten or redeem it. The underlying ground of variance is in the objection to the use of the terms “Conquest” and “Conquerors,” as burdened with the relation of such a pitiful struggle between the overmastering power of the invaders and the abject helplessness of their victims.

As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon the following extract from a private letter written in 1847 by that eminent and highly revered divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put into print: “I have been reading Prescott’s _Peru_. What a fine accomplishment there is about it! And yet there is something wanting to me in the moral nerve. History should teach men how to estimate characters; it should be a teacher of morals; and I think it should make us _shudder_ at the names of Cortez and Pizarro. But Prescott does not; he seems to have a kind of sympathy with these inhuman and perfidious adventurers, as if they were his heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the soldiers of Christ; if it were said of the Devil, they would have better fitted the character” (_Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey, D.D._ p. 190).

[1019] Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished both as a theologian and an historian, was born near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573. He was of a noble but impoverished family. He availed himself of his opportunities for obtaining the best education of his time in the universities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an eminent reputation as a scholar and a disputant,—not, however, for any elevation of principles or nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed by Charles V. his historiographer, and put in charge of his son Philip. Living at Court, he had the repute of being crooked and unscrupulous, his influence not being given on the side of rectitude and progressive views. His writings concerning men and public affairs give evidence of the faults imputed to him. He was vehement, intolerant, and dogmatic. He justified the most extreme absolutism in the exercise of the royal prerogative, and the lawfulness and even the expediency of aggressive wars simply for the glory of the State. Melchior Cano and Antonio Ramirez, as well as Las Casas, entered into antagonism and controversy with his avowed principles. One of his works, entitled _Democrates Secundus, seu de justis belli causis_, may be pronounced almost brutal in the license which it allowed in the stratagems and vengefulness of warfare. It was condemned by the universities of Alcala and Salamanca. He was a voluminous author of works of history, philosophy, and theology, and was admitted to be a fine and able writer. Erasmus pronounced him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between him and Las Casas took place before Charles in 1550. The monarch was very much under his influence, and seems to some extent to have sided with him in some of his views and principles. Sepulveda was one of the very few persons whom the monarch admitted to interviews and intimacy in his retirement to the Monastery at Yuste.

It was this formidable opponent—a personal enemy also in jealousy and malignity—whom Las Casas confronted with such boldness and earnestness of protest before the Court and Council. It was evidently the aim of Sepulveda to involve the advocate of the Indians in some disloyal or heretical questioning of the prerogatives of monarch or pope. It seemed at one time as if the noble pleader for equity and humanity would come under the clutch of the Holy Office, then exercising its new-born vigor upon all who could be brought under inquisition for constructive or latent heretical proclivities. For Las Casas, though true to his priestly vows, made frequent and bold utterances of what certainly, in his time, were advanced views and principles.

[1020] Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer and historian, both in Spanish and French, was born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756, and died at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure when fourteen years of age, and was ordained priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was of a vigorous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free range to his mind, and turning his wide study and deep investigations to the account of his enlargement and emancipation from the limitations of his age and associates. He tells us that in 1784 he had abandoned all ultramontane doctrines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities of scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rationalism. His secret or more or less avowed alienation from the prejudices and obligations of the priestly order, while it by no means made his position a singular or even an embarrassing one under the influences and surroundings of his time, does at least leave us perplexed to account for the confidence with which functions and high ecclesiastical trusts were committed to and exercised by him. He was even made Secretary-General of the Inquisition, and was thus put in charge of the enormous mass of records, with all their dark secrets, belonging to its whole history and processes. This charge he retained for a time after the Inquisition was abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular felicity of opportunity that those terrible archives should have been in the care, and subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man best qualified of all others to tell the world their contents, and afterward prompted and at liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his own opinions and relations. To this the world is indebted for a _History of the Inquisition_, the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all candid judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked strong opposition, and was thus finally deprived of his office. After performing a variety of services not clerical, and moving from place to place, he went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he courageously published the above-mentioned _History_. He was interdicted the exercise of clerical functions. In 1822, the same year in which he published his Biography and French translation of the principal works of Las Casas, he published also his _Political Portraits of the Popes_. For this he was ordered to quit Paris,—a deep disappointment to him, causing chagrin and heavy depression. He found refuge in Madrid, where he died in the following year.

[1021] Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two treatises “are not absolutely proved” to be by Las Casas.—_History of Spanish Literature_, i. 566.

[1022] _Conquest of Mexico_, i. 80, _n._ Of his _Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies_, this historian says: “However good the motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written.... The author lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of exaggeration.” The historian truly says of himself, in his Preface to the work quoted: “I have not hesitated to expose in their strongest colors the excesses of the conquerors.”

[1023] Llorente, i. 365, 386.

[1024] [Helps (_Spanish Conquest_) says: “Las Casas may be thoroughly trusted whenever he is speaking of things of which he had competent knowledge.” Ticknor (_Spanish literature_, ii. 31) calls him “a prejudiced witness, but on a point of fact within his own knowledge one to be believed.” H. H. Bancroft (_Early American Chroniclers_, p. 20; also _Central America_, i. 274, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the exaggeration which the zeal of Las Casas leads him into; but with due abatement therefor, he considers him “a keen and valuable observer, guided by practical sagacity, and endowed with a certain genius.”—ED.]

[1025] Sabin’s _Works of Las Casas_, and his _Dictionary_, iii. 388-402, and x. 88-91; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_; Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, pp. 18-24; the _Huth Catalogue_; Brunet’s Manuel, etc.

[1026] [Field says it was written in 1540, and submitted to the Emperor in MS.; but in the shape in which it was printed it seems to have been written in 1541-1542. Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 860, 870; Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, no. 1; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 164; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 38; and _Catalogue_, p. 62. The work has nineteen sections on as many provinces, ending with a summary for the year 1546. This separate tract was reprinted in the original Spanish in London, in 1812, and again in Philadelphia, in 1821, for the Mexican market, with an introductory essay on Las Casas. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, 1105; cf. also _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (_España_), vol. vii.

The _Cancionero spiritual_, printed at Mexico in 1546, is not assigned to _Bartholomew_ Las Casas in Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, iii. 44, but it is in Gayangos and Vedia’s Spanish translation of Ticknor. Cf. also Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,122; Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet., Additions_, No. 159.—ED.]

[1027] [Field does not give it a date; but Sabin says it was written in 1552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 2; Carter-Brown, i. 165; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1028] [Field says it was written “soon after” no. 1; Sabin places it in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin, 3; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 595; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.]

[1029] [Sabin says it was written in America in 1546-1547. Field, nos. 863, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 167; Sabin, no. 6.—ED.]

[1030] [There seems, according to Field (nos. 864, 865), to have been two distinct editions in 1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there being thirty-three variations in the two. Quaritch has noted (no. 11,855, priced at £6 6_s._) a copy likewise in Gothic letter, but with different woodcut initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. Field, p. 217; Carter-Brown, i. 168; Sabin, no. 8; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.

The initial work of Sepulveda, _Democrates Secundus_, defending the rights of the Crown over the natives, was not published, though he printed his _Apologia pro libro de justis belli causis_, Rome, 1550 (two copies of which are known), of which there was a later edition in 1602; and some of his views may be found in it. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 37; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 24, and _Bib. Amer. Vet._, no. 303; and the general histories of Bancroft, Helps, and Prescott. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of Sepulveda’s book. It is also in Sepulveda’s _Opera_, Cologne, 1602, p. 423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 15.—ED.]

[1031] [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 866, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 4; Carter-Brown, i. 170.—ED.]

[1032] [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548 Cf. Field, nos. 867, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 7; Carter-Brown, i. 171.—ED.]

[1033] [Field, nos. 868, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 9; Carter-Brown, i. 169.—ED.]

[1034] [This is the longest and one of the rarest of the series. Sabin says it was written about 1543. There were two editions of the same date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves; but it is uncertain which is the earlier, though Field supposes the fewer pages to indicate the first. Field, nos. 869, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 5; Carter Brown, i. 172.—ED.]

[1035] [It is only of late years that the entire series has been described. De Bure gives only five of the tracts; Dibdin enumerates but seven; and Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done in the edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a set at £12 12_s._ A full set is now worth from $100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has recently priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and a full set at 1,000 francs. An English dealer has lately held one at £42. Quaritch has held four parts at £10, and a complete set at £40. Single tracts are usually priced at from £1 to £5. Recent sales have been shown in the Sunderland (no. 2,459, 9 parts); Field (no. 1,267); Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts); Stevens, _Hist. Coll._ (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and Murphy (no. 487) catalogues. The set in the Carter-Brown Library belonged to Ternaux; that belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maximillian Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Barlow’s Collection have sets. There are also sets in the Grenville and Huth collections.

The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has sometimes a collective title, _Las Obras_, etc., but most copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack it. As the titles of the separate tracts (printed in this edition in Roman) retained the original 1552 dates, this reprint is often called a spurious edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. Cf. Sabin, no. 13; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii. 584; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 312; Cooke, iii. 370.

Some of the Tracts are included in the _Obras escogidas de filósofos_, etc. Madrid, 1873.—ED.]

[1036] [Field, no. 870, and _note_; Sabin, no. 11; the Carter-Brown Collection lacks it. It was reprinted at Tübingen, and again at Jena, in 1678. It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Stevens (_Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,096).—ED.]

[1037] [“Not absolutely proved to be his,” says Ticknor (_Spanish Literature_, ii. 37).—ED.]

[1038] [There were a hundred copies of these printed. They are:—

1. _Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la conversion de las gentes de las Yndias._ With an Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego Colon’s favorable comment on Las Casas’s scheme of civilizing the Indians, written at King Charles’s request. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 881.

2. _Carta_, dated 1520, and addressed to the Chancellor of Charles, in which Las Casas urges his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr. Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 882; the manuscript is described in his _Bibl. Geog._, no. 598.

3. _Paresçer o determinaciō de los señores theologos de Salamanca_, dated July 1, 1541. This is the response of the Faculty of Salamanca to the question put to them by Charles V., if the baptized natives could be made slaves. Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 883.

4. _Carta de Hernando Cortés._ Mr. Stevens, in his Dedication to Leopold von Ranke, supposes this to have been written in 1541-1542. It is Cortes’ reply to the Emperor’s request for his opinions regarding _Encomiendas_, etc., in Mexico. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 884.

5. _Carta de Las Casas_, dated Oct. 22, 1545, with an abstract in English in the Dedication to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the wrongs of the natives. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth Collection, _Catalogue_, v. 1,681.

6. _Carta de Las Casas_ to the Dominican Fathers of Guatemala, protesting against the sale of the reversion of the _Encomiendas_. Mr. Stevens supposes this to have been written in 1554, in his Dedication to Sir Frederick Madden. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 886. A set of these tracts is worth about $25. The set in the Cooke Sale (vol. iii. no. 375) is now in Harvard College Library; another set is shown in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 488, and there is one in the Boston Public Library.—ED.]

[1039] Field, p. 219.

[1040] Vol. i. p. 160.

[1041] [Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, says volumes i. and ii. are in the Academy; but volume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf., however, the “Advertencia preliminar” of the Madrid (1875) edition of the _Historia_ on this point, as well as regards the various copies of the manuscript existing in Madrid.—ED.]

[1042] [Such is Quintana’s statement; but Helps failed to verify it, and says he could only fix the dates 1552, 1560, 1561 as those of any part of the writing. _Life of Las Casas_, p. 175.—ED.]

[1043] [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had made. Prescott had one, which was probably burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another. There are other copies in the Library of Congress, in the Lenox Library, and in H. H. Bancroft’s Collection.—ED.]

[1044] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 119, says the purpose of the Academy at one time was to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las Casas in a new light, using contemporary writers.—ED.]

[1045] [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called _Historia de las Indias, ahora por primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta del Valle y José Sancho Rayon_. It contains, beginning in vol. v. at p. 237, the _Apologética historia_ which Las Casas had written to defend the Indians against aspersions upon their lives and character. This latter work was not included in another edition of the _Historia_ printed at Mexico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, _Biblioteca Mexicana_. Parts of the _Apologética_ are given in Kingsborough’s _Mexico_, vol. viii. Cf. on the _Historia_, Irving’s _Columbus_, App.; Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_ (Am. ed.), i. 23, and _Life of Las Casas_, p. 175; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 39; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_ (Eng. tr.), ii. 679; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309; Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 378; Quintana’s _Vidas_, iii. 507.—ED.]

[1046] [Llorente’s version is not always strictly faithful, being in parts condensed and paraphrastic. Cf. Field, no. 889; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 38, and _Catalogue_, p. 62; Sabin, nos. 14, 50; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309. This edition, besides a life of Las Casas, contains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other annotations by the editor.—ED.]

[1047] [This earliest version is a tract of 70 leaves, printed probably at Brussels, and called _Seer cort Verhael vande destructie van d’Indien_. Cf. Sabin, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,097. The whole series is reviewed in Tiele’s _Mémoire bibliographique_ (who gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin’s _Works of Las Casas_ (taken from his _Dictionary_); and many of them are noted in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Muller’s _Books on America_, 1872 and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in 1579 with a new title, _Spieghel der Spaenscher Tirannije_, which in some form continued to be the title of subsequent editions, which were issued in 1596, 1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 (two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638, 1663, 1664, etc. Several of these editions give De Bry’s engravings, sometimes in reverse. A popular chap-book, printed about 1730, is made up from Las Casas and other sources.—ED.]

[1048] [This included the first, second, and sixth of the tracts of 1552. In 1582 there was a new edition of the _Tyrannies_, etc., printed at Paris; but some copies seem to have had a changed title, _Histoire admirable des horribles insolences_, etc. It was again reissued with the original title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; Sabin, nos. 41, 42, 43, 45; Rich (1832); Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,098; Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347; O’Callaghan, no. 1,336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, 1874) notes an edition of the _Histoire admirable des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines exercées par les Espagnols_, etc., Lyons, 1594.—ED.]

[1049] [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic letter, and is very rare, prices being quoted at £20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61; Carter-Brown, i. 351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 596, _Huth Catalogue_, i. 271. Cf. William Lightfoote’s _Complaints of England_, London, 1587, for English opinion at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, vol. x. no. 41,050), and the _Foreign Quarterly Review_ (1841), ii. 102.—ED.]

[1050] [Field, p. 877; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, no. 60. The first tract is translated in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1,569.—ED.]

[1051] [Some copies read, _Account of the First Voyages_, etc. Cf. Field, no. 880; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 603; and _Prince Library Catalogue_, p. 34. Another English edition, London, 1689, is called _Popery truly display’d in its Bloody Colours_. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374; Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740, _Old England for Ever_, is often called a Las Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888.—ED.]

[1052] [Sabin, no. 51; Carter-Brown, i. 510; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 319. It has no place. Muller calls a _Warhafftiger Bericht_ of 1599, with no place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry’s, engravings,—which were also in the Oppenheim edition of 1613, _Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht_, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54; Carter-Brown, ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort edition of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French edition of 1579), which is noted in Sabin, no. 52, and in _Bib. Grenvilliana_, ii. 828, and was accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, no,. 53).

There seem to be two varieties of the German edition of 1665, _Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung der Indianischen Ländern_. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, no. 882. Sabin (no. 56) also notes a 1790 and other editions.—ED.]

[1053] [It followed the French edition of 1579, and was reissued at Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. Field, p. 871; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii. 164; Sabin, nos. 57, 58.

The Heidelberg edition of 1664, _Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos olim devastatarum descriptio_, omits the sixteen pages of preliminary matter of the early editions; and the plates, judging from the Harvard College and other copies, show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 944.—ED.]

[1054] [As in the _Istoria ò brevissima relatione_, Venice, 1626, 1630, and 1643, a version of the first tract of 1552, made by Castellani. It was later included in Marmocchi’s _Raccolta di viaggi_. Cf. Sabin, nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 360, 514; Leclerc, no. 331; Field, no. 885; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 315; _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,100. The sixth tract was translated as _Il supplice schiavo Indiano_, and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 434, 816; Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was reissued in 1640 as _La libertà pretesa_. Sabin, no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown, ii. 473. The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as _Conquista dell’Indie occidentali_, Venice, 1645. Cf. Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22; Carter-Brown, ii. 566.—ED.]

[1055] In Harvard College Library, with also the _Ordenanzas reales del Conseio de las Indias_, of the same date.

[1056] There are convenient explanations and references respecting the functions of the Casa de la Contratacion, the Council of the Indies, the Process of the Audiencia, and the duties of an Alcalde, in Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330.

[1057] See chap. iii. p. 203, _ante_.

[1058] At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485.

[1059] They are given in Pacheco’s _Coleccion_, xii. 225, Prescott’s _Mexico_, app. i., and elsewhere. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 55.

[1060] There is much conflict of testimony on the respective share of Cortés and Velasquez in equipping the expedition. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 57) collates the authorities.

[1061] Prescott makes Cortés sail clandestinely; Bancroft makes his departure a hurried but open one; and this is Helps’s view of the authorities.

[1062] The authorities are not in unison about all these figures. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 70.

[1063] See the long note comparing some of these accounts in H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 102, etc.

[1064] Marina did more. She impressed Cortés, who found her otherwise convenient for a few years; and after she had borne him children, married her to one of his captains. What purports to be a likeness of her is given in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 64.

[1065] Prescott (_Mexico_, revised edition, i. 345) points out how this site was abandoned later for one farther south, where the town was called Vera Cruz Vieja; and again, early in the seventeenth century, the name and town were transferred to another point still farther south,—Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have caused some confusion in the maps of Lorenzana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and H. H. Bancroft.

[1066] There is some discrepancy in the authorities here as regards the openness or stealth of the act of destroying the fleet. See the authorities collated in Prescott, _Mexico_, new edition, i. 369, 370.

[1067] The estimates of numbers in all the operations throughout the Conquest differ widely, sometimes very widely, according to different authorities. The student will find much of the collation of these opposing statements done for him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft.

[1068] Fac-simile of an engraving on copper in the edition of Solis printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. It is inscribed: “Cavato da vn originale fatto iñazi chei si portassi alla Conqvista del Messico.”

[1069] Fac-simile of the copper plate in the Venice edition of Solis _Conquista_ (1715) inscribed “Cavato dall’originale venvto dal Messico al Ser^{mo} G. D. di Toscana.”

[1070] H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 378) and Prescott (new edition vol. ii., p. 231) collate the authorities.

[1071] There are a variety of views as to the force Cortés now commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 424.

[1072] Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 309) collates the diverse accounts.

[1073] It must be mentioned that the Spaniards have been accused of murdering Montezuma. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 464) collates the different views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body out of the fort. Indignities were offered it; but some of the imperial party got possession of it, and buried it with such honor as the times permitted.

[1074] There are difficulties about the exact date; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 472.

[1075] Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 488) collates the various authorities; so does Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 364) of the losses of this famous _triste Noche_.

[1076] The figures usually given are enormous, and often greatly vary with the different authorities. In this as in other cases where numbers are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate the several reckonings which have been recorded.

[1077] Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some with Verrazano.

[1078] H. H. Bancroft (_Central Mexico_, i. 626) collates as usual the various estimates of Alvarado’s force.

[1079] There is some doubt whether the alleged plot was not, after all, a fiction to cover the getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H. Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 555) collates the various views, but it does not seem that any unassailable conclusion can be reached.

[1080] Part of a view of Acapulco as given in Montanus and Ogilby, p. 261, showing the topography, but representing the later fort and buildings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was published by Vander Aa at Amsterdam. A plan of the harbor is given in Bancroft’s _Mexico_, iii. 25. The place had no considerable importance as a Spanish settlement till 1550 (Ibid., ii. 420). Cf. the view in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 586.

[1081] The remains of Cortés have rested uneasily. They were buried at Seville; but in 1562 his son removed them to New Spain and placed them in a monastery at Tezcuco. In 1629 they were carried with pomp to Mexico to the church of St. Francis; and again, in 1794, they were transferred to the Hospital of Jesus (Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 465), where a monument with a bust was placed over them. In 1823, when a patriotic zeal was turned into the wildness of a mob, the tomb was threatened, and some soberer citizens secretly removed the monument and sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his descendant, the Duke of Monteleone, in Palermo, where they are supposed now to be, if the story of this secret shipment is true (Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 335; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 219, 220; Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 479, 480). Testimony regarding the earlier interment and exhumation is given in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (_España_), xxii. 563. Cf. B. Murphy on “The Tomb of Cortés” in the _Catholic World_, xxxiii. 24.

For an account of the family and descendants of Cortés, see Bancroft, ii. 480; Prescott, iii. 336. The latter traces what little is known of the later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 279).

[1082] Those pertaining to Cortés in vols. i.-iv. of the _Documentos inéditos_ (_España_) had already appeared. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 213-215, enumerates the manuscripts which had been collected by Prescott. Clavigero had given accounts of the collections in the Vatican, at Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc.

[1083] Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Introduction to both volumes Icazbalceta discusses learnedly the authorship of the various papers, and makes note of considerable bibliographical detail. The edition was three hundred copies, with twelve on large paper.

[1084] Vol. i. 281; see also _ante_, p. 215.

[1085] Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an earlier page. Cf. Bancroft, _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 15.

[1086] See chap. v. p. 343.

[1087] _Mexico_, ii. 96. A part of it was printed in the _Documentos inéditos_ as “Ritos antiquos... de las Indias.” Cf. Kingsborough, vol. ix.

[1088] _Mexico_, i. 405.

[1089] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 147.

[1090] Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156; Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_ (1880), no. 89, priced it at £40.

[1091] This institution is clearly defined by Helps, iii. 141. Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 250.

[1092] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 272; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 373; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,092; _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 770. The book has a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with notes by Ramirez. The manuscript of the charges against Alvarado was discovered in 1846 among some supposed waste-papers in the Mexican Archives which the licentiate, Ignacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 104).

[1093] _Mexico_, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a copy made from one which escaped the fire that destroyed so much in 1692, and which belonged to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch offered, a few years since, as from the Ramirez Collection, for £175, the Acts of the Municipality of Mexico, 1524-1564, in six manuscript volumes. Bancroft (_Mexico_, iii. 508, etc.), enumerates the sources of a later period.

[1094] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxxiv.

[1095] There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, in the _Biblioteca de los Americanistas_, a _Historia de Guatemala ó recordación Florida escrita el siglo XVII por el Capitán D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman ... publica por primera vez con notas é ilustraciones D. Justo Zaragoza_.

[1096] Quaritch in his _Catalogue_, no. 321, _sub_ 11,807, shows a collection of forty-seven for _£_50, apparently the Ramirez Collection. Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc.

[1097] _Mexico_, vol. i. p. viii.

[1098] Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are meagre by comparison. The enumeration of the manuscript sources on the Conquest given in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 420, shows what provision of this sort was most to be depended on thirty years ago. There is a set of nine folios in Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord Kingsborough, called _Documentos para el historia de México y Peru_. It includes some manuscripts; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, of a later period than the Conquest.

[1099] Quaritch, who in his _Catalogue_ of 1870 (no. 259, _sub_ 376) advertised for £105 the original manuscripts of three at least of these councils (1555, 1565, 1585), intimates that they never were returned into the Ecclesiastical Archives after Lorenzana had used them in preparing an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils which he published in 1769 and 1770,—_Concilios provinciales de México_,—though in the third, and perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently his text from the Latin published versions. Bancroft describes these manuscripts in his _Mexico_, ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had been printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book was suppressed, and the Acts of the Third Council had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and in 1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also appeared in 1859 at Mexico with other documents. The readiest source for the English reader of the history of the measures for the conversion of the Indians and for the relation of the Church to the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft’s _Central America_, and others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his _Mexico_. (Cf. references in Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquemada, all characterized elsewhere. Alonso Fernandez’ _Historia eclesiástica de nuestros tiempos_ (Toledo, 1611) is full in elucidation of the lives of the friars and of their study of the native tongues. (Cf. Rich, 1832, £2 2_s._; Quaritch, 1870, £5; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales Davila’s _Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £8 8_s._; Rosenthal, Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the preceding chapter in the present volume.

The Orders of friars are made the subject of special treatment in Bancroft’s _Mexico_. The Franciscans were the earliest to arrive, coming, in response to the wish of Cortés, in 1524. There are various histories of their labors,—Francisco Gonzaga’s _De origine seraphicæ religionis Franciscanæ_, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, i. 372); sections of Torquemada and the fourth part of Vetancour’s _Teatro Mexicano_, Mexico, 1697-1698; Francisco Vasquez’ _Chronica ... de Guatemala_, 1714; Espinosa’s _Chronica apostolica_, 1746 (Sabin, vi. 239; Carter-Brown, iii. 827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio de Remesal’s _Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619 (Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339, 736), and Davilla Padilla’s _Santiago de México_, mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian friars there is Juan de Grijalva’s _Cronica_, Mexico, 1624. Of the books on the Jesuits who came late (1571, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft’s _Mexico_, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance Francisco de Florencia’s _Compañia de Jesus_ (Mexico, 1694), while the subject was taken up under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, who told the story of their missions from 1566 in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of this work was not printed till Bustamante edited it in 1841.

The legend or belief in our Lady of Guadalupe gives a picturesque and significant coloring to the history of missions in Mexico, since from the day of her apparition the native worship, it is said, steadily declined. It is briefly thus: In 1531 a native who had received a baptismal name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring to the city of Mexico, was confronted by a radiant being who announced herself as the Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a church to be built on the spot. The native’s story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discredited, until some persons sent to follow the Indian saw him disappear unaccountably from sight.

It was now thought that witchcraft more than a heavenly interposition was the cause, until, again confronting the apparition, Diego was bidden to take some roses which the Lady had handled and carry them in his mantle to the Bishop, who would recognize them as a sign. When the garment was unrolled, the figure of the Virgin was found painted in its folds, and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon erected, as the Lady had wished; and here the holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until it found a resting-place in what is thought to be the richest church in Mexico, erected between 1695 and 1709; and there it still is. It has been at times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, and there have been some sceptics and cavillers. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 407, and authorities there cited. Lorenzana in his _Cartas pastorales_ (1770) has given a minute account of the painting (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, vol, xii. no. 56,199; and the _Coleccion de obras pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe_).

[1100] Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 723. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. There were later editions at Brussels in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i. 177), and again at Valladolid in 1634 as _Varia historia de la Nueva España y Florida, segunda impresion_ (Carter-Brown, ii. 412).

[1101] We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that one Juan Pablos was the first printer in Mexico, who printed, as early as 1535, a religious manual of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is not now known (Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no indisputable evidence of its former existence; though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fernandez in his _Historia eclesiástica_ (Toledo, 1611), and by Gil Gonzales Davila in his _Teatro eclesiástico_ (Madrid, 1649),—who gives, however, the date as 1532. The _Teatro_ is of further interest for the map of the diocese of Michoacan and for the arms of the different dioceses. It is in two volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty dollars.

The subject of early printing in Mexico has been investigated by Icazbalceta in the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia_,