xvii. From Pasqualigo and Cantino down to the time of Gomara we find no

mention of these events; and Gomara, writing fifty years later, seems to confound the events of 1500 with those of 1501. Gomara also seems to have had some Portuguese charts, which we do not now know, when he says that Cortereal gave his name to some islands in the entrance of the gulf “Cuadrado” (St. Lawrence?), lying under 50° north latitude. Further than this, Gomara, as well as Ramusio, seems to have depended mainly on the Pasqualigo letter; and Herrera followed Gomara (Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 59). Harrisse can now collate, as he does (p. 65), the two narratives of Pasqualigo and Cantino for the first time, and finds Cortereal’s explorations to have covered the Atlantic coast from Delaware Bay to Baffin’s Bay, if not farther to the north.

[416] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 71.

[417] Ibid., p. 96.

[418] Some have considered that this Atlantic coast in Cantino may in reality have been Yucatan. But this peninsula was not visited earlier than 1506, if we suppose Solis and Pinzon reached it, and not earlier than 1517 if Cordova’s expedition was, as is usually supposed, the first exploration. The names on this coast, twenty-two in number, are all legible but six. They resemble those on the Ptolemy maps of 1508 and 1513, and on Schöner’s globe of 1520, which points to an earlier map not now known.

[419] These earliest Spanish voyages are,—

1. Columbus, Aug. 3, 1492—March 15, 1493.

2. Columbus, Sept. 25, 1493—June 11, 1496.

3. Columbus, May 30, 1498—Nov. 25, 1500.

4. Alonzo de Ojeda, May 20, 1499—June, 1500, to the Orinoco.

5. Piro Alonzo Niño and Christoval Guerra, June, 1499—April, 1500, to Paria.

6. Vicente Yañez Pinzon, December, 1499—September, 1500, to the Amazon.

7. Diego de Lepe, December, 1499 (?)—June, 1500, to Cape St. Augustin.

8. Rodrigo de Bastidas, October, 1500—September, 1502, to Panama.

[420] The Greenland peninsula seems to have been seen by Cortereal in 1500 or 1501, and to be here called “Ponta d’Asia,” in accordance with the prevalent view that any mainland hereabout must be Asia.

[421] See fac-simile on page 112, _post._

[422] Plate 43 of his _Géographie du Moyen-âge_.

[423] De Costa points out that La Cosa complains of the Portuguese being in this region in 1503.

[424] _Catalogue_ of February, 1879, pricing a copy of the book, with the map, at £100. This Quaritch copy is now owned by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, and its title is different from the transcription given in Sabin, the Carter-Brown and Barlow catalogues, which would seem to indicate that the title was set up three times at least.

[425] _Verrazano_, p. 102.

[426] The editions of 1516 and 1530 have no map, and no _official_ map was published in Spain till 1790. The Cabot map of 1544 is clearly from Spanish sources, and Brevoort is inclined to think that the single copy known is the remainder after a like suppression. The Medina sketch of 1545 is too minute to have conveyed much intelligence of the Spanish knowledge, and may have been permitted.

[427] Vol ii. p. 143.

[428] This edition will come under more particular observation in connection with Vespucius. There are copies in the Astor Library and in the libraries of Congress, of the American Antiquarian Society, and of Trinity College, Hartford (Cooke sale, no. 1,950), and in the Carter-Brown, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. There was a copy in the Murphy sale, no. 2,052.

[429] Cf. Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ (1837), viii. 171, and in his _Recherches sur Vespuce et ses voyages_, p. 165; Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 10. It will be seen that in the Latin quoted in the text there is an incongruity in making a “Ferdinand” king of Portugal at a time when no such king ruled that kingdom, but a Ferdinand did govern in Spain. The Admiral could hardly have been other than Columbus, but it is too much to say that he made the map, or even had a chief hand in it.

[430] Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 620, 621.

[431] A heliotype fac-simile is given in Vol. III. p. 9, where are various references and a record of other fac-similes; to which may be added Varnhagen’s _Novos estudos_ (Vienna, 1874); Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_; and on a small scale in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i.

[432] This supposition is not sustained in Wieser’s _Karte des B. Colombo_ (1893).

[433] Pope Julius II. (July 28, 1506) gave to Tosinus, the publisher, the exclusive sale of this edition for six years. It was first issued in 1507, and had six new maps, besides those of the editions of 1478 and 1490, but none of America. There are copies in the Carter-Brown Library; and noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,049; and one was recently priced by Rosenthal, of Munich, at 500 marks. It was reissued in 1508, with a description of the New World by Beneventanus, accompanied by this map of Ruysch; and of this 1508 edition there are copies in the Astor Library, the Library of Congress, of the American Geographical Society, of Yale College (Cooke sale, vol. ii. no. 1,949), and in the Carter-Brown and Kalbfleisch collections. One is noted in the Murphy sale, no. 2,050, which is now at Cornell University.

[434] H. H. Bancroft (_Central America_, p. 116) curiously intimates that the dotted line which he gives in his engraving to mark the place of this vignette, stands for some sort of a _terra incognita_!

[435] _Les Cortereal_, p. 118.

[436] Harrisse, Cabots, p. 164. In his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 56, he conjectures that it sold for forty florins, if it be the same with the map of the New World which Johannes Trithemus complained in 1507 of his inability to buy for that price (_Epistolæ familiares_, 1536).

[437] Its date was altered to 1530 when it appeared in the first complete edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_. There are fac-similes in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Santarem’s Atlas. It will be considered further in connection with the naming of America. See _post_, p. 183.

[438] Pl. xviii.

[439] The bibliography of Honter has been traced by G. D. Teutsch in the _Archiv des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde_, neue Folge, xiii. 137; and an estimate of Honter by F. Teutsch is given in Ibid., xv. 586. The earliest form of Honter’s book is the _Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri duo_, dated 1531, and published at Cracow, in a tract of thirty-two pages. It is a description of the world in verse, and touches America in the chapter, “Nomina insularum oceani et maris.” It is extremely rare, and the only copy to be noted is one priced by Harrassowitz (_Catalogue_ of 1876, no. 2), of Leipsic, for 225 marks, and subsequently sold to Tross, of Paris. Most bibliographers give Cracow, with the date 1534 as the earliest (Sabin, no. 32,792; Muller, 1877, no. 1,456,—37.50 fl.); there was a Basle edition of the same year. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 194; Wieser, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 22.) Editions seem to have followed in 1540 (queried by Sabin, no. 32,793); in 1542 (if Stevens’s designation of his fac-simile of the map is correct, _Notes_, pl. 3); in 1546, when the map is inscribed “Universalis cosmographia ... Tiguri, J. H. V. E. [in monogram], 1546.” (Harrisse, no. 271; Muller, 1877, no. 1,457; Carter-Brown, no. 143; Sabin, no. 32,794.) The same map, which is part of an appendix of thirteen maps, was repeated in the Tiguri edition of 1548, and there was another issue the same year at Basle. (Harrisse, no. 287; Sabin, no. 32,795; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,268.) The maps were repeated in the 1549 edition. (Sabin, no. 32,796; Carter-Brown, no. 153.) The edition at Antwerp in 1552 leaves off the date. (Harrisse, no. 287; Weigel, no. 1,269; Murphy, no. 1,252.) It is now called, _Rvdimentorvm cosmographicorum libri III. cum tabellis geographicis elegantissimis. De uariarum rerum nomenclaturis per classes, liber I_. There was a Basle edition the same year. The maps continued to be used in the Antwerp edition of 1554, the Tiguri of 1558, and the Antwerp of 1660.

In 1561 the edition published at Basle, _De cosmogaphiæ rudimentis libri VIII._, was rather tardily furnished with new maps better corresponding to the developments of American geography. (Muller, 1877, no. 1,459.) The Tiguri publishers still, however, adhered to the old plates in their editions of 1565 (Carter-Brown, no. 257; Sabin, no. 32,797); and the same plates again reappeared in an edition, without place, published in 1570 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,457), in another of Tiguri in 1583, and in still another without place in 1590 (Murphy, no. 1,253; Muller, 1872, no. 763; Sabin, no. 32,799).

[440] Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, p. 121) says there is no Spanish map showing these discoveries before 1534.

[441] Vol. III. p. 212, and the present volume, page 170.

[442] Vol. xl.; also Major’s _Prince Henry_, p. 388.

[443] J. P. Richter, _Literary Works of Da Vinci_, London, 1883, quoting the critic, who questions its assignment to the great Italian.

[444] The Portuguese portolano of about this date given in Kunstmann, pl. 4, is examined on another page.

[445] This Strasburg edition is particularly described in D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 159. (Cf. Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, 176; his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 117; and Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_ sub anno 1522.) The maps closely resemble those of Waldseemüller in the edition of 1513; and indeed Frisius assigns them as re-engraved to Martin Ilacomylus, the Greek form of that geographer’s name. There are copies of this 1522 Ptolemy in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Cornell University, and Barlow libraries, and one is noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,054, which is now in the Lenox Library. The map of Frisius (Lorenz Friess, as he was called in unlatinized form) was reproduced in the next Strasburg edition of 1525, of which there are copies in the Library of Congress, in the New York Historical Society, Boston Public, Baltimore Mercantile, Carter-Brown, Trinity College, and the American Antiquarian Society libraries, and in the collections of William C. Prime and Charles H. Kalbfleisch. There were two copies in the Murphy sale, nos. 2,055 and 2,056, one of which is now at Cornell University. Cf. references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_.

This “L. F. 1522” map (see p. 175), as well as the “Admiral’s map,” was reproduced in the edition of 1535, edited by Servetus, of which there are copies in the Astor, the Boston Public, and the College of New Jersey libraries, and in the Carter-Brown and Barlow collections. A copy is also noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,057, which is now at Cornell University.

The American maps of these editions were again reproduced in the Ptolemy, published at Vienna in 1541, of which there are copies in the Carter-Brown, Brevoort, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_.

[446] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 133. The edition of 1530 has no maps (ibid., no. 158).

[447] There is a copy in the Grenville Collection in the British Museum. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 144; Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, p. 9, and his _Marco Polo_, ii. 363. Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 56, cites from Morelli’s _Operette_, i. 309, a passage in which Coppo refers to Columbus.

[448] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives the various ways of spelling the name by different authors as follows: “Albericus (_Madrignano_, _Ruchamer_, _Jehan Lambert_); Emeric (_Du Redouer_); Alberico or Americo (_Gomara_); Morigo (_Hojeda_); Amerrigo (_Muñoz_); Americus (_Peter Martyr_); Almerigo Florentino (_Vianello_); De Espuche, Vespuche, Despuche, Vespuccio (_Ramusio_); Vespuchy (_Christ. Columbus_).” Varnhagen uniformly calls him Amerigo Vespucci; and that is the signature to the letter written from Spain in 1492 given in the _Vita_ by Bandini.

[449] The facts relative to the birth, parentage, and early life of Vespucci are given by the Abbé Bandini in his _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci_, 1745, and are generally accepted by those whose own researches have been most thorough,—as Humboldt in his _Examen Critique_; Varnhagen in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, and in his _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 41, where he reprints Bandini’s account; and Santarem in his _Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_, as the English translation is called. In relation to representatives of the family in our day, see Lester’s _Vespucius_, p. 405. The newspapers within a year have said that two female descendants were living in Rome, the last male representative dying seven years ago.

[450] Humboldt says that it cannot be true of either voyage, and relies for proof upon the documentary evidence of Vespucci’s presence in Spain during the absence of Columbus upon those expeditions. But he makes a curious mistake in regard to the first, which, we think, has never been noticed. Columbus sailed on his first voyage in August, 1492, and returned in March, 1493. Humboldt asserts that Vespucci could not have been with him, because the letter written from Cadiz and jointly signed by him and Donato Nicolini was dated Jan. 30, 1493. But Humboldt has unaccountably mistaken the date of that letter; it was not 1493, but 1492, seven months before Columbus sailed on his first voyage. The _alibi_, therefore, is not proved. There is indeed no positive proof that Vespucci was not on that voyage; but, on the other hand, there is nothing known of that period of his life to suggest that he was; and, moreover, the strong negative evidence is—unusually strong in his case—that he never claimed to have sailed with Columbus.

[451] _The history of the Life and Actions of Admiral Christopher Colon._ By his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. [For the story of this book, see the previous chapter.—ED.]

[452] _Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New World._ Translated and edited by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum, London. Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1847.

[453] The very name he bore had a divine significance, according to the fanciful interpretation of his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. For as the name Christopher, or Christophorus,—the Christ-bearer,—was bestowed upon the Saint who carried the Christ over deep waters at his own great peril, so had it fallen upon him, who was destined to discover a new world, “that those Indian nations might become citizens and inhabitants of the Church triumphant in heaven.” Nor less appropriate was the family name of Columbus, or Colomba,—a dove,—for him who showed “those people, who knew him not, which was God’s beloved Son, as the Holy Ghost did in the figure of a dove at Saint John’s baptism; and because he also carried the olive-branch and oil of baptism over the waters of the ocean like Noah’s dove, to denote the peace and union of these people with the Church, after they had been shut up in the ark of darkness and confusion.” Saint Christopher carrying Christ, appears as a vignette on Cosa’s chart.

[454] _A Discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his Discovery, etc._ Translated from Ramusio (1550) by Hakluyt for his _Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1589, and in later editions.

[455] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.]

[456] For the distinction which possibly Cabot meant to convey between _terra_ and _insula_, see Biddle’s _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_ (London 1831), p. 54.

[457] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, vol. iv.), supported by the authority of Professor Von der Hugen, of the University of Berlin, shows that the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the German Amalrich or Amelrich, which, under the various forms of Amalric, Amalrih, Amilrich, Amulrich, was spread through Europe by the Goths and other Northern invaders.

[458] [See Vol. III. p. 53.—ED.]

[459] On the 20th of May, according to one edition of the letter,—that published by Hylacomylus at St-Dié.

[460] [After a picture in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Gallery (no. 253), which is a copy of the best-known portrait of Vespucius. It is claimed for it that it was painted from life by Bronzino, and that it had been preserved in the family of Vespucius till it was committed, in 1845, to Charles Edwards Lester, United States consul at Genoa. It is engraved in Lester and Foster’s _Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius_ (New York, 1846), and described on p. 414 of that book. Cf. also Sparks’s statement in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 117. It has been also engraved in Canovai among the Italian authorities, and was first, I think, in this country, produced in Philadelphia, in 1815, in Delaplaine’s _Repository of the Lives and Portraits of distinguished American characters_, and later in various other places. The likeness of Vespucius in the Royal Gallery at Naples, painted by Parmigianino, is supposed to be the one originally in the possession of the Cardinal Alexander Farnese (_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, iii. 370, by Jomard). That artist was but eleven years old at the death of Vespucius, and could not have painted Vespucius from life. A copy in 1853 was placed in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, April, 1853, p. 15; Paine’s _Portraits and Busts_, etc., no. 28). C. W. Peale’s copy of the likeness in the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany is in the collection belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical Society (_Catalogue_, 1872, no. 148). There is also a portrait in the gallery of the New York Historical Society (_Catalogue_, no. 131), but the origin of it is not named. De Bry gives vignette portraits in parts iv., vi., and xii. of his _Grands Voyages_. See Bandini’s _Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, chap. vii. for an account of the various likenesses.—ED.]

[461] “Et quoniam in meis hisce bis geminis navigationibus, tam varia diversaque, ac tam a nostris rebus, et modis differentia perspexi, idcirco libellum quempiam, quem Quatuor diætas sive quatuor navigationes appello, conscribere paravi, conscripsique; in quo maiorem rerum a me visarum partem distincte satis juxta ingenioi mei tenuitatem collegi: verumtamen non adhuc publicavi.” From the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ of Hylacomylus (Martin Waldseemüller). St.-Dié, 1507. Repeated in essentially the same words in other editions of the letter.

[462] In the original: _En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche, e otros pilotos_. The testimony of other pilots confirmed that of Ojeda. The records of this trial are preserved among the archives at Seville, and were examined by Muñoz, and also by Washington Irving in his studies for the _Life of Columbus_. See also _ante_, p. 88.

[463] The title of this work is _Cosmographiæ introductio cum quibusdam geometriæ ac astronomiæ principiis ad eam rem necessariis. Insuper quatuor Americi Vespucii navigationes_. The name of the editor, Martinus Hylacomylus, is not given in the first edition, but appears in a later, published at Strasburg in 1509. [See _post_, p. 167.—ED.]

[464] See Major’s _Henry the Navigator_, p. 383. The title of Lud’s four-leaved book is _Speculi orbis succinctiss. sed neque pœnitenda neque inelegans declaratio et canon_.

[465] “_Et quarta orbis pars quam quis Americus invenit, Amerigen quasi Americi terram, sive Americam nuncupare licet._”

[466] “_Nunc vero et hæc partes sunt latius lustratæ, et alia quarta Pars per Americum Vesputium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est, quam non video cur quis iure vetet ab America inventore, sagacis ingenii viro, Amerigen quasi Americi terram sive Americam dicendum, cum et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitæ sint nomina._” _Hylacomylus._

[467] [Vespucci himself says that his mission was “per ajutare a discoprire.” An astronomer was an important officer of all these early expeditions. Isabella urged Columbus not to go without one on his second voyage; and in his narrative of his fourth voyage, Columbus contends that there is but one infallible method of making a ship’s reckoning, that employed by astronomers. Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 671.—ED.]

[468] Herrera,—of whom Robertson says that “of all Spanish writers he furnishes the fullest and most authentic information upon American discoveries”—accuses Vespucci of “falsehoods” in pretending to have visited the Gulf of Paria before Columbus.

[469] [Varnhagen thinks there is reason to believe, from the letter of Vianello, that Vespucius made a voyage in 1505 to the northern coast of South America, when he tracked the shore from the point of departure on his second voyage as far as Darien; and he is further of the opinion, from passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that Vespucius made still a final voyage with La Cosa to the coast of Darien (_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 56). Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxvii) gives reasons, from letters discovered by Rawdon Brown at Venice, for believing that Vespucius made a voyage in 1508.—ED.]

[470] Cf. Navarrete, iii. 297, for the instructions of the King.

[471] “Noticias exactas de Americo Vespucio,” in his _Coleccion_, iii. 315. The narrative in English will be found in Lester’s _Life of Vespucius_, pp. 112-139.

[472] May 10, 20, 1497, and Oct. 1, 15, 18, 1499.

[473] Cf. _Examen critique_, iv. 150, 151, 273-282; v. 111, 112, 197-202; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 678.

[474] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 50, 267, 268, 272; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 57; Navarrete, iii. 317.

[475] This part is given in English in Lester, p. 175.

[476] It is translated in Lester, pp. 151-173; cf. Canovai, p. 50.

[477] These instances are cited by Santarem. Cf. Ternaux’s _Collection_, vol. ii.

[478] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 64; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 209. There were other editions of Albertini in 1519 and 1520, as well as his _De Roma prisca_ of 1523, repeating the credit of the first discovery in language which Muller says that Harrisse does not give correctly. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 96, 103, 106; _Additions_, 56, 74; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872), no. 17.

[479] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 107.

[480] Editions at Venice in 1572 and 1589 (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,161).

[481] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 96.

[482] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,102.

[483] Carter-Brown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at Florence in 1859, and at Milan in 1865.

[484] Santarem enumerates various others; cf. Childe’s translation, p. 34 etc. Bandini (_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, cap. vii.) also enumerates the early references.

[485] Though Guicciardini died in 1540, his _Historia d’Italia_ (1494-1532) did not appear at Florence till 1564, and again at Venice in 1580. Segni, who told the history of Florence from 1527 to 1555, and died in 1559, was also late in appearing.

[486] Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2; lib. vii. c. 5.

[487] Robertson based his disbelief largely upon Herrera (_History of America_, note xxii.).

[488] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 793; Murphy, no. 142; Leclerc, no. 2,473. There was a German translation in 1748 (Carter-Brown, iii. 866; Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,150), with annotations, which gave occasion to a paper by Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_, xii. 318.

[489] Santarem reviews this literary warfare of 1788-1789 (Childe’s translation, p. 140).

[490] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iii. 312) gives the following contributions of Canovai: (1) _Difensa d’Amerigo Vespuccio_, Florence, 1796 (15 pp). (2) _Dissertazione sopra il primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci alle Indie occidentali_, Florence, 1809. (3) _Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci ... con una dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1788; con illustrazioni ed aggiunte [Cortona], 1789; no place, 1790, Florence, 1798. (4) _Esame critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, 1811. Cf. Il Marquis Gino Capponi, _Osservazioni sull’esame critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, 1811. Leclerc, no. 400; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) _Lettera allo Stampat. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell’ autore dell’elogio prem. di Am. Vespucci_, Florence, 1789. (6) _Monumenti relativi al giudizio pronunziato dall’Accademia Etrusca di Cortona di un Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci_, Florence, 1787. (7) _Viaggi d’ Amerigo Vespucci con la vita, l’elogio e la dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1817; again, 1832. There was an English version of the _Elogio_ printed at New Haven in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which Bandini accepted; as, for instance, the letter in Da Gama, of which there is a version in Lester, p. 313. Cf. also Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. 67, 69, where it is reprinted.

[491] Irving got his cue from this, and calls the voyage of 1497 pure invention. The documents which Navarrete gives are epitomized in Lester, p. 395, and reprinted in Varnhagen’s _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 26.

[492] Childe’s translation, p. 24.

[493] Childe’s translation, pp. 65, 66.

[494] There is another laying down of his course in a map published with a volume not seldom quoted in the present work, and which may be well described here: _Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia della geografia in Italia publicati in occasione del IIIº Congresso Geografico Internazionale, Edizione seconda_, Rome, 1882. Vol. i. contains _Biografia dei viaggiatori Italiani, colla bibliografia delle loro opere per Pietro Amat di San Filippo_. The special title of vol. ii. is _Mappamondi, carte nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, per Gustavo Uzielli e Pietro Amat di San Filippo_.

[495] He gives his reasons for this landfall in his _Le premier voyage_, p. 5.

[496] We have no positive notice of Bermuda being seen earlier than the record of the Peter Martyr map of 1511.

[497] See Vol. III. p. 8, and the present volume, p. 115.

[498] Where (p. 106) he announced his intention to discuss at some future time the voyages of Vespucius, and to bring forward, “selon notre habitude,” some new documentary evidence. He has since given the proposed title: _Americ Vespuce, sa Correspondance_, 1483-1491; _soixante-huit lettres inédites tirées du porte-feuille des Médicis_, with annotations.

[499] See p. 108.

[500] This Vianello document was printed by Ferraro in his _Relazione_ in 1875.

[501] His publications on the subject of Vespucius are as follows: (1) _Vespuce et son premier voyage, ou notice d’une découverte et exploration du Golfe du Méxique et des côtes des États-Unis en 1497 et 1498, avec le texte de trois notes de la main de Colomb_, Paris, 1858. This had originally appeared from the same type in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, January and February, 1858; and a summary of it in English will be found in the _Historical Magazine_, iv. 98, together with a letter from Varnhagen to Buckingham Smith. (2) _Examen de quelques points de l’Histoire géographique du Brésil,—second voyage de Vespuce_, Paris, 1858. (3) _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, Lima, 1865. (4) _Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci définitivement expliqué dans ses détails_, Vienna, 1869. (5) _Nouvelles recherches sur les derniers voyages du navigateur florentin, et le reste des documents et éclaircissements sur lui_, Vienna, 1869. (6) _Postface auxt rois livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci_, Vienna, 1870. This is also given as pages 55-57 of the _Nouvelles recherches_, though it is not included in its contents table. (7) _Ainda Amerigo Vespucci, novos estudos e achegas, especialmente em favor da interpretaçāo dada à sua 1ª viagem, em 1497-1498, ás Costas do Yucatan_, Vienna, 1874, eight pages, with fac-similes of part of Ruysch’s map. Cf. _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. nac. do R. de Janeiro_, no. 839. (8) _Cartas de Amerigo Vespucci_, in the _Rev. do Inst. Hist._, i. 5.

[502] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 61.

[503] It is reprinted in Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 78. The manuscript is not in Vespucius’ hand (_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, April, 1858). Varnhagen is not satisfied of its genuineness.

[504] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 1, 34; Major, _Prince Henry_, p. 375; Navarrete, iii. 46, 262; Ramusio, i. 139; Grynæus, p. 122; Galvano, p. 98. Santarem, in his iconoclastic spirit, will not allow that Vespucius went on this voyage, or on that with Coelho in 1503,—holding that the one with Ojeda and La Cosa is the only indisputable voyage which Vespucius made (Childe’s translation, p. 145), though, as Navarrete also admits, he may have been on these or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarem cites Lafitau, Barros, and Osorius as ignoring any such voyage by Vespucius. Vespucius says he could still see the Great Bear constellation when at 32° south; but Humboldt points out that it is not visible beyond 26° south latitude.

[505] This was a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he was born in 1463, and died in 1503. Cf. Ranke’s letter in Humboldt’s _Examen critique_, and translated in Lester’s _Life and Voyages of Vespucius_, p. 401. Varnhagen has an “Étude bibliographique” on this 1503 letter in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 9.

[506] Varnhagen is confident (_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 56) that Vespucius was aware that he had found a new continent, and thought it no longer Asia, and that the letter of Vespucius, on which Humboldt based the statement of Vespucius’ dying in the belief that only Asia had been found, is a forgery.

[507] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 26; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 74; Carter-Brown, i. 26; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,919; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766.

[508] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 31; Carter-Brown, i. 21; Ternaux, no. 6; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,154; Huth, p. 1525. A copy was sold in the Hamilton sale (1884) for £47, and subsequently held by Quaritch at £55. The _Court Catalogue_ (no. 369) shows a duplicate from the Munich Library. Harrassowitz, _Rarissima Americana_ (91 in 1882), no. 1, priced a copy at 1,250 marks.

[509] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 22.

[510] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 22; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Court, no. 368; Quaritch (no. 321, title 12,489) held a copy at £100.

[511] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 24.

[512] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 25; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, ii. 766; Huth, v. 1525.

[513] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 27.

[514] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 28.

[515] Cf. also Libri (_Catalogue_ of 1859); Brunet, vol. v. col. 1, 155; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 30. “La petite édition de la lettre de Vespuce à Médicis sur son troisième voyage, imprimée à Paris chez Gilles de Gourmont, vendue à Londres en 1859 au prix de £32 10s., et placée dans la riche collection de M. James Lenox de New York, n’existe plus dans le volume à la fin duquel elle était reliée à la Bibliothèque Mazarine.” D’Avezac: _Waltzemüller_, p. 5.

[516] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 29; Huth, v. 1525; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 7, describing a copy in the Göttingen Library; _Bibliophile Belge_, v. 302.

[517] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 30; Carter-Brown, i. 23. A copy was (no. 233) in a sale at Sotheby’s, London, Feb. 22, 1883. It seems probable that no. 14 of Harrisse’s _Additions_, corresponding to copies in the Lenox, Trivulziana, and Marciana libraries, is identical with this.

[518] Harrisse, _Additions_, p. 12, where its first page is said to have thirty-three lines; but the _Court Catalogue_ (no. 367), describing what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and suggests that it was printed at Cologne about 1503.

[519] _Additions_, p. 13, describing a copy in the British Museum. Varnhagen (_Amerigo Vespucci_, Lima, 1865, p. 9) describes another copy which he had seen.

[520] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 39; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Court, no. 370; Huth, v. 1526; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_; p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1872, issued a vellum fac-simile reprint in ten copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371.

[521] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 36.

[522] This title is followed on the same page by a large cut of the King of Portugal with sceptre and shield. The little plaquette has six folios, small quarto (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 33). A fac-simile edition was made by Pilinski at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1861. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Murphy, no. 2,616; Huth, v. 1525; O’Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519. There is a copy of this fac-simile, which brings about $5 or $6, in the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen, Suppl._, no. 561 _bis_, and Weller, _Repertorium_, no. 335.

[523] There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 586). It seems to be Harrisse’s no. 37, where a copy in the British Museum is described.

[524] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) says he describes his no. 38 from the Carter-Brown and Lenox copies; but the colophon as he gives it does not correspond with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, nor with the Dresden copy as described by Ruge. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen_, vol. i. p. 271, no. 561; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 6.

[525] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 34.

[526] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 21.

[527] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 20, following Weller’s _Repertorium_, no. 320.

[528] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 40; there is a copy in the Lenox Library.

[529] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 41; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,846; Rich, no. 1; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 160.

[530] Vol. v. col. 1156; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50.

[531] _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Anvers_, 1877, p. 349.

[532] There is a copy of this fac-simile in the Boston Public Library [G. 302, 22]. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, xxi. 111.

[533] _Ricerche istorico-critiche circa alle scoperte d’Amerigo Vespucci con l’aggiunta di una relazione del medesimo fin ora inedita_ (Florence, 1789), p. 168. He followed, not an original, but a copy found in the Biblioteca Strozziana. This text is reprinted in Varnhagen’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 83.

[534] Cf. the _Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucci_, etc., following a manuscript in the Ferrara Library, edited by Professor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1875 as no. 144 of the series _Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite e rare dal secolo XIII al XVII_.

[535] Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch aus den Jahren 1494-1542_. _Beitrag zur Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg. Mitgetheilt mit Bemerkungen und einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die Entdeckung des newen Seeweges nach Amerika und Ost-Indien, von B. Greiff._ Augsburg, 1861. This privately printed book in a “kurtzer Bericht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,” is said to contain an account of a voyage of Vespucius, probably this one (Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. 2,727).

[536] _Hist. geral do Brazil_ (1854), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 281, 294; Bandini, p. 57; Peschel, _Erdkunde_ (1877), p. 275; Callender’s _Voyages to Terra Australis_ (1866), vol. i.; Ramusio, i. 130, 141.

[537] That portion of it relating to this voyage is given in English in Lester, p. 238.

[538] N. F. Gravier in his _Histoire de Saint-Dié_, published at Épinal in 1836, p. 202, depicts the character of Lud and the influence of his press. Lud died at St.-Dié in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine.

[539] Cf. his _Notes_, etc., p. 35.

[540] Varnhagen’s _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[541] Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 28; D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 46; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxiv.

[542] Napione puts it in this year in his _Del primo scopritore_, Florence, 1809.

[543] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 87) describes it from a copy in the British Museum which is noted in the _Grenville Catalogue_, p. 764, no. 6,535. D’Avezac, in 1867, noted, besides the Grenville copy, one belonging to the Marquis Gino Capponi at Florence, and Varnhagen’s (_Waltzemüller_, p. 45; Peignot, _Répertoire_, p. 139; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,848; Napione, _Del primo scopritore del nuovo mondo_, 1809, p. 107; Ebert, _Dictionary_, no. 27,542; Ternaux, no. 5). Harrisse in 1872 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxiv), added a fourth copy, belonging to the Palatina in Florence (Biblioteca Nazionale), and thinks there may have been formerly a duplicate in that collection, which Napione describes. The copy described by Peignot may have been the same with the Heber and Grenville copies; and the Florence copy mentioned by Harrisse in his _Ferdinand Colomb_, p. 11, may also be one of those already mentioned. The copy which Brunet later described in his _Supplément_ passed into the Court Collection (no. 366); and when that splendid library was sold, in 1884, this copy was considered its gem, and was bought by Quaritch for £524, but is now owned by Mr. Chas. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. The copies known to Varnhagen in 1865 were—one which had belonged to Baccio Valori, used by Bandini; one which belonged to Gaetano Poggiale, described by Napione; the Grenville copy; and his own, which had formerly belonged to the Libreria de Nuestra Señora de las Cuevas de la Cartuja in Seville. The same text was printed in 1745 in Bandini’s _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci_, and in 1817 in Canovai’s _Viaggi d’Americo Vespucci_, where it is interjected among other matter, voyage by voyage.

[544] There was also a French edition at Antwerp the same year, and it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. There were editions in Latin at Antwerp in 1556, at Tiguri in 1559, and an Elzevir edition in 1632 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 211).

[545] Cf. Varnhagen, _Le premier voyage_, p. 1.

[546] Bandini, p. xxv; Bartolozzi, _Recherche_, p. 67.

[547] Santarem dismisses the claim that Vespucius was the intimate of either the first or second Duke René. Cf. Childe’s translation, p. 57, and H. Lepage’s _Le Duc René II. et Améric Vespuce_, Nancy, 1875. Irving (_Columbus_, app. ix.) doubts the view which Major has contended for.

[548] Varnhagen, ignorant of Lud, labors to make it clear that Ringmann must have been the translator (_Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 30); he learned his error later.

[549] See the chapters of Bunbury in his _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. ii., and the articles by De Morgan in Smith’s _Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, and by Malte-Brun in the _Biographie universelle_.

[550] See Vol. IV. p. 35, and this volume, p. 112.

[551] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 8; Lelewel, Moyen-âge, p. 142; N. F. Gravier, _Histoire de la ville de Saint-Dié_, Épinal, 1836. The full title of D’Avezac’s work is _Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemüller, ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs_. _Voyage d’exploration et de découvertes à travers quelques épîtres dédicatoires, préfaces, et opuscules du commencement du XVI^e siècle: notes, causeries, et digressions bibliographiques et autres par un Géographe Bibliophile_ (_Extrait des Annales des Voyages_, 1866). Paris, 1867, pp. x. 176, 8vo. D’Avezac, as a learned writer in historical geography, has put his successors under obligations. See an enumeration of his writings in Sabin, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and the notice in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1876. He published in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, 1858, and also separately, a valuable paper, _Les voyages de Améric Vespuce au compte de l’Espagne et les mesures itinéraires employées par les marins Espagnols et Portugais des XV^e et XVI^e siècles_ (188 pp.).

[552] They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dié Association, which is given in fac-simile in Brunet, vol. ii. no. 316. It is also in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 33, and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 94.

[553] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 35; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 24.

[554] D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 28.

[555] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 44; _Additions_, no. 24; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 31. It is said that an imperfect copy in the Mazarine Library corresponds as far as it goes. D’Avezac says the Vatican copy, mentioned by Napione and Foscarini, cannot be found.

[556] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 45.

[557] _Catalogue_, no. 679, bought (1884) by President White of Cornell University.

[558] _Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 28.

[559] _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 825.

[560] Described by Humboldt.

[561] _Catalogue_, i. 356.

[562] _Waltzemüller_, p. 52, etc.

[563] Cf. Brunet, ii. 317; Ternaux, no. 10.

[564] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 46; _Additions_, no. 24.

[565] _Catalogue_, i. 29. It was Ternaux’s copy, no. 10.

[566] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 25; Leclerc, no. 600 (100 francs); D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 58.

[567] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 111, and Orozco y Berra’s _Cartografia Mexicana_ (Mexico, 1871), p. 19.

[568] How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one continent with Asia, became one of three great continents known to the ancients, is manifest from the world as it was conceived by Eratosthenes in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only a small land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the Caucasus Mountains, with the Euxine on the west and the Caspian on the east; just as the isthmus at the head of the Arabian Gulf also joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury’s _History of Ancient Geography_, i. 660.

[569] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespucius was concerned.

[570] As early as 1519, for instance, by Enciso in his _Suma de geographia_.

[571] _Examen critique_, i. 181; v. 182.

[572] Suggested by Pizarro y Orellano in 1639; cf. Navarrete, French tr., ii. 282.

[573] _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1433.

[574] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 291.

[575] See p. 122.

[576] Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particularly instances his descriptions of the coast of Brazil. For fifteen hundred years, as Humboldt points out (p. 660), naturalists had known no mention, except that of Adulis, of snow in the tropical regions, when Vespucius in 1500 saw the snowy mountains of Santa Marta. Humboldt (again in his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 664, 667), according Vespucius higher literary acquirements than the other early navigators had possessed, speaks of his extolling not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light and picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constellations that circle the Southern Pole, which is surrounded by so few stars,—and tells how effectively he quoted Dante at the sight of the four stars, which were not yet for several years to be called the Southern Cross. Irving speaks of Vespucius’ narrative as “spirited.”

[577] Harrisse, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319.

[578] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 145.

[579] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, no. 31; Huth, v. 1,526; Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 31. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 94.

[580] Equally intended, as Varnhagen (_Le premier voyage_, p. 36), thinks to be accompanied by the Latin of the _Quattuor navigationes_.

[581] This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered leaves, and the woodcut on the title is repeated on Bii, _verso_, E, _recto_, and Eiiii, _verso_. There are five other woodcuts, one of which is repeated three times. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 61; also p. 462) reports only the Harvard College copy, which was received from Obadiah Rich in 1830. There are other entries of this tract in Panzer, vi. 44, no. 149, under Argentorati (Strasburg), referring to the _Crevenna Catalogue_, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 286; _Grenville Catalogue_, p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens’s _Historical Nuggets_, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in 1862 at £10 10_s._; Harrassowitz (81, no. 48), pricing one at 1,000 marks; Huth, ii. 602; Court, no. 145; _Bibliotheca Thottiana_, v. 219; and Humboldt refers to it in his _Examen critique_, vi. 142, and in his introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 8, note. Cf. also D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 114; Major’s _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 387, and his paper in the _Archæologia_, vol. xl.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 173. D’Avezac used a copy in the Mazarine Library. A German translation, printed also by Grüninger at Strasburg, appeared under the title, _Der Welt Kugel_, etc. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 32.) Varnhagen (_Le premier voyage_, p. 36) thinks this German text the original one.

[582] Cf. Harrisse, _Cabots_, 182; D’Avezac, _Allocution à la Société de Geographie de Paris_, Oct. 20, 1871, p. 16; and his _Waltzemüller_, p. 116.

[583] See this Vol. p. 120.

[584] No. 4,924 of his _Catalogue_, no. xiv. of that year.

[585] This Latin text of Bassin was also printed at Venice in 1537 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 156; Leclerc, no. 2,517). Humboldt (_Examen critique_, iv. 102, 114) and others have been misled by a similarity of title in supposing that there were other editions of the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ published at Ingoldstadt in 1529, 1532, and at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1551, and 1554. This book, however, is only an abridgment of Apian’s _Cosmographia_, which was originally printed at Landshut in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357; Leclerc, no. 156; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 124. The Bassin version of the voyages was later the basis of the accounts, either at length or abridged, or in versions in other languages, in the _Paesi novamente_ and its translations; in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 (it is here given as addressed to René, King of Sicily and Jerusalem), and later, in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, vol. i. (1550); in Eden’s _Treatyse of the Newe India_ (1553); in the _Historiale description de l’Afrique_ of Leo Africanus (1556),—cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 211, 229; in De Bry, first and second parts of the Grands voyages, and third and fourth of the _Petits voyages_, not to name other of the older collections; and among later ones in Bandini, _Vita e lettere di Vespucci_ (pp. 1, 33, 46, 57), and in the _Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das nações ultramarinas_ (1812), published by the Royal Academy of Lisbon. Varnhagen reprints the Latin text in his _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 34.

[586] Depicted on p. 118. Cf. Wieser, _Magalhaês-Strasse_, pp. 26, 27.

[587] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 142.

[588] The original edition appeared at Vienna in 1514; but it was reprinted at Strasburg in 1515. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 671; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 76, 77, 78; Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, 70; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 48.

[589] See the following section of the present chapter.

[590] See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chapter on Magellan.

[591] Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,272; _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,824.

[592] See p. 112.

[593] See chapter on Magellan.

[594] Helps, however, cannot trace him at work upon it before 1552, and he had not finished it in 1561; and for three centuries yet to come it was to remain in manuscript.

[595] Book i. cap. 140.

[596] Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 30), says: “The absence of nautical charts and planispheres, not only in the Colombina, but in all the muniment offices of Spain, is a signal disappointment. There is one chart which above all we need,—made by Vespucius, and which, in 1518, was in the collection of the Infanta Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.” A copy of Valsequa’s chart of 1439 which belonged to Vespucius, being marked “Questa ampla pelle di geographia fù pagata da Amerigo Vespucci cxxx ducati di oro di marco,” was, according to Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1838.

[597] The letters AM appear upon the representation of the New World contained in it.

[598] Cf. on Gemma Frisius’ additions to Apianus’ _Cosmographia_, published in Spanish from the Latin in 1548, what Navarrete says in his _Opúsculos_, ii. 76.

[599] Antwerp, 1544, cap. xxx. “America ab inventore Amerio [_sic_] Vesputio nomen habet;” Antwerp, 1548, adds “alii Bresiliam vocât;” Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., “de America,” and cap. xxxi. “de insulis apud Americam;” Paris, 1556, etc. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 156, 252, 279; _Additions_, nos. 92, 168.

[600] “Quam ab Americo primo inventore Americam vocant.”

[601] “Insularum America cognominata obtenditur.”

[602] Sir Thomas More in his _Utopia_ (which it will he remembered was an island on which Vespucius is represented as leaving one of his companions), as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of the general repute of Vespucius’ account,—“Those iiii voyages that be nowe in printe and abrode in euery mannes handes.” Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his _Cosmographical Glasse_ (London, 1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the credit of finding “America” in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228).

[603] See p. 119.

[604] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 178; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 106; Charles Deane’s paper on Schöner in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1883.

[605] _Examen critique_, v. 174. Here is a contemporary’s evidence that Vespucius supposed the new coasts to be Asia.

[606] “Tota itaque quod aiunt aberrant cœlo qui hanc continentem Americâ nuncupari contendunt, cum Americus multo post Columbû eandê terram adieret, nec cum Hispanis ille, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut suas merces commutaret, èo se contulito.” It was repeated in the edition of 1541.

[607] Pedro de Ledesma, Columbus’ pilot in his third voyage, deposed in 1513 that he considered Paria a part of Asia (Navarrete, iii. 539).

[608] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 676.

[609] Wieser, _Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, vol. ii. Vienna, 1876.

[610] See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, _Transactions_ of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. (1873, 1874). There was an attempt made in 1845, by some within the New York Historical Society, to render tardy justice to the memory of Columbus by taking his name, in the form of Columbia, as a national designation of the United States; but it necessarily failed (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 315). “Allegania” was an alternative suggestion made at the same time.

[611] This letter is preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas. It has been often printed. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 149.

[612] Vizconde de Santarem (Manoel Francisco de Barros y Sousa), _Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_. Translated by E.V. Childe (Boston, 1850), 221 pp. 16mo. This is a translation of the _Recherches historiques, critiques et bibliographiques sur Améric Vespuce et ses voyages_, which was published in Paris in 1842. Santarem had before this sought to discredit the voyages claimed for Vespucius in 1501 and 1503, and had communicated a memoir on the subject to Navarrete’s _Coleccion_. He also published a paper in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ in October, 1833, and added to his statements in subsequent numbers (October, 1835; September, 1836; February and September, 1837). These various contributions were combined and annotated in the _Recherches_, etc., already mentioned. Cf. his _Memoria e investigaciones históricas sobre los viajes de Américo Vespucio_, in the _Recueil complet de traités_, vi. 304. There is a biography of Vespucius, with an appendix of “Pruebas é ilustraciones” in the _Coleccion de Opúsculos_ of Navarrete, published (1848) at Madrid, after his death.

[613] Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing’s opinion in his _Reminiscences of Spain_, ii. 234.

[614] Eng. tr., ii. 680.

[615] These chapters are reprinted in Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, 1870-1871.

[616] His theory was advanced in a paper on “The Origin of the Name America” in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (March, 1875), xxxv. 291, and in “Sur l’origine du nom d’Amérique,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, June, 1875. He again advanced his theory in the _New York Nation_, April 10, 1884, to which the editors replied that it was “fatally ingenious,”—a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with that of H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i. 291), who charges the Professor with “seeking fame through foolishness” and his theory. Marcou’s argument in part depends upon the fact, as he claims, that Vespucius’ name was properly Albericus or Alberico, and he disputes the genuineness of autographs which make it Amerigo; but nothing was more common in those days than variety, for one cause or another, in the fashioning of names. We find the Florentine’s name variously written,—Amerigo, Merigo, Almerico, Alberico, Alberigo; and Vespucci, Vespucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vesputio, Vespulsius, Despuchi, Espuchi; or in Latin Vespucius, Vespuccius, and Vesputius.

[617] The Germans have written more or less to connect themselves with the name as with the naming,—deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old German Emmerich. Cf. Von der Hagen, _Jahrbuch der Berliner Gesellschaft für Deutsche Sprache_, 1835; _Notes and Queries_, 1856; _Historical Magazine_, January, 1857, p. 24; Dr. Theodor Vetter in _New York Nation_, March 20, 1884; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 52.

[618] Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, ii. 352-368.

[619] [Cf. the section on the “Historical chorography of South America” in which the gradual development of the outline of that continent is traced.—ED.]

[620] It should be remembered that Columbus on his fourth voyage had sailed along the coast from Cape Honduras to Nombre de Dios, and that Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, coasting the shores of the Gulf of Honduras, had sailed within sight of Yucatan in 1506; and therefore that in 1508 the coast-line was well known from the Cabo de S. Augustin to Honduras.

[621] [This name in the early narratives and maps appears as Tarena, Tariene, or Darien, with a great variety of the latter form. Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 326.—ED.]

[622] This Vasco Nuñez was a bankrupt farmer of Española who went with Bastidas on his voyage to the Gulf of Urabá and had been so carefully concealed aboard Enciso’s ship that the officers sent to apprehend absconding debtors had failed to discover him.

[623] [See the chapter on Peru.—ED.]

[624] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[625] Not the Córdoba of Nicaragua.

[626] [From this point the story is continued in the chapter on Cortés.—ED.]

[627] _Coleccion de los viages y déscubrimientos, que hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglio XV._, por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. The third volume of this series constitutes the _Viages menores, y los de Vespucio; Poblaciones en el Darien, suplemento al tomo II_, Madrid, 1829. [Cf. the Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[628] Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 436-438; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 198. [Cf. Introduction to the present volume.—ED.]

[629] [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, and Pizarro.—ED.]

[630] Navarrete, iii. 5, _note_ 1, and 539, 544; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 88, _note_.

[631] _Coleccion_, iii. 538-615.

[632] Besides this original material, something concerning this first voyage of Ojeda is contained in Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas,