iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and

his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in 1570 is given in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, or the “Log Chapel on the Rappahannock” in the _Catholic World_, March, 1875. Cf. present _History_, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the _Historical Register; Notes and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania_, 1883, p. 115 _et seq._ De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y., were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—ED.]

[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez!

[900] Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 146-151.

[901] _Historia general de las Indias_ (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313).

[902] _Historia general_ (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii.

[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini (“illa de Beimeni”—see _ante_ p. 110) in the relative position of Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 99) has collected the varying statements as to the position of this fountain.—ED.]

[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482.

[905] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias_ (1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii.

[906] _Dos libros de cosmografia_ (Milan, 1556), p. 192.

[907] Bernal Diaz, _Historic verdadera_ (1632).

[908] _Cabeça de Vaca_, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched _ante_, p. 218.—ED.]

[909] _De insulis nuper inventis_ (Cologne, 1574), p. 349.

[910] _Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida, por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano_ [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ _Crísis del ensayo cronológico_ (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 51.—ED.]

[911] Barcia, in the _Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft, and Irving; but after Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512 did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted 1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (_Congrès des Américanistes_, 1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his _De Soto and Florida_, and by H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the _Westerne Planting_ (p. 230), says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in