xvi. A fac-simile of the first page of the manuscript catalogue of the

books, made by Ferdinand himself, is given in Harrisse’s _D. Fernando Colon_, of which the annexed is the heading:—

There is a list of the books in B. Gallardo’s _Ensayo de una bibliotheca de libros españoles raros_. Harrisse gives the fullest account of Ferdinand and his migrations, which can be in part traced by the inscriptions in his books of the place of their purchase; for he had the habit of so marking them. Cf. a paper on Ferdinand, by W. M. Wood, in _Once a Week_, xii. 165.

[245] Barcia says that Baliano began printing it simultaneously in Spanish, Italian, and Latin; but only the Italian seems to have been completed, or at least is the only one known to bibliographers. (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 24.) Oettinger (_Bibl. biog._, Leipsic, 1850) is in error in giving an edition at Madrid in 1530. The 1571 Italian edition is very rare; there are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Lenox libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._ Leclerc (no. 138) prices it at 200 francs. The Sobolewski copy (no. 3,756) sold in 1873 for 285 francs, was again sold in 1884 in the Court Sale, no. 77. The _Murphy Catalogue_ (no. 2,881) shows a copy. This Ulloa version has since appeared somewhat altered, with several letters added,—in 1614 (Milan, priced in 1832, by Rich, at £1 10_s._; recently, at 75 francs; Carter-Brown, ii. 165); in 1676 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,141, priced at 35 francs and 45 marks); in 1678 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,181, priced at 50 francs); in 1681 (Paris, Court Sale, no. 79); in 1685 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,310, priced at £1 8_s._); and later, in 1709 (Harvard College Library), 1728, etc.; and for the last time in 1867, revised by Giulio Antimaco, published in London, though of Italian manufacture. Cancellieri cites editions of 1618 and 1672. A French translation, _La Vie de Cristofle Colomb_, was made by Cotolendi, and published in 1681 at Paris. There are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,215) libraries. It is worth from $6 to $10. A new French version, “traduite et annotée par E. Muller,” appeared in Paris in 1879, the editor calling the 1681 version “tronqué, incorrect, décharné, glacial.” An English version appears in the chief collections of Voyages and Travels,—Churchill (ii. 479), Kerr (iii. 1), and Pinkerton (xii. 1). Barcia gave it a Spanish dress after Ulloa’s, and this was printed in his _Historiadores primitivos de las Indias occidentales_, at Madrid, in 1749, being found in vol. i. pp. 1-128. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 893.)

[246] _Historical Collections_ (1881), vol. i. no. 1,379.

[247] The Spanish title of Harrisse’s book is _D. Fernando Colon, historiador de su padre: Ensayo crítico, Sevilla_, 1871. It was not published as originally written till the next year (1872), when it bore the title, _Fernand Colomb: sa vie, ses œuvres; Essai critique_. Paris, Tross, 1872. Cf. Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anónimas_ Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 176.

[248] Le Comte Adolphe de Circourt in the _Revue des questions historiques_, xi. 520; and _Ausland_ (1873). p. 241, etc.

[249] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 152.

[250] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,478. Also in 1558, 1559.

[251] Sabin, vol. v. no. 17,971.

[252] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 293.

[253] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 340; Leclerc, nos. 226-228; J. J. Cooke, no. 575. There were other editions in 1583 and 1585; they have a map of Columbus’ discoveries. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,500.

[254] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,161-6,162; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 509. There was a second edition, _Bibliotheca, sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ_, in 1628.

[255] Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,195.

[256] He assumed his mother’s name, but sometimes added his father’s,—Herrera y Tordesillas. Irving (app. xxxi. to his _Life of Columbus_) says he was born in 1565.

[257] _Life of Columbus_, app. xxxi.; Herrera’s account of Columbus is given in Kerr’s _Voyages_, iii. 242.

[258] _Central America_, i. 317; cf. his _Chroniclers_, p. 22.

[259] _Dictionary_; also issued separately with that of Hennepin.

[260] In comparing Rich’s (1832, £4 4_s._) and recent prices, there does not seem to be much appreciation in the value of the book during the last fifty years for ordinary copies; but Quaritch has priced the Beckford (no. 735, copy so high as £52. There are copies in the Library of Congress, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Boston Public Library. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_; Sabin, no. 31,544; Carter-Brown, ii. 2; Murphy, 1206; Court, 169.

[261] Sabin, no. 31,539. This _Descripcion_ was translated into Latin by Barlæus, and with other tracts joined to it was printed at Amsterdam, in 1622, as _Novus orbis sive descriptio Indiæ occidentalis_ (Carter-Brown) vol. ii., no. 266; Sabin, no. 31,540; it is in our principal libraries, and is worth $10 or $15). It copies the maps of the Madrid edition, and is frequently cited as Colin’s edition. The Latin was used in 1624 in part by De Bry, part xii. of the _Grands voyages_. (Camus, pp. 147, 160; Tiele, pp. 56, 312, who followed other engravings than Herrera’s for the Incas). There was a Dutch version, _Nieuwe Werelt_, by the same publisher, in 1622 (Sabin, no. 31,542; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 264), and a French (Sabin, no. 31,543; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 265; Rich, 1832, £1 10_s._; Quaritch, £2 12_s._ 6_d._).

[262] There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries (Sabin, nos. 31,541, 31,546; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 376, 450; Huth, vol. ii. no. 683; Leclerc, no. 278, one hundred and thirty francs; Field, no. 689; ordinary copies are priced at £3 or £4; large paper at £10 or £12). A rival but inferior edition was issued at Antwerp in 1728, without maps, and with De Bry’s instead of Herrera’s engravings (Sabin, no. 31,545). A French version was begun at Paris in 1659, but was reissued in 1660-1670 in three volumes (Sabin, nos. 31,548-31,550; Field, no. 690; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 875; Leclerc, no. 282, sixty francs), including only three decades. Portions were included in the Dutch collection of Van der Aa (Sabin, nos. 31,551, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. 111). It is also included in Hulsius, part xviii. (Carter-Brown, i. 496). The English translation of the first three decades, by Captain John Stevens, is in six volumes, London, 1725-1726; but a good many liberties are taken with the text (Sabin, no. 31,557; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 355). New titles were given to the same sheets, in 1740, for what is called a second edition (Sabin, no. 31,558). “How many misstatements are attributed to Herrera which can be traced no nearer that author than Captain John Stevens’s English translation? It is absolutely necessary to study this latter book to see where so many English and American authors have taken incorrect facts” (H. Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._, p. xiii.).

[263] Such as the _Anales de Aragon_, 1610; the _Compendio historial de las chrónicas y universal historia de todos los reynos de España_, 1628; Zúñiga’s _Annales eclesiasticos y seculares de Seville_, 1677; _Los reyes de Aragon, por Pedro Abarca_, 1682; and the _Monarquía de España, por Don Pedro Salazar de Mendoza_, 1770. The _Varones ilustres del nuevo mondo_ of Pizarro y Orellana, published at Madrid in 1639, contained a Life of Columbus, as well as notices of Ojeda, Cortes, Pizarro, etc.

[264] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,440; Asher, no. 355; Trömel, no. 366; Muller (1872), no. 126.

[265] Sabin, vol. v. no. 21,418. Cf. Arana’s _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_, Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 143.

[266] Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,879. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 190) enumerates some of the earlier and later poems, plays, sonnets, etc., wholly or incidentally illustrating the career of Columbus. Cf. also his _Fernand Colomb_, p. 131, and Larousse’s _Grand dictionnaire universel_, vol. iv. The earliest mention of Columbus in English poetry is in Baptist Goodall’s _Tryall of Trauell_, London, 1630.

[267] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 45; xii. 65.

[268] A French version, by C. M. Urano, was published at Paris in 1824; again in 1825. It is subjected to an examination, particularly as regards the charge of ingratitude against Ferdinand, in the French edition of Navarrete, i. 309 (Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,464).

[269] There was a Spanish translation, made by José Garcia de Villalta, published in Madrid in 1833.

[270] In vol. iii., “De quelques faits relatifs à Colomb et à Vespuce.” In vol. i. he reviews the state of knowledge on the subject in 1833. The German text, _Kritische Untersuchungen_, was printed in a translation by Jules Louis Ideler, of which the best edition is that of Berlin, 1852, edited by H. Müller. Humboldt never completed this work. The parts on the early maps, which he had intended, were later cursorily touched in his introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_. Cf. D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 2, and B. de Xivrey’s _Des premières relations entre l’Amerique et l’Europe d’après les recherches de A. de Humboldt_, Paris, 1835,—taken from the _Revue de Paris_.

[271] _History of Spanish Literature_, i. 190.

[272] Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 50) speaks of Prescott as “eloquent but imaginative.”

[273] The work was patronized by the Pope, and was reproduced in great luxury of ornamentation in 1879. An English abridgment and adaptation, by J. J. Barry, was republished in New York in 1869. A Dutch translation, _Leven en reizen van Columbus_, was printed at Utrecht in 1863.

[274] Some of the other contributions of this movement are these: Roselly de Lorgues, _Satan contre Christophe Colomb, ou la prétendue chute du serviteur de Dieu_, Paris, 1876; Tullio Dandolo’s _I secoli di Dante e Colombo_, Milan, 1852, and his _Cristoforo Colombo_, Genovese, 1855; P. Ventura de Raulica’s _Cristoforo Colombo rivendicato alla chiesa_; Eugène Cadoret, _La vie de Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1869,—in advocacy of canonization; Le Baron van Brocken, _Des vicissitudes posthumes de Christophe Colomb, et de sa béatification possible_, Paris, 1865,—which enumerates most of the publications bearing on the grounds for canonization; Angelo Sanguineti, _La Canonizzazione di Cristoforo Colombo_, Genoa, 1875,—the same author had published a _Vita di Colombo_ in 1846; _Sainteté de Christophe Colomb, résumé des mérites de ce serviteur de Dieu, traduit de l’Italien_, twenty-four pages; _Civiltà cattolica_, vol. vii.; a paper, “De l’influence de la religion dans les découvertes du XV^e siècle et dans la découverte de l’Amérique,” in _Etudes par des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus_, October, 1876; Baldi, _Cristoforo Colombo glorificato dal voto dell’Episcopato Cattolico_, Genoa, 1881. A popular Catholic Life is Arthur George Knight’s _Christopher Columbus_, London, 1877.

[275] There are various reviews of it indicated in Poole’s _Index_, p. 29; cf. H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 488.

[276] A somewhat similar view is taken by Maury, in _Harpers’ Monthly_, xlii. 425, 527, in “An Examination of the Claims of Columbus.”

[277] From which the account of Columbus’ early life is translated in Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, pp. 1-58.

[278] An English translation, by R. S. H., appeared in Philadelphia in 1878. We regret not being able to have seen a new work by Henry Harrisse now in press: _Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses voyages, sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après documents inédits, avec cinq tableaux généalogiques et un appendice documentaire_. [See _Postscript_ following this chapter.]

[279] Fr. Forster, _Columbus, der Entdecker der Neuen Welt_, second edition, 1846.

[280] Oscar Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, second edition, 1877.

[281] Sophus Ruge, _Die Weltanschauung des Columbus_, 1876; _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 1883. Cf. Theodor Schott’s “Columbus und seine Weltanschauung,” in Virchow and Holtzendorff’s _Vorträge_, xiii. 308.

[282] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 50.

[283] It appeared in the _Revue contemporaine_, xxiv. 484, and was drawn out by a paper on a newly discovered portrait of Columbus, which had been printed by Jomard in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_; by Valentin Carderera’s _Informe sobre los retratos de Cristóbal Colon_, printed by the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, in 1851, in their _Memorias_, vol. viii.; and by an article, by Isidore Löwenstern, of the Academy of Sciences at Turin, in the _Revue Archéologique_, x. 181. The paper by Jomard was the incentive of Carderera. both treatises induced the review of Löwenstern; while Feuillet de Conches fairly summed up the results. There has been no thorough account in English. A brief letter on the subject by Irving (printed in the _Life of Irving_, vol. iv.) was all there was till Professor J. D. Butler recently traced the pedigree of the Yanez picture, a copy of which was lately given by Governor Fairchild to the Historical Society of Wisconsin. Cf. Butler’s paper in the _Collections_ of that Society, vol. ix. p. 76 (also printed separately); and articles in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, March, 1883, and _The Nation_, Nov. 16, 1882.

[284] The vignette is given in colored fac-simile in Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, 2d edition. Herrera’s picture was reproduced in the English translation by Stevens, and has been accepted in so late a publication as Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 99. Cf. also the portrait in the 1727-1730 edition of Herrera, and its equivalent in Montanus, as shown on a later page. There is a vignette portrait on the titlepage of the 1601 edition of Herrera.

[285] The edition of Florence, 1551, has no engravings, but gives the account of Columbus on p. 171.

[286] _Magazine of American History_, June, 1884, p. 554.

[287] Cf. _Boletin de la Sociedad geográfica de Madrid_, vol. vi. A portrait in the collection of the Marquis de Malpica is said closely to resemble it. One belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is also thought to be related to it, and is engraved in the French edition of Navarrete. It is thought Antonio del Rincon, a painter well known in Columbus’ day, may have painted this Yanez canvas, on the discoverer’s return from his second voyage. Carderera believed in it, and Banchero, in his edition of the _Codice Colombo Americano_, adopted it (_Magazine of American History_, i. 511). The picture now in the Wisconsin Historical Society’s Rooms is copied directly from the Yanez portrait.

[288] This Capriolo cut is engraved and accepted in Carderera’s _Informe_. Löwenstern fails to see how it corresponds to the written descriptions of Columbus’ person. It is changed somewhat from the 1575 cut; cf. _Magasin pittoresque_, troisième année, p. 316. The two cuts, one or the other, and a mingling of the two, have given rise apparently to a variety of imitations. The head on panel preserved now, or lately, at Cuccaro, and belonging to Fidele Guglielmo Colombo, is of this type. It was engraved in Napione’s _Della patria di Colombo_, Florence, 1808. The head by Crispin de Pas, in the _Effigies regum ac principum_, of an early year in the seventeenth century, is also traced to these cuts, as well as the engraving by Pieter van Opmeer in his _Opus chronographicum_, 1611. Landon’s _Galerie historique_ (Paris, 1805-1809), also shows an imitation; and another is that on the title of Cancellieri’s _Notizia di Colombo_. Navarrete published a lithograph of the 1575 cut. Cf. Irving’s letter. A likeness of this type is reproduced in colors, in a very pleasing way, in Roselly de Lorgues’ _Christophe Colomb_, 1879, and in woodcut, equally well done, in the same work; also in J. J. Barry’s adaptation of De Lorgues, New York, 1869. Another good woodcut of it is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_ (October, 1882), p. 729. It is also accepted in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_.

[289] See 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; _Proc._, vol. ii. pp. 23, 25, 289.

[290] There are two portraits thought to have some relation with this Florentine likeness. One was formerly in the Collection d’Ambras, in the Tyrol, which was formed by a nephew of Charles V., but was in 1805 removed to the museum in Vienna. It is on panel, of small size, and has been engraved in Frankl’s German poem on Columbus. The other is one whose history Isnardi, in his _Sulla patria di Colombo_, 1838, traces back for three centuries. It is now, or was lately, in the common council hall at Cogoleto.

[291] What is known as the Venetian mosaic portrait of Columbus, resembling the De Bry in the head, the hands holding a map, is engraved in _Harpers’ Monthly_, liv. 1.

[292] A proof-copy of this engraving is among the Tosti Engravings in the Boston Public Library.

[293] Engravings from De Bry’s burin also appeared, in 1597, in Boissard’s _Icones quinquaginta virorum ad vivum effictæ_; again, in the _Bibliotheca sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ_ (Frankfort, 1628-1634), in four volumes, usually ascribed jointly to De Bry and Boissard; and, finally, in the _Bibliotheca chalcographica_ (Frankfort, 1650-1664), ascribed to Boissard; but the plates are marked Jean Théodore de Bry. The De Bry type was apparent in the print in Isaac Bullart’s _Académie des Sciences et des Arts_, Paris, 1682; and a few years later (1688), an aquaforte engraving by Rosaspina came out in Paul Freherus’ _Théâtre des hommes célèbres_. For the later use made of this De Bry likeness, reference may be made, among others, to the works of Napione and Bossi, Durazzo’s _Eulogium_, the _Historia de Mexico_ by Francisco Carbajal Espinosa, published at Mexico, in 1862, tome i, J. J. Smith’s _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, sundry editions of Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, and the London (1867) edition of Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father. There is a photograph of it in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_. De Bry engraved various other pictures of Columbus, mostly of small size,—a full-length in the corner of a half-globe (part vi.); a full-length on the deck of a caravel (in part iv., re-engraved in Bossi, Charton, etc.); a small vignette portrait, together with one of Vespucius, in the Latin and German edition of part iv. (1594); the well-known picture illustrating the anecdote of the egg (part iv.). Not one of these has any claim to be other than imaginative. His larger likeness he reproduced in a small medallion as the title of the Herrera narrative (part xii., German and Latin, 1623-1624), together with likenesses of Vespucius, Pizarro, and Magellan. Another reminiscence of the apocryphal egg story is found in a painting, representing a man in a fur cap, holding up an egg, the face wearing a grin, which was brought forward a few years ago by Mr. Rinck, of New York, and which is described and engraved in the _Compte rendu_ of the Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, ii. 375.

[294] There was a movement at this time (1845) to erect a monument in Genoa.

[295] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 95. The medallion on the tomb in the cathedral at Havana is usually said to have been copied from this picture; but the picture sent to Havana to be used as a model is said, on better authority, to have been one belonging to the Duke of Veraguas,—perhaps the one said to be in the Consistorial Hall at Havana, which has the garb of a familiar of the Inquisition; and this is represented as the gift of that Duke (_Magazine of American History_, i. 510).

[296] It is re-engraved in the English and German translations. Carderera rejects it; but the portrait in the Archives of the Indies at Seville is said to be a copy of it; and a copy is in the Pennsylvania Academy of Arts in Philadelphia. A three-quarters length of Columbus, representing him in ruff and armor, full face, mustache and imperial, right hand on a globe, left hand holding a truncheon, called “Cristoval Colon: copiado de un Quadro origl. que se conserva en la familia,” was engraved, and marked “Bart. Vazque. la Grabo, 1791.”

[297] It is still unaccountably retained in the revised 1873 edition.

[298] Cf. their _Proceedings_, April, 1853.

[299] It was restored in 1850 (_Magazine of American History_, v. 446).

[300] Such are the following: (1) In full dress, with ruff and rings, said to have been painted by Sir Anthony More for Margaret of the Netherlands, and taken to England in 1590,—engraved in one of the English editions of Irving, where also has appeared an engraving of a picture by Juan de Borgoña, painted in 1519 for the Chapter-room of the Cathedral of Toledo. (2) A full-length in mail, with ruff, in the Longa or Exchange at Seville, showing a man of thirty or thirty-five years, which Irving thinks may have been taken for Diego Columbus. (3) An engraving in Fuchsius’ _Metoposcopia et ophthalmoscopia_, Strasburg, 1610 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 89). (4) An engraving in N. De Clerck’s _Tooneel der beroemder hertogen_, etc., Delft, 1615,—a collection of portraits, including also Cortes, Pizarro, Magellan, Montezuma, etc. (5) A full-length, engraved in Philoponus, 1621. (6) An old engraving, with pointed beard and ruff, preserved in the National Library at Paris. (7) The engraving in the _Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus, 1671-1673, repeated in Ogilby’s _America_, and reproduced in Bos’s _Leven en Daden_, and in Herrera, edition 1728. A fac-simile of it is given herewith. Cf. Ruyter’s _See-Helden_, Nuremberg, 1661. (8) A copper plate, showing a man with a beard, with fur trimmings to a close-fitting vestment, one hand holding an astrolabe, the other pointing upward,—which accompanies a translation of Thevet’s account of Columbus in the appendix to the Cambridge, 1676, edition of North’s _Plutarch_. (9) An old woodcut in the _Neueröffnetes Amphitheatrum_, published at Erfurt in 1723-1724 (_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 48). (10) A man with curly hair, mustache and imperial, ruff and armor, with a finger on a globe,—engraved in Cristóbal Cladera’s _Investigaciones históricas, sobre los principales descubrimientos de los Españoles en el mar Oceano en el siglo XV. y principios del XVI._, Madrid, 1794. (11) Columbus and his sons, Diego and Ferdinand, engraved in Bryan Edwards’ _The History, civil and commercial, of the British Colonies in the West Indies_, 1794; again, 1801. Feuillet de Conches in his essay on the portraits calls it a pure fantasy.

[301] A view of this receptacle of the papers, with the bust and the portfolio, is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[302] It is engraved in the first edition of the _Codice diplomatico Colombo-Americano_, and in the English translation of that book. It is also re-engraved in the Lenox edition of _Scyllacius_. Another bust in Genoa is given in the French edition of Navarrete. Of the bust in the Capitoline Museum at Rome—purely ideal—there is a copy in the New York Historical Society’s Gallery, no. 134. The effigies on the monument at Seville, and the bust at Havana, with their costume of the latter part of the sixteenth century, present no claims for fidelity. Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 510.

[303] There is a model of it in the Public Library of Boston, a photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes_, p. 182, and engravings in De Lorgues, Torri, etc. There is also a view of this monument in an article on Genoa, the home of Columbus, by O. M. Spencer, in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876. The mailed figure on the Capitol steps at Washington, by Persico, is without claim to notice. There is a colossal statue at Lima, erected in 1850 by Salvatore Revelli, a marble one at Nassau (New Providence), and another at Cardeñas, Cuba.

[304] Navarrete, ii. 316.

[305] The _Informe de la Real Academia_ says there is no proof of it; and of the famous inscription.—

“A Castilla y á Leon Nuevo Mundo dió Colon,”—

said to have been put on his tomb, there is no evidence that it ever was actually used, being only proposed in the _Elegías_ of Castellanos, 1588.

[306] They are in the Archives at Madrid. Harrisse found one in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas (_Los restos_, etc., p. 41). The orders are printed by Roque Cocchia, Prieto, Colmeiro, etc.

[307] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 44.

[308] Pricto, _Exámen_, etc., p. 18.

[309] Colmeiro, p. 160.

[310] Quoted in Harrisse, _Les sépultures_, etc., p. 22.

[311] _Synodo Diocesan del Arzobispado di Santo Domingo_, p. 13.

[312] Plans of the chancel, with the disposition of the tombs in 1540 or 1541, as now supposed, are given in Tejera, p. 10; Cocchia, p. 48, etc.

[313] Published both in French and English at Philadelphia in 1796.

[314] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 47.

[315] Navarrete, ii. 365; Prieto’s _Exámen_, p. 20; Roque Cocchia, p. 280; Harrisse, _Los restos_, app. 4.

[316] Irving’s account of this transportation is in his _Life of Columbus_, app. i. Cf. letter of Duke of Veraguas (March 30, 1796) in _Magazine of American History_, i. 247. At Havana the reinterment took place with great parade. An oration was delivered by Caballero, the original manuscript of which is now in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library (cf. _Proceedings_, ii. 105, 168). Prieto (_Los restos_) prints this oration; Navarrete (vol. ii. pp. 365-381) gives extracts from the official accounts of the transfer of the remains.

[317] The Spanish consul is said to have been satisfied with the precautions. Cf. _Do existen depositadas las cenizas de Colon?_ by Don José de Echeverri (Santander, 1878). There are views of the Cathedral in Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 224, and elsewhere.

[318] Which some have supposed was received in Columbus’ body in his early piratical days.

[319] This plate was discovered on a later examination.

[320] Both of these inscriptions are given in fac-simile in Cocchia, p. 290; in Tejera, p. 30; and in Armas, who calls it “inscripcion auténtica—escritura gótica-alemana” of the sixteenth century.

[321] Fac-similes of these are given in the _Informe de la Real Academia_, Tejera (pp. 33, 34), Prieto, Cocchia (pp. 170, 171), Shea’s paper, and in Armas, who calls the inscription, “Apócrifas—escritura inglesa de la épocha actual.”

[322] _Descubrimiento de los verdaderos restos de Cristóbal Colon: carta pastoral_, Santo Domingo, 1877,—reprinted in _Informe de la Real Academia_, p. 191, etc.

[323] The Bishop, in his subsequent _Los restos de Colon_ (Santo Domingo, 1879), written after his honesty in the matter was impugned, and with the aim of giving a full exposition, shows, in cap. xviii. how the discovery, as he claimed it, interested the world. Various contemporaneous documents are also given in _Colon en Quisqueya, Coleccion de documentos_, etc., Santo Domingo, 1877. A movement was made to erect a monument in Santo Domingo, and some response was received from the United States. _New Jersey Historical Society’s Proceedings_, v. 134; _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iii. 465.

[324] Mr. J. C. Brevoort, in “Where are the Remains of Columbus?” in _Magazine of American History_, ii. 157, suggests that the “D. de la A.” means “Dignidad de la Almirantazgo.”

[325] This was a view advanced by J. I. de Armas in a Caracas newspaper, later set forth in his _Las cenizas de Cristóbal Colon suplantadas en la Catedral de Santo Domingo_, Caracas, 1881. The same view is taken by Sir Travers Twiss, in his _Christopher Columbus: A Monograph on his True Burial-place_ (London, 1879), a paper which originally appeared in the _Nautical Magazine_. M. A. Baguet, in “Où sont ces restes de Colomb?” printed in the _Bulletin de la Société d’Anvers_ (1882), vi. 449, also holds that the remains are those of the grandson, Cristoval Colon. For an adverse view, see the _Informe_ of the Amigos del Pais, published at Santo Domingo, 1882. Cf. also Juan Maria Asensio, _Los restos de Colon_, segunda ed., Sevile, 1881.

[326] Originally in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, October, 1878. Cf. also his paper in the _Revue critique_, Jan. 5, 1878, “Les restes mortels de Colomb.”

[327] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 3.

[328] Pages 1177-1181: “Ueber das Geburtsjahre des Entdeckers von America.”

[329] _Année véritable de la naissance de Christophe Colomb, et revue chronologique des principales époques de sa vie_, in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, Juillet, 1872; also printed separately in 1873, pp. 64.

[330] Based on a statement in the Italian text of Peter Martyr (1534) which is not in the original Latin.

[331] Also in Prévost’s _Voyages_, and in Tiraboschi’s _Letteratura Italiana_.

[332] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 252.

[333] _Nouvelle biographie générale_, xi. 209.

[334] _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1862.

[335] _Christopher Colomb._

[336] _Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, i. 80.

[337] _Patria di Colombo._

[338] _Storia universale._

[339] _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 97; _Ausland_, 1866, p. 1178.

[340] _Investigaciones históricas_, p. 38.

[341] _Annali di Genova_,1708, p. 26.

[342] _Annotationes ad Tacitum._

[343] These various later arguments are epitomized in Ruge, _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 219.

[344] Charles Malloy’s _Treatise of Affairs Maritime_, 3d ed., London, 1682; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 69.

[345] Documentary proof, as it was called, has been printed in the _Revue de Paris_, where (August, 1841) it is said that the certificate of Columbus’ marriage has been discovered in Corsica. Cf. Margry, _Navigations Françaises_, p. 357. The views of the Abbé Martin Casanova, that Columbus was born in Calvi in Corsica, and the act of the French President of Aug. 6, 1883, approving of the erection of a monument to Columbus in that town, have been since reviewed by Harrisse in the _Revue critique_ (18 Juin, 1883), who repeats the arguments for a belief in Genoa as the birthplace, in a paper, “Christophe Colomb et la Corse,” which has since been printed separately.

[346] Domingo de Valtanas, _Compendio de cosas notables de España_, Seville, 1550; _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,_ no. 183.

[347] The claim is for Pradello, a village neighboring to Placentia. Cf. Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza,_, Piacenza, 1651-1662, which contains a “discorso historico circa la nascita di Colombo,” etc.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 67; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 711.

[348] Napione, in _Mémoires de l’Académie de Turin_ (1805), xii. 116, and (1823) xxvii. 73,—the first part being printed separately at Florence, in 1808, as _Della Patria di Colombo_, while he printed, in 1809, _Del primo scopritore del continente del nuovo mondo_. In the same year J. D. Lanjuinais published at Paris, in reference to Napione, his _Christophe Colomb, ou notice d’un livre Italien concernant cet illustre navigateur_. Cf. the same author’s _Etudes_ (Paris, 1823), for a sketch of Columbus, pp. 71-94; _Dissertazioni di Francesco Cancellieri sopra Colombo_, Rome, 1809; and Vicenzio Conti’s historical account of Montferrat. In 1853 Luigi Colombo, a prelate of the Roman Church, who claimed descent from an uncle of the Admiral, renewed the claim in his _Patria e biografia del grande ammiraglio D. Cristoforo Colombo de’ conti e signori di Cuccaro_, Roma, 1853. Cf. _Notes on Columbus_, p. 73.

[349] _Ragionamento nel quale si confirma l’opinione generale intorno al patria di Cristoforo Colombo_, in vol. iii. of the _Transactions_ of the Society.

[350] A view of the alleged house and chamber in which the birth took place is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876.

[351] In his _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_, where the Genoese were taunted for neglecting the fame of Columbus.

[352] See his will in Navarrete, and in Harrisse’s _Fernan Colon_.

[353] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. xix, 2.

[354] The claims of Savona have been urged the most persistently. The Admiral’s father, it seems to be admitted, removed to Savona before 1469, and lived there some time; and it is found that members of the Colombo family, even a Cristoforo Colombo, is found there in 1472; but it is at the same time claimed that this Cristoforo signed himself as of Genoa. The chief advocate is Belloro, in the _Corres. Astron. Géograph. du Baron de Zach_, vol. xi., whose argument is epitomized by Irving, app. v. Cf. Giovanni Tommaso Belloro, _Notizie d’atti esistenti nel publico archivio de’ notaj di Savona, concernenti la famiglia di Cristoforo Colombo_, Torino, 1810, reprinted by Spotorno at Genoa in 1821. Sabin (vol. ii. no. 4,565), corrects errors of Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 68. Other claims for these Genoese towns are brought forward, for which see Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_; J. R. Bartlett, in _Historical Magazine_, February, 1868, p. 100; Felice Isnardi’s _Dissertazione_, 1838, and _Nuovi documenti_, 1840, etc. Caleb Cushing in his _Reminiscences of Spain_, i. 292 (Boston, 1833), gave considerable attention to the question of Columbus’ nativity.

[355] Bernardo Pallastrelli’s _Il suocero e la moglie di C. Colombo_ (Modena, 1871; second ed., 1876), with a genealogy, gives an account of his wife’s family. Cf. also _Allgemeine Zeitung_, Beilage no. 118 (1872), and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873.

[356] Philip Casoni’s _Annali di Genova_, Genoa, 1708.

[357] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 73. Harrisse, in his _Les Colombo de France et d’Italie, fameux marins du XV^e siècle_, 1461-1492 (Paris, 1874), uses some new material from the archives of Milan, Paris, and Venice, and gathers all that he can of the Colombos; and it does not seem probable that the Admiral bore anything more than a very remote relationship to the family of the famous mariners. Major (_Select Letters_, p. xliii) has also examined the alleged connection with the French sea-leader, Caseneuve, or Colon. Cf. Desimoni’s _Rassegna del nuovo libro di Enrico Harrisse: Les Colombo de France et d’Italie_ (Parigi, 1874, pp. 17); and the appendices to Irving’s _Columbus_ (nos. iv. and vi.) and Harrisse’s _Les Colombo_ (no. vi).

[358] Conferred by the Convention of 1492; ratified April 23, 1497; confirmed by letter royal, March 14, 1502.

[359] Such as New Andalusia, on the Isthmus of Darien, intrusted to Ojeda; and Castilla del Oro, and the region about Veragua, committed to Nicuessa. There was a certain slight also in this last, inasmuch as Don Diego had been with the Admiral when he discovered it.

[360] The ruins of Diego Columbus’ house in Santo Domingo, as they appeared in 1801, are shown in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 186, and Samuel Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 47; also pp. 213, 228.

[361] Papers relating to Luis Colon’s renunciation of his rights as Duke of Veraguas, in 1556, are in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá_, Madrid, 1883, p. 162.

[362] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 3. Leclerc (_Bibl. Amer._, no. 137) notes other original family documents priced at 1,000 francs.

[363] The arms granted by the Spanish sovereigns at Barcelona, May 20, 1493, seem to have been altered at a later date. As depicted by Oviedo, they are given on an earlier page. Cf. Lopez de Haro, _Nobiliario general_ (Madrid, 1632), pt. ii. p. 312; Muñoz, _Historia del nuevo mundo_, p. 165; _Notes and Queries_ (2d series), xii. 530; (5th series) ii. 152; _Mem. de la Real Academia de Madrid_ (1852), vol. viii.; Roselly de Lorgues, _Christophe Colomb_ (1856); _Documentos inéditos_ (1861), xxxi. 295; _Cod. diplom. Colombo-Americano_, p. lxx; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 168; Charlevoix, _Isle Espagnole_, i. 61, 236, and the engraving given in Ramusio (1556), iii. 84. I am indebted to Mr. James Carson Brevoort for guidance upon this point.

[364] Vol. i. of the _Studi_ is a chronological account of Italian travellers and voyages, beginning with Grimaldo (1120-1122), and accompanied by maps showing the routes of the principal ones. Cf. Theobald Fischer, “Ueber italienische Seekarten und Kartographen des Mittelalte’s,” in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu_ Berlin, xvii. 5.

As to the work which has been done in the geographical societies of Germany, we shall have readier knowledge when Dr. Johannes Müller’s _Die wissenschaftlichen Vereine und Gesellschaften Deutschlands,—Bibliographie ihrer Veröffentlichungen_, now announced in Berlin, is made public. One of the most important sale-catalogues of maps is that of the Prince Alexandre Labanoff Collection, Paris, 1823,—a list now very rare. Nos. 1-112 were given to the world, and 1480-1543 to America separately.

[365] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, etc., vol. i., preface, pp. xxxix, 1, and 194. After the present volume was printed to this point, and after Vols. III. and IV. were in type, Mr. Arthur James Weise’s _Discoveries of America to the year 1525_ was published in New York. A new draft of the Maiollo map of 1527 is about its only important feature.

[366] See an enumeration of all these earlier maps and of their reproductions in part i. of _The Kohl Collection of Early Maps_, by the present writer. Bianco’s map was reproduced in 1869 at Venice, with annotations by Oscar Peschel; and Mauro’s in 1866, also at Venice.

[367] _Literature of Europe_, chap. iii. sect. 4.

[368] Cf., on the instruments and marine charts of the Arabs, Codine’s _La mer des Indes_, p. 74; Delambre, _Histoire de l’astronomie du moyen-âge_; Sédillot’s _Les instruments astronomiques des Arabes_, etc.

[369] Major, _Prince Henry_ (1868 ed.), pp. 57, 60. There is some ground for believing that the Northmen were acquainted with the loadstone in the eleventh century. Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, 1873 ed., ii. III) indicates the use of it by the Castilians in 1403. Cf. Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, p. 280; _Journal of the Franklin Institute_, xxii. 68; _American Journal of Science_, lx. 242. Cf. the early knowledge regarding the introduction of the compass in Eden’s Peter Martyr (1555), folio 320; and D’Avezac’s _Aperçus historiques sur la boussole_, Paris, 1860, 16 pp.; also Humboldt’s _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 656.

[370] For instance, the map of Bianco. The variation in Europe was always easterly after observations were first made.

[371] Hakluyt, i. 122.

[372] _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, xii. 185.

[373] It is supposed to-day to be in Prince Albert Land, and to make a revolution in about five hundred years. Acosta contended that there were four lines of no variation, and Halley, in 1683, contended for four magnetic poles.

[374] Cf. notes on p. 661, _et seq._, in Bunbury’s _History of Ancient Geography_, vol. i., on the ancients’ calculations of latitude and measurements for longitude. Ptolemy carried the most northern parts of the known world sixty-three degrees north, and the most southern parts sixteen degrees south, of the Equator, an extent north and south of seventy-nine degrees. Marinus of Tyre, who preceded Ptolemy, stretched the known world, north and south, over eighty-seven degrees. Marinus had also made the length of the known world 225 degrees east and west, while Ptolemy reduced it to 177 degrees; but he did not, nor did Marinus, bound it definitely in the east by an ocean, but he left its limit in that direction undetermined, as he did that of Africa in the south, which resulted in making the Indian Ocean in his conception an inland sea, with the possibility of passing by land from Southern Africa to Southern Asia, along a parallel. Marinus had been the first to place the Fortunate Islands farther west than the limits of Spain in that direction, though he put them only two and a half degrees beyond, while the meridian of Ferro is nine degrees from the most westerly part of the main.

[375] Cf. Lelewel, pl. xxviii., and Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, iii. 301, and _Atlas_, pl. 15.

[376] Cf. editions of 1482, 1486, 1513, 1535.

[377] The earliest instance in a _published_ Spanish map is thought to be the woodcut which in 1534 appeared at Venice in the combination of Peter Martyr and Oviedo which Ramusio is thought to have edited. This map is represented on a later page.

[378] There was a tendency in the latter part of the sixteenth century to remove the prime meridian to St. Michael’s, in the Azores, for the reason that there was no variation in the needle there at that time, and in ignorance of the forces which to-day at St. Michael’s make it point twenty-five degrees off the true north. As late as 1634 a congress of European mathematicians confirmed it at the west edge of the Isle de Fer (Ferro), the most westerly of the Canaries.

[379] Edmund Farwell Slafter, _History and Causes of the Incorrect Latitudes as recorded in the Journals of the Early Writers, Navigators, and Explorers relating to the Atlantic Coast of North America_ (1535-1740). Boston: Privately printed, 1882. 20 pages. Reprinted from the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ for April, 1882.

[380] Regiomontanus,—as Johannes Müller, of Königsberg, in Franconia, was called, from his town,—published at Nuremberg his _Ephemerides_ for the interval 1475-1506; and these were what Columbus probably used. Cf. Alex. Ziegler’s _Regiomontanus, ein geistiger Vorläufer des Columbus_, Dresden, 1874. Stadius, a professor of mathematics, published an almanac of this kind in 1545, and the English navigators used successive editions of this one.

[381] Cf. Kohl, _Die beiden General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 17, and Varnhagen’s _Historia geral do Brazil_, i. 432.

[382] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 630, 670; Reisch’s _Margarita philosophica_ (1535), p. 1416; D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 64.

[383] Cf. Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 160. The rules of Gemma Frisius for discovering longitude were given in Eden’s _Peter Martyr_ (1555), folio 360. An earlier book was Francisco Falero’s _Regimiento para observar in longitud en la mar_, 1535. Cf. E. F. de Navarrete’s “El problema de la longitud en la mar,” in volume 21 of the _Doc. inéditos (España)_; and _Vasco da Gama_ (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. 19, 25, 33, 43, 63, 138.

[384] _The Germaniæ, ex variis scriptoribus perbrevis explicatio_ of Bilibaldus Pirckeymerus, published in 1530, has a reference to this eclipse. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 96; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,992. The paragraph is as follows: “Proinde compertum est ex observatione eclypsis, quæ fuit in mense Septembri anno salutis 1494. Hispaniam insulam, quatuor ferme horarum intersticio ab Hyspali, quæ Sibilia est distare, hoc est gradibus 60, qualium est circulus maximus 360, medium vero insulæ continet gradus 20 circiter in altitudine polari. Navigatur autem spacium illud communiter in diebus 35 altitudo vero continentis oppositi, cui Hispani sanctæ Marthæ nomen indidere, circiter graduum est 12 Darieni vero terra et sinus de Uraca gradus quasi tenent 7½ in altitudine polari, unde longissimo tractu occidentem versus terra est, quæ vocatur Mexico et Temistitan, a qua etiam non longa remota est insula Jucatan cum aliis nuper repertis.” The method of determining longitude by means of lunar tables dates back to Hipparchus.

[385] These were the calculations of Regiomontanus (Müller), who calls himself “Monteregius” in his _Tabulæ astronomice Alfonsi regis_, published at Venice in the very year (1492) of Columbus’ first voyage. (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 83.) At a later day the Portuguese accused the Spaniards of altering the tables then in use, so as to affect the position of the Papal line of Demarcation. Barras, quoted by Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 671.

Johann Stoeffler was a leading authority on the methods of defining latitude and longitude in vogue in the beginning of the new era; cf. his _Elucidatio fabricæ ususque astrolabii_, Oppenheim, 1513 (colophon 1512), and his edition of _In Procli Diadochi sphæram omnibus numeris longe absolutissimus commentarius_, Tübingen, 1534, where he names one hundred and seventy contemporary and earlier writers on the subject. (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, nos. 2,633-2,634.)

[386] The polar distance of the North Star in Columbus’ time was 3° 28´; and yet his calculations made it sometimes 5°, and sometimes 10°. It is to-day 1° 20´ distant from the true pole. _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.

[387] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, vol. ii. p. lix. Columbus would find here the centre of the earth, as D’Ailly, Mauro, and Behaim found it at Jerusalem.

[388] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 658. Humboldt also points out how Columbus on his second voyage had attempted to fix his longitude by the declination of the needle (Ibid., ii. 657; v. 54). Cf. a paper on Columbus and Cabot in the _Nautical Magazine_, July, 1876.

It is a fact that good luck or skill of some undiscernible sort enabled Cabot to record some remarkable approximations of longitude in an age when the wildest chance governed like attempts in others. Cabot indeed had the navigator’s instinct; and the modern log-book seems to have owed its origin to his practices and the urgency with which he impressed the importance of it upon the Muscovy Company.

[389] Appendix xix. of the _Report of the United States Coast Survey_ for 1880 (Washington, 1882) is a paper by Charles A. Schott of “Inquiry into the Variation of the Compass off the Bahama Islands, at the time of the Landfall of Columbus in 1492,” which is accompanied by a chart, showing by comparison the lines of non-variation respectively in 1492, 1600, 1700, 1800, and 1880, as far as they can be made out from available data. In this chart the line of 1492 runs through the Azores,—bending east as it proceeds northerly, and west in its southerly extension. The no-variation line in 1882 leaves the South American coast between the mouths of the Amazon and the Orinoco, and strikes the Carolina coast not far from Charleston. The Azores to-day are in the curve of 25° W. variation, which line leaves the west coast of Ireland, and after running through the Azores sweeps away to the St. Lawrence Gulf.

[390] Navarrete, _Noticia del cosmografo Alonzo de Santa Cruz_.

[391] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672; v. 59.

[392] _Cosmos_, v. 55.

[393] _Cosmos_, v. 59.

[394] Charts of the magnetic curves now made by the Coast Survey at Washington are capable of supplying, if other means fail, and particularly in connection with the dipping-needle, data of a ship’s longitude with but inconsiderable error. The inclination or dip was not measured till 1576; and Humboldt shows how under some conditions it can be used also to determine latitude.

In 1714 the English Government, following an example earlier set by other governments, offered a reward of £20,000 to any one who would determine longitude at sea within half a degree. It was ultimately given to Harrison, a watchmaker who made an improved marine chronometer. An additional £3,000 was given at the same time to the widow of Tobias Meyer, who had improved the lunar tables. It also instigated two ingenious mechanicians, who hit upon the same principle independently, and worked out its practical application,—the Philadelphian, Thomas Godfrey, in his “mariner’s bow” (_Penn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 422); and the Englishman, Hadley, in his well-known quadrant.

It can hardly be claimed to-day, with all our modern appliances, that a ship’s longitude can be ascertained with anything more than approximate precision. The results from dead-reckoning are to be corrected in three ways. Observations on the moon will not avoid, except by accident, errors which may amount to seven or eight miles. The difficulties of making note of Jupiter’s satellites in their eclipse, under the most favorable conditions, will be sure to entail an error of a half, or even a whole, minute. This method, first tried effectively about 1700, was the earliest substantial progress which had been made; all the attempts of observation on the opposition of planets, the occultations of stars, the difference of altitude between the moon and Jupiter, and the changes in the moon’s declination, having failed of satisfactory results (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 671). John Werner, of Nuremberg, as early as 1514, and Gemma Frisius, in 1545, had suggested the measure of the angle between the altitude of the moon and some other heavenly body; but it was not till 1615 that it received a trial at sea, through the assiduity of Baffin. The newer method of Jupiter’s satellites proved of great value in the hands of Delisle, the real founder of modern geographical science. By it he cut off three hundred leagues from the length of the Mediterranean Sea, and carried Paris two and a half degrees, and Constantinople ten degrees, farther west. Corrections for two centuries had been chiefly made in a similar removal of places. For instance, the longitude of Gibraltar had increased from 7° 50´ W., as Ptolemy handed it down, to 9° 30´ under Ruscelli, to 13° 30´ under Mercator, and to 14° 30´ under Ortelius. It is noticeable that Eratosthenes, who two hundred years and more before Christ was the librarian at Alexandria and chief of its geographical school, though he made the length of the Mediterranean six hundred geographical miles too long, did better than Ptolemy three centuries later, and better even than moderns had done up to 1668, when this sea was elongated by nearly a third beyond its proper length. Cf. Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, i. 635; Gosselin, _Géog. des Grecs_, p. 42. Sanson was the last, in 1668, to make this great error.

The method for discovering longitude which modern experience has settled upon is the noting at noon, when the weather permits a view of the sun, of the difference of a chronometer set to a known meridian. This instrument, with all its modern perfection, is liable to an error of ten or fifteen seconds in crossing the Atlantic, which may be largely corrected by a mean, derived from the use of more than one chronometer. The first proposition to convey time as a means of deciding longitude dates back to Alonzo de Santa Cruz, who had no better time-keepers than sand and water clocks (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672).

On land, care and favorable circumstances may now place an object within six or eight yards of its absolute place in relation to the meridian. Since the laying of the Atlantic cable has made it possible to use for a test a current which circles the earth in three seconds, it is significant of minute accuracy, in fixing the difference of time between Washington and Greenwich, that in the three several attempts to apply the cable current, the difference between the results has been less than 7/100 of a second.

But on shipboard the variation is still great, though the last fifty years has largely reduced the error. Professor Rogers, of the Harvard College Observatory, in examining one hundred log-books of Atlantic steamships, has found an average error of three miles; and he reports as significant of the superior care of the Cunard commanders that the error in the logs of their ships was reduced to an average of a mile and a half.

[395] Lelewel, ii. 130.

[396] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 210.

[397] The breadth east and west of the Old World was marked variously,—on the Laon globe, 250°; Behaim’s globe, 130°; Schöner’s globe, 228°; Ruysch’s map, 224°; Sylvanus’ map, 220°; and the Portuguese chart of 1503, 220°.

[398] This sea-chart was the first which had been seen in England, and almanacs at that time had only been known in London for fifteen years, with their tables for the sun’s declination and the altitude of the pole-star.

[399] Cf. _Atti della Società Ligure_, 1867, p. 174, Desimoni in _Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52. Bartholomew is also supposed to have been the maker of an anonymous planisphere of 1489 (Peschel, _Ueber eine alte Weltkarte_, p. 213).

[400] Strabo, i. 65. Bunbury, _Ancient Geography_, i. 627, says the passage is unfortunately mutilated, but the words preserved can clearly have no other signification. What is left to us of Eratosthenes are fragments, which were edited by Seidel, at Göttingen, in 1789; again and better by Bernhardy (Berlin, 1822). Bunbury (vol. i. ch. xvi.) gives a sufficient survey of his work and opinions. The spherical shape of the earth was so generally accepted by the learned after the times of Aristotle and Euclid, that when Eratosthenes in the third century, B.C. went to some length to prove it, Strabo, who criticised him two centuries later, thought he had needlessly exerted himself to make plain what nobody disputed. Eratosthenes was so nearly accurate in his supposed size of the globe, that his excess over the actual size was less than one-seventh of its great circle.

[401] There is a manuscript map of Hispaniola attached to the copy of the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr in the Colombina Library which is sometimes ascribed to Columbus; but Harrisse thinks it rather the work of his brother Bartholomew (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, _Add._, xiii.) A map of this island, with the native divisions as Columbus found them, is given in Muñoz. The earliest separate map is in the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo edited by Ramusio in Venice in 1534 (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,778). _Le discours de la navigation de Jean et Raoul Parmentier, de Dieppe_, including a description of Santo Domingo, was edited by Ch. Schefer in Paris, 1883; a description of the “isle de Haity” from _Le grand insulaire et pilotage d’André Thevet_ is given in its appendix.

[402] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 647. One of these early engravings is given on page 15.

[403] Navarrete, i. 253, 264.

[404] Navarrete, i. 5.

[405] Navarrete, iii. 587.

[406] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 34; Morelli’s _Lettera rarissima_ (Bassano, 1810), appendix. A “carta nautica” of Columbus is named under 1501 in the _Atti della Società ligure_, 1867, p. 174, and _Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52.

[407] Of La Cosa, who is said to have been of Basque origin, we know but little. Peter Martyr tells us that his “cardes” were esteemed, and mentions finding a map of his in 1514 in Bishop Fonseca’s study. We know he was with Columbus in his expedition along the southern coast of Cuba, when the Admiral, in his folly, made his companions sign the declaration that they were on the coast of Asia. This was during Columbus’ second voyage, in 1494; and Stevens (_Notes_, etc.) claims that the way in which La Cosa cuts off Cuba to the west with a line of green paint—the conventional color for “terra incognita”—indicates this possibility of connection with the main, as Ruysch’s scroll does in his map. The interpretation may be correct; but it might still have been drawn an island from intimations of the natives, though Ocampo did not circumnavigate it till 1508. The natives of Guanahani distinctly told Columbus that Cuba was an island, as he relates in his Journal. Stevens also remarks how La Cosa colors, with the same green, the extension of Cuba beyond the limits of Columbus’ exploration on the north coast in 1492. La Cosa, who had been with Ojeda in 1499, and with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1501, was killed on the coast in 1509. Cf. Enrique de Leguina’s _Juan de la Cosa, estudio biográfico_ (Madrid, 1877); Humboldt’s _Examen critique_ and his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii., 639; De la Roquette, in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, Mai, 1862, p. 298; Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 52, 103, 156, and his _Les Cortereal_, p. 94; and the references in Vol. III. of the present _History_, p. 8.

[408] Vol. III. p. 8. The fac-simile there given follows Jomard’s. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 40), comparing Jomard’s reproduction with Humboldt’s description, thinks there are omissions in it. Becher (_Landfall of Columbus_) speaks of the map as “the clumsy production of an illiterate seaman.” There is also a reproduction of the American parts of the map in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, 1884.

[409] Ongania, of Venice, announced some years ago a fac-simile reproduction in his _Raccolta di mappamundi_, edited by Professor Fischer, of Kiel. It was described in 1873 by Giuseppe Boni in _Cenni storici della Reale Biblioteca Estense in Modena_, and by Gustavo Uzielli in his _Studi bibliografici e biografici_, Rome, 1875.

[410] Pages 143, 158.

[411] He was born about 1450; _Les Cortereal_, p. 36. Cf. E. do Canto’s _Os Corte-Reaes_ (1883), p. 28.

[412] _Les Cortereal_, p. 45.

[413] See Vol. IV. chap. 1.

[414] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 50, translates this.

[415] Printed for the first time in Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, app.